The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 14, 1926, Page 2

rage Two THE DAILY WORKER -TALY, SERBIA RATTLE SABERS OVER ALBANIA Armed Conflict May Be Outcome (Special to The Daily Worker) BELGRADE, Dec, 12.—Declaring that the treaty signed last week between italy and Albania endangers the en- tire foundation of Jugo-Slav foreign policy, Foreign Minister Nintchitch and the whole cabinet has resigned office as a protest, which it hopes will have an influence on the league of nations, sion at Geneva. control Clause, publish that Secret vsp Charge ay pre in return n naval ba Anti-Ital ling being whipped up thruout lavia has a larg: and the senti- is that Musso- put Europe one conflict ania League Worried Dee. 9.— Remembering to the le lea: sion he will hap- av dispute a ni’s ultimatum bers of e now he in si de- ssent the council is question of German ar the control, but a crisis is looked for when Jugo-Slavia refers the Albanian dispute to th gue of nations. MELLON’S REPORT ARGUES AGAINST DEBT CANCELLING Favors Giving Gift to Big Taxpayers WASHINGTON, Dec, 12.—Secretary Mellon’s annual treasury report sub- mitted to congress stressed evidence purporting to show that the United States is justified in demanding pay- ment for foreign war debts, principally those of France. Mellon released cor- respondence between the foreign coun- tries and the United States to show that they did not expect, nor desire cancellation of the debts. “France Refused Gift.” That Premier Ribot of France ez- pressed the “hope that the United States would avoid action tending to make a gift of the loans to France” in correspondence in April, 1919, was shown by the report. He said that when the United States threatened to refuse new foans to France because of her attitude in fa- yor of debt revision, the French min- isters denied such attitude and incur- red new loans on the strength of this. Wileon Opposed Cancelling. He also said that President Wilson was just as “firm as Harding and Coo- lidge against cancellation.” Until the war ended no intimation was made that these advances were subsidies, ysaid the report, and that they were gontributions to a joint cause or that they would be subject to a general pooling after the war. Echoes “Property.” Reviewing economic conditions, Mel- lon echoed the statements of Coolidge and Hoover, saying: “This country bas undoubtedly been exceedingly prosperous for the last few years, and prosperity is continuing.” Mellon officially advocated the tax credit plan outlined by Coolidge, and suggested that a credit of 15 per cent ,be given all payments of income taxes ‘to be made in 1927, on 1926 earnings. Opposes Tax Reductions, “dn other words, instead of\reducing ‘taxes all along the line, Mellon pro- ‘poses that those who pay income taxes should receive a rebate’ of 16 per cent. This is made possible, he said, be cause there will be a government sur plus of $350,000,000 after provision has been made for retirement of debt thru sinking funds and repayment of for- eign loans. 8 He te “Fair.” In defending his stand against tax reduction, he said, “The imperative necessity that we do not commit our government to an unsound fiscal pol- «fey tor the future, should not prevent the government treating its taxpayers fairly in any particular year in which government revenues are over abundant.” RKER | STALIN AFFIRMS THE POSSIBILITY OF SOCIALIST VICTORY IN THE (Continued from Page 1.) and “ultra-left” groupings; and, lastly, the labor aristocracy, always willing to compromise with the bourgeoisi on the most favorable terms and are always open to reformism and op- portunism. Urges Fight for Basic Principles. The last two layers, Stalin went on, in spite of the external differences be- tween them, constitute a common ground for opportunism, either open jand patent if the sentiments of the tocracy are preponderant, or under “left” phraseology if prevails. hidden yetty-bourgeoisie sentiment Quoting Engels as authority, Stalin phasized that tho the proletarian y must not hecome a debating b, it can withstand the pressure of ourgeoisie influence only thru a hard ht for basic principles and a correct ing to the question of the op- ion in Communist Party of ¢ Soviet Union, Stalin pointed out three peculiar features: First, the tion is not simply an opposition t a united opposition; second, the position seeks to conceal its op- inism under “left revolutionary” phrases; third, the opposition com- plains that it is essentially misun- derstood, Dissects the Opposition. The opposition, with Trotskyism at its head, includes all the more or les opportunistic tendencies which are gainst Leninism, either at the begin- or lately: Trotskyism’s “new op- position,” remnants of “democratic centralism” and remnants of the so- called labor opposition. Apart from ideological reasons, the opposition is united because this is the only op- portunity to ever so lightly increase its chances in the anti-party struggle. The fact, Stalin continued, that | Trotskyism is leading the opposition is not casual and has repeatedly recur- red in the party’s history. Trotskyism is the ablest representative of the petty-bourgeois drift, cleverly conceal- ing its opportunism under “left revo- lutionary” phraseology. A series of examples from the party history since the seizure of power in October 1917 show how all oppositional tendencies under “revolutionary” slogans ad- vocated measures which, practically, }could only hamper the work of the Communist Party. Such a mask is necessary because = very revolutionary traditions of the Soviet Union proletariat will not countenance frank opportunists as for instance in England. As for the op- position’s complaint that they are “mis- understood,” Stalin obseryed that this always was the lot of opportunists as for example the Bernstein, Bauer and Volmar factions at the end of the last century. The fundamental differences of views, Stalin said, within the Com- munist Party of the U, 8. 8. R. are revolving around several main ques- tions. First, the possibility of the victory of socialism in one country, namely the U. S. S. R., whether the proletariat of the Soviet Union can with its own forces subdue the bourgeoisie and create the economic as well as the political basis for the construction of socialism. The Communist Party’s an- swer is in the affirmative—the opposi- tion’s, in the negative. The figures prove the correctness of the party's view. The second question refers to the in- ternational situation of the U. S. S. R., affording us a breathing space for the development of socialism. Four main facts assure a period for a breathing spell: the conflicting interests among the imperialists; the conflicting in- terests between imperialist countries on one side and colonial and semi- colonal countries on the other; the srowing revolutionary movement in capitalist countries and the growing sympathy of the workers of all coun- tries for the Soviet Republic; the strength and power developed by the Soviet Union proletariat’s progress in socialist construction and the strength and goof organization of the red army. The third question is the problem f “national” and international tasks f the proletarian revolution in one ountry or another. The party holds e view that the task of the Soviet nion proletariat are one with the common task of the liberation of the workers of all countries from capital- ism, that the interests of socialist construction in our country are entire- y merged with the interests of the volutionary movement in all coun- ries because the revolution in tha viet Union is partly a beginning for he basis of developing the world revo- ution. Consequently the opposition makes the greatest political mistake when it sets the “national” tasks of the proletariat of one country over against its international tasks, Trotsky Opposed Leninism. The fourth question, Stalin went on, refers to the history of the above mentioned questions. Producing a large number of quotations from the writings of Lenin and Trotsky, Stalin demonstrated that Trotsky told an un- truth when he declared that the ques- tion of socialist construction arose for the first time in 1925, As a matter of fact, Lenin put this question on the order of thé day as early as 1916 and Trotsky himself, then and since, has continually opposed Lenin and Leninism in tance on this ques- Hon, Lenin afirmed that the U. 8, 8. ie ORION 9 98 ee, R. proletariat in the period of its lictatorship has all the necessary and adequate conditions for the construc- “ion of a full socialist society while Trotsky advances the impossibility of socialist construction within national state frames. The fifth question upon which there is a divergence of views in the Soviet Union Communist Party concerns the problem of actually building socialism at this time. The opposition is greatly mistaken in believing that the ques- tion of socialist constru¢tion has only a theoretical interest. The question has the greatest practical importance: whether or not it is possible, today, under the new system and during the partial stabilization of capitalism to build the socialist economy. Charges Trotsky Distorts. Lenin, Stalin declared, and the party (Fourteenth Congress) replied in the affirmative, the opposition replies in the negative. Trotsky repests his own social-democratic views which he held in 1915 in this respect, The sixth..question refers to the problem of the prospects of the prole- tarian revolution. Quoting from Trot- sky's speech to the\Fifteenth Congress of the Communist Party of the U. 8. S. R., Stalin pointed out that Trotsky had misquoted and distorted Lenin’s words when he alleged that Lenin estimated from thirty to forty years as the period necessary for the build- ing of socialism. ‘What Lenin actual- ly said was that for the next ten or twenty years the correct relations must be maintained with the peasantry in order that victory be assured of world-wide importance, otherwise there is a possibility of failure in twenty or forty years. The seventh question is, with whom can a™~More profitable alliance be made, with the world proletariat or the peasantry of the U. S. S. R. This is put by the opposition in a childish, literal way, as if both the world prole- tariat and the peasantry were eagerly competing to offer themselves as al- lies. The actual position is that the U. S. S. R. proletariat is yearly con- solidating its power, rallying the peasantry, scoring successes in social- ist construction and strengthening the bonds of friendship with the world’s workers and the oppressed nations. Under such conditions there is no rea- gon to deny that the U. S, S, R, pro- |letariat has all chances to conquer jts Qwn bourgeoisie and continue success- fully to build socialism in their own country despite the capitalist encircle- ment, Contrary to the opinion of the par- ty,, Stalin gaid, Trotsky asserts that without preliminary victory by the wes- ‘ern proletariat and their support to he workers of the Soviet Union, the latter cannot conquer: its own bour- se0isie, build socialism or even main- ain power. This difference of views S most essential. The eighth question is regarding the chances of victory, Stalin said. Who will win first: the workers of the Soviet Union, or the world proletariat? Trotsky’s affirmation that the Eu- ropean proletariat will achieve victory over the bourgeoisie earlier than the U. 8. 8S. R. proletariat will conquer its own bourgeoisie and build social- ism in their own country, is unwar- ranted. The issue entirely depends upon the real conditions on the battle front between capitalism and social- ism. The ninth point of divergence consists in the difference of views con- cerning the practical nature of the sphere of internal and external party policies following upon the forego- ing differences. The party, recognizing the fact of the partial stabilization of gapitalism, holds the view during the actual period between the two revolu- Honary tides when the revolution ix fanitalist countries is approaching, the main task of the Communist parties is to penetrate the masses, consolidate their ties with the masses and. gain the leadership of the proletarian mass organizations. However, the opposi- tion, lacking faith im the inner forces of the revolution, disbelieving and fearing the partial stabilization, ig- nores the facts and embarks on an adventuresome policy, The party, recognizing the indus- trialization basis of socialist construc: tion, considers an alliance between the workers and peasants most necessary because the peasant masses constitute the best market for industry. The op- position holds a skeptical view with regard to the participation of the peasants in the socialist construction and advocates the exploitation of the peasantry, thus jeopardizing the work- ers’ and peasants’ alliance. The party insists upon absolute in- ner unity because only an undivided party can head the dictatorship of the proletariat, while the opposition ad- vocates factionalism and undermines the party unity, The opposition’s views, Stalin as- serted, have materialized not only within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, but also within other parties in the Communist Interna- onal. The opposition and its follow- rs have made the gravest charges against the Communist Party of the . 8. 8. R., alleging the party is de- enerating and drifting towards op- rtunism, that the Union of Socialist oviet Republics is an unproletarian tate and practically advocated the destruction of the party leadership (Continued on page 6) . POSTPONE MEET FOR FREEDOM OF THE PHILIPPINES Washington Conference to Be in February To allow more time for the prepa- ration of a broader gathering, the Con- ference for Filipino Independéiiée, cattet hy the “AT-Am rican” Anti-Im- perialist League, the Emergency: For- eign Policy Conference atid” Other or- ganizations has ‘béen postponed to February. The scopference was to have met at wash ton, D, C,, Dec. 17-19. a) Don't Be Doped, Warns. The work of publicity and organiza- tion for the conference is proceeding with greater energy than before, La- bor organizations, particularly, are being approached with regard to lead- ing participation in what it is hoped will be a nation-wide representative gathering, demanding immediate, com- plete and absolute independence for the Philippine Islands. “Do not be lulled to sleep by ad- vance notices of a ‘friendly’ report by Jol. Carmi Thompson,” warned Lucy Ann Whitaker, secretary of the or- ganizing committee, in a letter in- forming of the postponement of the conference, “Thompson’s report, soon to be made public, is expected to be a com- plete rationalization of the rubber trusts for rubber development in the Philippine Islands undep colonial con- ditions. Goyernor-Gegféral Wood's de- flance of the board of contro!In the islands shows that he feels secure of presidential support in his reaction- ary policy, “President Coolidge’s message to congress asks for more power for the governor-general, Face Serious Crisis. “All indications are that the strug- gle for Filipino independence is ap- proaching its most serious crisis and that all anti-impefialist forces in this country must unite not only to fight for immediate independence, but to stave off such reactionary measures as the repeal of the Jones law, the Bacon and Kiess bills, etc. More Activity. \ “Since the call went out for a Fili- pino independence conference to meet at Washington there has been a steady development of the Filipino independence movement here, as re- flected in propaganda stories, articles and pamphlets, arrangements for sec- ondary conferences, etc. It is every- where admitted that individuals and organizations which had previously been inactive in the Filipino cause have been stimulated to activity by the organizing committee of the Fili- pino independence epnference, Committee Members. Members of the national and local committees which have been set up in support of the Washington confer- ence include the following: Clarence Darrow; Waldo Frank; Scott Nearing; Frank Weber, presi- dent Wisconsin State Federation of Labor; Henry Teigan, secretary Min- nesota farmer-labor party; R. C. Wig- gin, assistant city attorney of Min- neapolis; Albert F. Coyle, editor Lo- comotive Engineers’ Journal; John Haynes Holmes, pastor New York Community Church; Robert W. Dunn, American’ Civil Liberties Union; Eliz- abeth Gurley Flynn, national chair- man International Labor Defense; Manuel Gdivéz,” All-Ameri¢an Anti- TMPperralist™” Leagues Iaer Fredrick machinists” union; Guy Anderson, electricians’ union; Ernest Unter- mann, editorial writer Milwaukee Leader; William ¥, Dunne, editor DAILY WORKER; Paul Jones, asso- ciate director Fellowship of Reconci)- lation; Prof. Ellen Hayes, Wellesley College; H. W. I. Dana, Boston Trade Union College; Robert Morss Lovett. associate editor New Republic; Car) Haessler, director Federated Press; William Pickens, National Associa- tion for the Advancement of Colored People; Dorothy Gary, chairwoman Minnesota State Federation of Labor educational department; John Stock well, representative in Minnesota state legislature; Arthur Fisher, sec- retary Emergency Foreign Policy Con- ference; ex-Congressman Clyde M. Tavenner, editor of the Philippine Re- public; Michael Gold, associate editor of the New Masses; V. F, Calverton, editor Modern Quarterly; Ralph Chap- lin of the I, W. W.; Rev. David Rhys Williams; Elizabeth Glendower Evans, League for Democratic Con- trol; Lucia Ames Mead, Women's In- ternational League for Peace and Freedom; William H, Holly, Chicago Liberal Club; Prof, H.~S;*Bucklin, Brown University; Justine Wise, Yale University Law School; John PF. Markey, University of Minnesota; Bishop William M. Brown; Cirilo Manat, Filipino Agsociation of Chi- 60; Marx Lewis, secretary to Con- gressman Victor I. Berger; Lawrence Todd, Washington correspondent Fed- erated Press; Sydney Strong, Seattle’ Fellowship, Must Surrender Rights, WASHINGTON, Dec. 12.~Maj, Gen, Tasker H. Bliss told the second na- tional conference of women's organi- zations to consider the cause and cure of war, that peace can only be as- sured by @ surrender of some of their “rights” by the individual nations, as individuals surrender them in a civil- ized political state, SEND IN A 8UB TODAY, EXNRY FORD has come out with another attack on the Jews. This time he has been egged to ac- tion by Oscar Strauss, the New York banker-philanthropist, who de- nounced the |Detroit flivver kaiser before the national council on Pale- stine, meeting in Boston, Ford launches his assault against the Jew along three Jines: (1) That he controls all the financial centers; (2) That he owns the press or con- trols it; (3) That he controls the revolutionary elements of the world. Ford’s arguments grow directly out of his own economic position, He tried to finance his own enter- prices.without the aid of Wall St., which meahs in spite of the power wielded by finance capital. In at- tacking the- Jewish bankers, he merely crystallizes his opposition against Wall St. on the heads of a group of financiers that has been especially successful in the money marts of the world since the days. when trade and commerce first be- gan. But the Jewish bankers are merely a part, a big part to be sure, but merely a part of the whole human element that enters into the capitalist structure, which includes Ford and which Ford will not at- tack, ee Having money and power, and desiring more money and power un- der capitalism, it is only reasonable to expect that Jewish financiers, like all other money lords, should buy up newspapers and other pe- riodicals as propaganda mediums, Ford does the same, He puts huge sums into his publication under the high-sounding name ofg“The Dear- born Independent,” which is inde- pendent of nothing. It is a slave of Ford’s ideas, voicing Ford’s views, just as much as the operator on Screw No, 11,001 is enslaved to that screw, or, exercising any spirit of independence is* quickly fired. That finance capital, especially its Jewish section, should own more newspapers, more movie houses, more theaters, than are to be found in the possession of independent capitalists, of which Ford is the most prominent type, is only an ad- mission of the weakness of the posi- tion of the independent industrial capitalists, * ee ‘ Ford, of course, ties himself in a complete knot when he continues his argument to its ridiculous con- clusion by declaring that the Jew (the international Jew) - “controls the revolutionary elements in the world, on the one hand, and the ultra-conservatives on the other, so he has equal power in Communistic Russéa and in capitalistic England,” inferring -that the Russian Jewish Communist is working hand in glove with the British Jewish fi- nance capitalist against the inter- ests of Henry Ford, which Ford in- terprets no doubt to be the inter- ests of the whole American people, or “the common people of the world.” ees There is no doubt that the Jew- ish people exercise a tremendous power, and play a considerable role in the activities of the world, But the Jewish people, like all other races and nationalities, are divided along class lines, into great capital- ists, small capitalists, numerous middle class elements and the great masses of workers, which also have their various categories. Ford will not admit that there is ‘such a thing as a class s' gle, He doesn’t see the necessity for any, not even for a trade union, let alone a Communist Party, He offers his form of paternalism as the cure for all society's ills. It Ford were really interested in fighting the Jewish finance capital- ists then he would support the s0- cial elements that make war upon these capitalists, the outstanding element being the Jewish workers. But he will not do this, because Ford is himself a capitalist fighting the workers. ee The struggle among the Jewish people themselves is best typified in the garment industry, Here the bankers help the industrialists fi- nance their enterprises and join with them in their wars upon the Jewish workers, supported by the Jewish-owned capitalist press, like the New York Times, the New York World and other sifeets, Just ag Henry Ford has his rene- gade socialist propagandist, Allan Lewis Benson, candidate of the so- clalist party for president in 1916, and even had the support of ex- socialists and worker and farmer radicals in support of his president ials aspirations in 1924, so the Jew- ish capitalist front against th ish workers has its support in the socialist officialdom of the garment president of the International La- dies’ Garment Workers’ Union, and in the Jewish Daily (socialist) For- ward, ‘It is against this front that the Henry F ord Displays His Ignorance With Another Wild Attack on the Jews By J, LOUIS ENGDAHL, workers organize, building their own press, in this case the New York (Communist) Fretheit, dnd or- ganizing their own struggle, not for the abolition of Jewish industrial and finance capital as apart from Irish, or German .or native-born American industrial and finance capital, but for the ending of the whole capitalist system, which in- cludes Ford, se 8 It is not strange that Ford should denounce both “Communist Russia” and “Capitalist England” in the same breath, Before the war Eng- land was the stronghold of finance capital. Today it must struggle for a place in the sun with the new stronghold of finance capital--Wall Street. It is against finance capital with its imperialist program that Communist Russia wages its attack. Ford, the industrial capitalist, who tries to finance his own enterprises, is caught in the “No Man’s Land” between these opposing forces. It is inevitable that, in time, Ford will be crushed between these two opposing forces unless he surrend- ers to either side. He will not sur- render to the workers, He may surrender to Wall Street—to finance capital, becoming its ally, the ally even of the Jewish infernational bankers’ whom he now denounces, as well as the ally of international bankers of every other race and na- tionality, He will either surrender to finance capital or be crushed by it. That is the meaning, for in- stance, of the struggle between the Ford Motor company and the Gen- eral Motors corporation, the latter organized by the House of Morgan. Thus finance capital consolidates or crushes. OS) ee Similarly the social revolution, with the Soviet Union as its strong- hold, consolidates the revolutionary forces of the workers of the world in its support. Surely the Jewish workers make up some of the strongest legions in that revolu- tionary army. But it includes work- ers of every nationality, of every Tace upon the face of the earth. * <2 Jt is Andrew Furuseth, the head of the International Seamen’s Un- ion, who shrieks ag loudly about the “yellow peril” as Ford does of fewish peril.” Furuseth, dur- ing his many years in the American labor movement, has always stood up and proclaimed against the ris- ing army of the Orient that will wage war against white civilization. To be sure, the struggle is on in the Orient. But it is now a “red peril” instead of a “yellow peril.” The Chinese masses are fighting the” brown imperialism of Japan, as well as the white imperialisms of Great Britain, France and the United States. Furuseth doesn’t see that, or pretends not to see it, He makes no move to draw the American trade union movement into:the Pan- Pacific Trade Union Conference, to be held at Canton, China, starting May First. Furuseth turns his back,upon the Marxist slogan, “Workers of the World Unite.” Instead, as a faith- ful lackey of American imperialism, he calls on Americans to unite against everybody else, even agafnst Chinese seamen hired to slave at low wages on American ships, offer- ing this as his solution of the labor problem. oe € The “Jewish peril,” the “yellow peril,” “the Mohammedan peril,” the “Asiatic peril,” and even the “Jap- anese peril,” that is exploited so much by American greed, all give way to the “red peril,” which mere- ly signifies that the class struggle between the forces of Communism and capitalism is on the order of the day thruout the world. Ford wailing against the “Jewish bank- ers” ig merely a 20th century echo of the great tumult created by Shakespeare's Venetians crying out against the exactions of Shylock, the 13th century money lender, the counterpart 700 years ago of the Oscar Strauss of today. HERE 1S A CUTTING TALE OF COOLIDGE ECONOMY IN TAILS (Special to The Dally Worker) WASHINGTON, Dec. crowning achievement of Coolid economical administration is ported in army circles, By cutting the tails off over six thousand white coats worn by army cooks, bakers and butchers and util- izing the material in the making patch pockets on white coats and into caps for chefs, a saving of al- most $10,000 has been effected, It is hoped that other garments are worn in the places formerly cov- ered by the amputated talls, re SEND IN A SUB TODAY. FORM COMBINE TO FIGHT FOR | WORLD RUBBER U.S; Capitalists Ready for Battle (Special to The Daily Worker) NEW YORK, Dec, 12.—A score of the largest and most powerful automo- bile manufacturers and rubber manu- facturers of the United States today were banded together In a gigantic rubber-buying pool aimed to break the monopolistic grip of Engiand on tne world’s supply price of raw rubber, Arrangements for a joint purchas- ing fund credit of $40,000,000 were ne-¢ gotiated with the National Bank’ of Commerce of New York and the In- ternational Acceptance Bank. The plan, known to have been un- der consideration for several months, was attributed to Charles B. Seger, president of the United States Rub- ber company. While refusing to di- vulge details, Seger intimated that the pool funds would be utilized for pur- chases of huge stock of crude rubber at times when the market is favor- able. Big Compantes Jn. Other large manufacturers associat- ed with the United State Rubber company in the pool were the Gen- eral Rubber company, B, F. Goodrich, Goodyear, Firestone and Fisk Rubber companies, General Motors, Stude- baker, Willys-Overland, Dodge, Pack- ard, and other automobile manufac- turers. It has been estimated that the syn- dicate would have a purchasing power of 50,000 tons of crude rubber annu- ally. ee Britain Not Worried. LONDON, Dec, 12—No danger of anything resembling a trade war in rubber was anticipated today by Brit. ish rubber interests as a result of the purchasing pool organized by Ameri- can rubber interests. British tubber interests welcome the new American combine, the head of one of the largest rubber syndi- sg in Great Britain told correspond- ents. Can Take Care of Trade. * “Such a combine will help to stabil- ize prices and prevent seasonal fluc- tuations,” this spokesman said. “The British rubber capitali is so large that there is no possible danger of anything resembling a trade war as the result of the Americans pooling their resources.” Raw rubber advanced on the mar- ket today, upon news of the new com- bine. 4 The colonial office stated today that the American combine will not affect the operation of the Stevenson plan, and that rubber production for the coming year has been already fixed, insofar as British rubber is concerned. Bones of Apostles to Be Sold Here, But Sale Is Halted by Cardinal . A reliquary said to contain frag- ments of the bones of the twelve apos- tes will not be put on sale as planned, at the request of Cardinal Mundelein, the Chicago Historical Society an- nounced, Im the tooled leather case contain- ing the relies was a parchment signed by the Archbishop of Milan, dated July 18, 1729, attesting their authen- ticity. The relics comprised part of the Charles Gunther collection purchased for $1,000,000 by the society, mainly to obtain the White: House furniture used by Abraham Lincoln, PUSH TOUR OF SORMENTI Enea Sormenti is cehters ot he co the persec uring the chief try speaking about’ jon anti-fascist work- ers in the Qnited ‘§tates not only by the direct nts of Mussolini but by the governmdnt of the United States. He is at presént involved in a depor- tation case rigged up by the U, §. department of labor. Deportation for Sormenti, who is known not only in America but in Italy as well as an un- compromising opponent of Mussolini and his ‘regime, would mean death, or at least, imprisonment as soon as he set foot upon Italian soil, Charges are made that the threat by the immigration authorities to de- port Sormenti, as they have already done with many other Italian’ work- ers, is inspired by the Italian fascist ambassador, upon information secured by Mussolini’s spies in the U. The International Labi w “the” ¢1 and beginning a national agitation campaign for the case, ig basing its drive upon the great American tradl- tion of the right of asylum for politi- cal refugees and upon the opposition | felt by the overwhelming majority of the American people against the bloody fascist regime, The best legal talent has been secured to argue the ‘ase before the authorities, A cam- saign of protest is being conducted in ho meantime so that the Washington ‘Melaldom will soon feel the pressure ( the organized opinion of the Amer scan workers and Picoreneltek