The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 16, 1926, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W, Washington Bivd., Phone Monroe 4713 ve sconce Soa Rage Ma ab at Chicago, Il). SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months ND Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Hi, vei shasaeh Ashe Nats aa ie i Anca sae ES J. LOUIS: ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE BERT MILLER .... {nnn Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1925, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Il, under the act of March 3, 1879. em 200 AayerUsing rates on application, Needle Trades Reaction Aids. the Bosses In. the midst of a lockout declared by the jobbers, affecting 20,000 workers, the executive board of. the Inter ‘national Ladies’ Gar- ment Workers, having sabotaged the cloakmakers’ strike from the day of its inception when Dubinsky of Local 40 ;demanded that his union be allowed to meet separately, removes from office the mem- hers of the New York Joint Board and tries to create atl in the union. No more effective way of aiding.the bosses could, have been de- vised and this action marks the climax of a campaign of lies carried on by the right wing of the union against the left wing,New York Joint Board since the last convention. , It is the-same.kind of policy which precipitated the revolt of the New. York membership against the Sigman machine in’1925. \ The Sigman machine has made a united front with ‘the worst elements in the needle trades officialdom and it is backed. by the exe- cutive council of the American Federation of Labor. . It wars also on the Furriers’ Joint Board.of New York, whose successful. strike won the 40-hour week in the fur industry, for the reasgn that the Furriers’ Joint Board has a left wing leadership. The real issue in this struggle is worker-employer co-operation yersus militant trade unionism and the battle line runs straight thru the labor movement. Having induced the largest part of the trade union movement to accept “efficiency” unionism, the official leader- ship is trying to crush the opposition to this policy which manifests itself strongly in the needle trades, the textile industry and the coal mining industry. So far the fight has been the most open in the needle trades unions but in the United Mine Workers it will soon develop along similar lines following the election. The right wing undoubtedly is following a policy of trying to split the unions and isolate the left wing. The removal of the whole left wing joint board leadership:in New Yerk, the largest center of the I. L. G. W., can mean nothing else. It is plain that the right wing is not at all concerned over the necessity for preserving the union intact, or of weakening it in the midst of a life and death struggle: It is determined to smash all opposition to its poliey of “efficiency” unionism and compulsory arbitration no matter if this results in only a skeleton of a union ining. Phe left wing will not surrender. To surrender would be to be- tray the American labor movement and endorse the suicidal policy of the reactionaries. Neither will the left wing be tricked into splitting the union. It will remain inside the union and fight for its policy of militant unionism and against turning the trade unions into impotant organs which can be used only by the bureaucrats and the bosses. The struggle of the left wing in the needle trades is not an solated struggle. It will be supported by every worker who wants the unions to be weapons of the’ working class and not instruments of the capitalists and their agents. Dawes with a Dove on His Shoulder Whatever may be said against Mohammedanism as a supersti- tion its founder was an honest cut-throat. He was of the opinion that those who could not accept his religious concoction deserved to lose their heads. They had to chose between his Koran and the sharp edge of a scimitar. If they were short of lethal weapons they -wallowed the book even tho they gagged at the morsel. Mohammed. did not pretend that he was killing his enemies in order to save their souls. Rather he converted them so that they would be ready to fight for him and enable him to take unto him- self anything that could be converted to his use. That was a fair position to take. Once upon a time there Jived a gentleman by the name of Nobel. A Swede and a famous scientist, he invented dynamite and made a fortune thereby. In fact so much that he could afford to salve his conscience by appropriating some of it-to further the eause of peace and other luxuries. ts Nobel died but his money lived after him. If the money left by the inventor to finance peace was invested in dynamite during the war the committee charged with the distribution of the peace prizes can double the amounts and have Plenty, in-reserve to last them until the next war. Since the peace money was made out of pried nh it is not sur- prising that it should go into the pockets of dynamiters. Of course, we are assured that the yearly prizes go to those who have been most conspicuous and effective in promoting peace.” Jn view of this assurance it is not surprising that Sir Austen Ohamberlain and Charles G. Dawes should be. the beneficiaries in 1925, and Stresemann of Germany and Briand,of France in 1926. Charles G. Dawes fastened the Dawes plan on the German work- ing class and helped save the country for capitalism. Austen Chamberlain waded thru Egypt with fire and sword and put Indian villages to the torch—-in the interest of world peace. Aristide Briand conquered Morocco and rained shells on the ancient city of Damascus in Syria until it was reduced to a heap of ruins, in addition to murdering thousands of the inhabitants—in the interest of world peace, Stresemain was somewhat handicapped and the committee made « grand gesture by giving him the money, since he had not the same opportunities as his more, favored contemporaries in. the business of We respectfully suggest to the Nobel committee that the elig- ity of. Messrs, Pilsudski and Mussolini should be carefully con- by the committee with a view to rewarding those gentlemen onspicuous service they have rendered to the cause of peace B FOR THE “ee Ys aa THE DAILY WORKER The Facts About “Red ed Gold” (Continueg, from the previous issue) "TH. All-Russian Council of Trade Linnea Tells the Facts of the Financial Assistance Rendered by the Workers of the Soviet Union to We may add that, Over and above the levies for the assistance of the strikers, there now began a stream of individual contributions, which poured into the offices of the newspapers in Leningrad, Moscow and the provincial towns. These contributions were made by workers and employes, and those who made them invited others to follow their example. As a charac- teristic instance of the frame of mind among the masses in the U. S. S. R. at this date, we quote from Pogodin’s article in Pravda on May 12: Crumpled Notes. She came to us yesterday very early, an old working woman of Moscow, Burova by name, Great numbers of them come to Pravda from the outlying districts, bringing their crumpled, dirty notes men, women and children. Quite on their own, they come to give their money or send their children with it. Here is a girl whose father, a tiler, has a vivid memory of the incidents of one of our own great strikes in former days (1905). That is why he has sent the girl with this half-rouble. “Here, little father,” she says, “here is something for the British workers.” She is shy, and nervously rubs her small red fists together as she speaks, We might never haye seen old Buroya, unless she had set out very early .yesterday before the impres- sion produced by the official answer of thé trade unions to the workers of the U. S. S. R, and the workers of all the world had become acute —the answer to offers of help, an unprecedented answer, dry as a di- plomatic note. Old Burova had heard nothing of this answer. Thru the rain, in the teeth of the north wind, she came all the way across Moscow, bring- ing us a rouble note wrapped up in a handkerchief, a ragged, greasy note she was wont to keep the money to buy bread and potatoes. Having found No. 48 in the Tver- skaya, she climbed the stairs to the third floor, knocked at the door, and came in. + “Is it“here that one gives the money tothe English miners?” “Yes, this is the place.” With great’ earnestness, she quiet- ly took éut her rouble note, unfold- ed it, cleared her throat,.and said: “There isn’t any more; that’s all.” Taking the receipt, she added: “I remémber when we had a strike. We should have been glad enough of help, but there wasn’t “That's mteen years ago, eh?” “Seventeen years, less two,” she answered.’ “I've not forgotten what we had to suffer then That's why I've I know all couldn’t help us. brot along this rouble. about it.’>' She went out again into the rain and the north wind, to make her way back to her home on the other side of Moscow, this old working woman who had so clear an under- standing of what was happening in a far land across the sea, who pic- tured the sufferings of the British miners’ children, and hoped that her rouble would help to dry their tears. Burova, this woman of three-score years and ten, bringing her last rou- ble, symbolizes the feeling of solidari- ty which has always been extraordi- \narily vigorous among the Russian workers. All Participate. JURTHERMORE, this crumpled note given by a working woman is a slap in the face for Tweed and Birkenhead, and for all those who have slandered the Russian workers, denying their class solidarity. The “Russian gold” sent to the British miners is not supplied from profit, rent, or interest, but is freely given by the workers out of their earnings, is a voluntary levy made by millions of proletarians thruout the land. This money is the blood and sweat of work- ers. Out of their scanty wages (we do not pretend that the wages are other than scanty as yet), the Rus- sian workers put aside. “crumpled notes” for their class brothers. They themselves have struggled so long, so many of them have peen victims, and it is by a natural impulse that they give what aid they can to the workers of other lands who are still at grips with capital. This movement of working class solidarity is not confined to the in- dustrial workers, The employes one and all are involved in it, so are the members of the working intelligentsia, the school teachers, the university professors, the civil engineers, the proletarian students, the soldiers of the Red Army, and even the children ~-the Pioneers. The Voice of the Masses, T best, we can give no more than a minute fraction of the multi- udinous resolutions passed at work- ors’ meetings thruout the country, tor bey are numbered by tens of thou- sands, would fill a whole volume. - The resolutions are not distinguish- od by the elegance of their literary style. Far from it; their wording \s often rough, bald, and ungraceful, We neéd not be surprised, for most of them were penned by workers with eS used to wielding taken out of the box where § . We were beaten because our fellow workers Their Striking British Brothers 4 akcu has been much talk about “Russian gold,” not only during the great British strike when millions of dollars ralsed by the Russian workers were sent to help their struggling British brothers, but before this In England and elsewhere, no militant movement is charged with The story that runs in the adjoining colurans is more than a mere statement of the fruth concerning the origin of the money sent from the Soviet Union to-help the British strikers—it is a tale of working-class solidarity, the spiritiof which swept Soviet Republic in a vast. all-embracing movement unequalled in the whole history of labor. tools, but little accustomed to the/ art of writing. | Nevertheless, they are the duttien:| tic voice of the proletarian masses. | In these resolutions, passed unani-| mously and with great. enthusiasm, | we find the genuine sentiments of the| toilers. They tell us eloquently and} clearly, what the Russian workers ex-{ perienced during the general strike and the coal stoppage in Britain, and | :ow our people reacted to these svents. We consider that such art- less documents of proletarian solidai- ty have just as much ‘right to be col- lected and published as have the di- plomatic epistles that are printed in “Blue Books” and “White Books” for the edification of posterity and for the organization of public opinion. We venture to hope that contempo- rary working class readers, no less than fnture historians of the work- ing class movement, will find the kisi ord both interesting and instructive. The resolutions passed at the meet-| ings summoned to consider the Brit-) ish labor troubles were not couched! in traditional forms, any more than} they were consistent with the de- mands of etiquette or the customary | claims of internationar politeness. The | workers’ sense of unity, of class soli-/ | darity, found a natural vent. The teel- | ing was too active, tod strong, to be| satisfied by the voting of material aid. | it had also to secure expression in| words. Newspapers Trundated. Co off from their struggling class | brothers by imme€@nse distances, in-| capable of direct participation in the | titanic struggle between labor and) capital in Britain, the workers of the U.'S. S. R. were too, much engrossed in what was going,on in England, | Scotland, and Wales,to be satisfied | with the role of idle onlookers, how- ever sympathetic. .There arose an ‘lemental urge towatds community, owards fellowship swith the British proletariat. The Russian workers wanted to make their, sympathies vo- cal, to announce their. readiness to help the comrades in a remote land and to back them up in the fight, o give both reinforcement and com- fort. The irresistibly, expansive sen- timent of proletarian unity found is- sue in these naive and wnadorned re- solutions. It was not a chance im-| pulse that led the meetings to send their resolutions in the first instance, not (as is customary) to trade union headquarters, but to the public press. That is why, for many weels, the newspaper offices were inundated by the torrent that poured in by post, telegraph, and wireless. The press was the aptest medium. It was thru the press that the Russian workers could best and most promptly get in- to touch with their biwthers across the sea. When considering the numerous resolutions, we have to distinguish be- tweep two sharply contrasted phases, the one prior to the calling off of the! general strike, and the subsequent period. During the general strike, the main object of the Russian workers was to express their delight at the strength and the solidarity of the British work- ers, their sympathy with the strikers. and their readiness to give material and moral aid. a The prevailing desire was to fur- nish support, and to declare that the strike had an international and not merely a national significance. Martial Greetings. The workers and employes at the Amo works in Moscow, sending “mar- tial greetings,” write; “The British comrades are not alone in their strug- gle . . . Their catise is ours, their victory will be our yictory.” ‘At the glass works in Novogorod province, the worker# declare; “We shall always be withwou . . . The British strike must victorious.” A meeting of workers and employes at the Rykoff works ¢Mnakievo, in the Don basin), sends ‘gordial fraternal greetings,” and adds: “We are eager- ly watching the of your fight.” At this meeting it was decid- ed to make a 1 per cent levy on wages tor the duration of the lockout. At the Vorovsky wall paper mills in Vitebsk, the workers “acclaim the herole struggle” of their British com- rades, and declare their readiness to help. The railwaymen at Chusovsk junc- A mere enumeration of them|tion express “heartfelt sympathy in the struggle now being, carried on by the British workers against their orn enemies, the capitalists,” and ‘adjure the workers of all lands to Support the herole activities of the British workers.” The workers Skorphod works d employes at Lod “y | uneasiness about the matter;'for this leaders of British trade unionism. | less than in America where every being financed by “Russian gold.” the victorious working class of the ings, to our British brothers, who are entering upon a new phase in the class war.” “We eagerly await news of your success, and are ready to extend a helping hand whenever it may be needed,” runs the resolution passed at the M. S. P. O. textile works in Moseow. “We levy a quarter of a |day’s pay, and should there be fur- ther need we shall gladly give addi- tional material help.” Their Warning. EARN how to fight from the ex- ample of your Russian brothers,” runs a message from'the Kutuzov fac! tory school. “Watch out for treach- ery on the part of leaders who have repudiated the class struggle.” The workers of Sormov say: “We hope that our British comrades will not withdraw from the fight, that they will rid themselves of their yellow leaders and of the capitalist gang.” “Maintain the united front more | firmly than ever; do not flinch. We, the Russian workers, send you mar- tlal greetings and a first levy upon our wages. Your country is so far ‘away “from ours, that we cannot ac- tually roll up our sleeves and join you in the fight. March forward resotute- {ly and confidently to victory!”” "This ! is an extract from a resolution pass- {ed by the Centrosoyus chemical works. 7 Changed Tone. HERE is a marked change 6f ‘tone from the moment when the: géene- |ral council. announces its refusal of the proffered money. This‘ fefusal, worded with the official curtness' of a diplomatic note to a “friendly” gov- ernment, aroused both bewilderment }and bitterness in the Russian’ mass- }es. The Russian workers could not understand what reason there‘ could possibly be for the refusal of 'broth- erly aid from the workers of/another land. It was especially hard“ to un- derstand in the case of thé’ British strikers, for alliance with the British had been strengthened by thé’ form- ation of the Anglo-Russian ’Commit- tee. There was, however, no Serious was before the publication f the | documents showing that, in its‘ réfus-| al of the money, the general council was merely the stalking-horse of Bald- win’s government. But perplexity, we repeat, was widespread. Distrust of the leaders of the general strike increas- ed, and there was a growing suspicion as to the good faith of the right wing Those who were styled left ‘wing, | were stili regarded as above suspi-j) cion, The change of meod found expres- sion in the resolutions passed at meet- ings of workers and employes. Still, this did not in any way affect the amount of money levied, for the pos- sibility of betrayal by the leaders served merely to enhance the sym- pathy of the Russian workers towards their British comrades. But no fur- ther personal messages to the leaders were sent. The general meeting of the workers at Nyandom station on the Northern railway “brands with infamy those who are traitors in the struggle for the deliverance of the working class.” “Cut down with a sickle forged of British steel the rank, weedy growth of MacDonald and Co.,” comes from the Vodokanal works, “Do not trust Thomas and Mac- Donald, who are traitors—henchmen and servants of the bourgeoisie, Rid yourselves of such leaders, trample them under foot.” .This hails from the workers of ich depot on the Moscow-Velorussky railway. “Proletarians of England,” says a resolution from a Moscow metal works, “your interests are being sold to the capitalists.” The workers at the October revolu- tion dyeworks, “esteem it their duty to brand with infamy the ‘leaders’ MacDonald and Co. as traitors to the working cl; behind whose baéks they are conspiring with the Baldwin conservative government and are sell- ing the workers . . . Keep your eyes on the right wing leaders who, behind your backs, are working hand- in-hand with the capitalists and are ready to betray your interests.” Profoundly Affected, H Russians were profoundly at- fected by the calling off of thi general strike. The affair caused a tremendous commotion, which only those who saw it can realize. The mental disturbance found expression in numerous resolutions. We shall content ourselves with giving one of these, which clearly indicates the pre- valent mood, and shows what political deductions were drawn jand Will indicate the practical activi- | struggle, to help will be difficult. |pay to.the support of the British heard-of betrayal. “We, the workers and employes of the Samolet works, declare that we are wehing with close attention the struggle which the British workers are carrying on against the capital- ists, the enemies of their class. In view of the fact that traitors and not leaders stand at the head of the work- ing class,.in view of the unprecedent- ed betrayal of the interests of labor in favor of capital, we. declare more loudly than ever: “Comyades,: British workers, if the hangerson of the bourgeoisie have again betrayed you,.nevertheless we hope that proletarian solidarity, the class spirit of the workers, will pre: yail; that the Thomases, the MacDon- alds, and their like, will.never be able to daunt you, but will in the end pre- pare their own downfall. . > “We hope that this lesson in treach- ery will serve you for-sn example, as our own betrayal by Gapon and Zuba- toff served us, and that after.it you will say: ‘These men, are not.-our leaders; they are the Jeaders.of capi- tal. Our leader is_the Communist Party.’ “We hope that the proletarian fore- es will no. longer accept the orders of treacherous and lying leaders; that the struggle now commencing will rage more furiously; that no longer shall any traitor beable to give him- self out as a champion of the inter- ests of the workers, but that he and his capitalist masters shall be over- thrown by proletarian’ forces. “Therefore, we declare our solidari- ty, we pledge our aid to’ the British workers, and we agree; in support of the British minérs, ‘to levy @ quarter of a day's pay.” The ‘Russian Trade Unions, and the British Labor Trouble: T is natural and comprehensible that, from.the ontset,.. the trade up- ions should haye. le this. mags moye- ment of solidarity... >the appendix to this sketch, shall print a, series of documents which will. show- clearly what was..the attitude of. the. trade unions, of the U. S. S, R. from the very Veginning of the general strike and fhruout the later developments, tes of the unions for the fulfillment of the’ duty of class solidarity. On May 5,. with Comrade. Tomsky in the chair, there. was held an extraor- dinary sitting of the. presidium (gene- ral purposes committee) of the All- Russian Central Councij of Trade Un- ions in conjunction with all the cen- tral committees of the unions. This sitting was exceptionally well attend- ed, showing that interest was keen among the leaders of the trade union world. When opening the session, Tomsky said, among other things: Such a strike as this is a new phenomenon in history. Thanks to the collective participation of the British workers, the Miners’ lock- out has developed into a gigantic general strike, 4 Obviously it is important to give all the help in our power; but, in view of the vast proportions of the The help must be given without delay, for the matter is urgent. Our business is promptly to organize a campaign in support of the Brit- ish workers. ¢ At this meeting, the following Te- solution was passed nem. con.; All the organized workers of the U. 8, 8. R. are hereby summoned to contribute a quarter of a day’s | workers. Two hundred and. fifty thousand -roubles. taken from. the funds of. the All-Russian Central Council of Trade, Unions, and the central committees. of the trade unions, shall forthwith be sent .to the general council of the British trade unions as “ah earnest of the levy. Comrade Dogadoff and Lozovsky (AlLRussian Gentral Council ' of Trade Unions), Gorbacheff (Central Committee’ of Minérs’ Union), Amo- soff (C.\0. of Railwaymen’s Union), Antseloyich’ (Agri¢ultural’ Work- ers), Korostele ff (Eduéational Workers), -ang@*Rudakoff (Local Transport Workéts), shall form’ a committee to organize’ the collection of the levy, to devisé “a séries of measures in support’ of the British strikers, and to elaborate’ upple. mentary forms of ate. , N the very same day, the appeal to the trade unions was, issued in the name of the, All-Russian Cen- tral Council. of, Trade Unions and the central. committees of, the. trade .un- ion: The document, was signed by Tomsky, Dogadoff and_.the chairmen of all the central committees. The te Paragraphs read ag fol- low: The presidium. of. th ‘All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions and the central committees of all the trade unions summon all,the workers and employes thruout. the, U, 8, 8, R., all the toilers of our great republic of labor, to rally to.the help of the work- ing proletariat of Great Britain by a onée-for-all levyof one quarter of one day’s pay. We issue this summons because the organized workers of the U. 8. 8. R. can and must take prompt action in support of their British brothers ‘by class and by struggle. The presidium of the All-Russian Central Coune!l of Trade Unions and the central .committeesof all the trade unions are confident that the ore _ Workers and employes of the U, SS. R. will tender brotherly help to the British ‘kers in their Uplon Sinclaie 1926, by Upton’ Sinclair.) Buyny said he didn’t care abont college, but this worried him—what was Dad getting in for with this Canadian ‘corporation? , Dad ‘insist- ed it was perfectly all right, he had the. best lawyer in the country. But Bunny said: “Are you sure Verne isn't putting something over on you?" Dad was shocked at that, how could Bunny have such an idea, why Verne was the best friend Dad had ever had in business, he was straight as they made them. “Yes, Dad, but they don’t make them 80 very straight in the oil game. And why. doesn’t Verne do his own brib- ing? Why didn’t he come to'New York?” “But, son, Verne has got to han dle the strike—you know he couldn't get.away now. He's taken that off my shoulders, and you ought to be glad.” Dad. added. a naive remark, the oil men wouldn't let him deal with labor, he was “‘too soft.” The phrase sounded familiares Nit turned out that Vee and. Dad had been putting their heads to gether. Vee wanted a vacation, also; they would go up to Canada to complete Dad's business, and then they would find a camp, and in- stead. of tiresome “gym” work, he and Bunny would tramp the forests and swim in a beautiful lake, So Dad: sent a telegram to President Alonzo T, Cowper, D.D., Ph, D, LL.D, explaining that urgent busi- ness compelled his son to remain in the east, and could it be arranged that Bunny might return and take his..examinations in the fall? Dr. Cowper wired that the authorities would be very pleased indeed to grant this favor. (Copyright, And then, the very morning after it was all settled, a telégram came for Bunny, and he opened it and read the, signature, Ruth Watkins, With swiftly flying eyes he took in the sense of: it—Paul and Bddte Piatt and Bud Stoner and Jick: Dug- gan, and four others of their group had ,been arrested, charged with “suspicion of criminal syndicalism,” and were lodged in the San Blide county jail with $10,000 bail de manded for Paul and $7,500 foreach of the others, “They have done nothing and everybody knows it,” declared, the telegram, “merely a scheme.to lock them up during strike. Jail is horrible place. Paul's health will not stand it. Implore you for sake our old friendship obtain needed bail for all. Surely no need assure you no money will be lost on our boys.” tt At first Bunny had @ cruel sum picion-—that’ his father had known of this arrest, or at any rate that it was pending, before his latest ef- fort to keep Bunny away from Cal ifornia, .But he realized, it was enough to believe that Vernon Ros- coe, intending to break up the “nest of Bolshevism” in the Rascum cabin, had made plang to get both Dad and Bunny away and keep them away. Anyh@w,- the scheme would upt work, for Bunny was not going to permit his friend to be treated in that crude ‘fashion! Dad happened to be out, and Bunny shdwed the telegram to Vee, and. talked it out with her. She wanted to know what he meant to do, and he answered that Dad would have to put-up the bail for Paul at least. “But Bunny, you know he can't do -that—he wouldn’t cross Verne in regard to the strike,” “He's simply got to do it, Ves! T'd_be a dog to let 2 man like be locked up in that filthy hole.” “But suppose Dad won't, Bui ” "Then I've got.to go back, pene all there is:to it.” “What could you flo when you got there 2", “Tt hunt around an I find some- body that’s gota sense of decency and also a little cash.” 345 “The combination isn’t so easy to find, dear—I know, because I've tried it. And. it’s. going to make Dad dreadfully. unhappy, to say nothing of spoiling our vacation. I've just learned ‘of the loveliest ‘place—a camp thet Schmolsky bought up in Ontario, and he’s never been there, he’s too busy. And, oh, Bunny, I thought we were going to have such a marvelous time!” (Continued tomorrow.) ~ FILM ‘BREAKING Tickets for the moving picture “Breaking Chains,” to bé shown here on Saturday, Dec. 18, at Ash- land Auditorium can be obtained at the following places, it is an- nounced by the International Work- ers Ai 1806 South Racine avenue. if red W. Roosevelt road. " lalsted street. ‘ ly oo