The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 25, 1926, Page 6

i COE ose. Aigs Sy THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 Ws Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ill, Phone Monroe 471 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mall (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months ” $2.00 three months ‘Address all mail and make out checks to / THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Ill, ay J. LOUIS ENGDAHL f AM .F, DUNNE { T MILLER .... Business Manager Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Ill., under the act Of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application, a The Teapot Dome Again court clerk as Messrs. A. B. Fall, former secretary of the interior, | and Edward L, Doheny, multimillionaire oil magnate, were placed On trial in Washington, the former for having accepted the sum of | $100,000 as a gratuity for peddling the naval oil\wells to the latter and the latter for having given the money in return for receiving the oil properties from the former. God will save the government of the United States all right, since god is capitalism and capitalism in the United States is still able to take care of itself. But god will get shaky as capitalism grows feeble and some day in the'future--and it may be sooner than most people expect—the court clerk’s prayer will be uttered; with their greater yfeeling. However, it is not surprising that a naive clerk should call on his deity to save the government from such an accomplished bunch of burglars as was represented in the administration that con-| tributed Fall to the Teapot Dome scandal. And yet those lads | ‘ | | “God save the government of the United States,” intoned the| By TANG SHIN SHE AcooneNs to the latest tele- graphic reports from the Far| Hast, a state of war has been declared | in Shanghai because of the danger of | a revolt of workers and students. The seriousness of the situation is charac- terized by the fact that the population has destroyed the railways between Shanghai and Nanking and between Shanghai and Wusung, thus rendering jany railway communication | with | Shanghai impossible. | Shanghai is the largest treaty port jin China, It is nominally Chinese, but as a matter of fact, the rule is in |the hands of the imperialists since] they have their own administration, their own police, their own consular |jurisdiction, their own troops, war- |ships, etc. After the events of May |30th 1925, the power of their lackey, Sun Chuan Fang enabled them to nominate their agent as Lord mayor even in the Chinese town, In spite of the direct and indirect rule of the im- perialists in the whole of Shanghai, or even because of it, the revolutionary movement spread more quickly among all strata of the population than: be- fore, This is demonstrated particu- larly by the strikes which have been going on since June, by the election campaign for the Chamber of Com- merce and by the disbandment of the |Chinese merchant militia, Vast Numbers Strike. More than two hundred thousand | workers have taken part in the strikes were more sinned against than sinning. They came from Ohio where |petween July and the present time, men are careless. keyholes and refuse to accept checks. ‘ What crime did this man Fall commit that he should be thus held up to public scorn? Nothing very henious, indeed! transferred the governmenj’s naval oil reserves to a couple of oil kings. It is true that one of those magnates gave Fall a black satchel containing $100,000 and the other party drove a $25,000 herd of cattle onto his ranch, But the former was an old friend of his and the latter had more cattle than he could eat if he lived “to be as old as Methusalem. Everybody was doing it, as a jazz melody of recent years went, Why pick on Fall? Of course, Fall, while secretary of the interior, was continually urging the cabinet to declare war on Mexico on the ground that the Mexican government was not up to the ethical’ standard prevailing | in the United States, that the government of our southern neighbor was a band of robbers and did not believe in the sacred rights of property. But then again, Harry Daugherty felt the same way about rad , yet he pocketed everything that was not glued down. And we could keep on counting them for a whole day. Robbery is as indigenous to the capitalist system as his odor ig to a skunk. Why blame the fellow who gets caught? Instead of sending the unfortunate Fall to a penitentiary for | ¢ Rea Shanghai and the stfdnghold | one month, we suggest that a new cabinet position be created. Letjof the Chinese revolution. us name it the Department of Public Morals and who would be a better man for the job than Mr. A. B. Fall, a man of wide experience | and one who has shown that he has never-turned down a friend’s | If Andrew Mellon, the | town. In consequence of the students’ country’s outstanding bootlegger can be appointed head of our pro- | revolutionary activities, the imperial- hibition enforcement apparatus there is no’reason why Fall should | ‘sts, with the help of the Municipal | inoney? Let us have charity in our souls. not direct our Sunday schools. . . A Deddering Empire The British empire is riding to a fall. Despite the liberal quan- tity of butter spread over the hard tack that was fed to the public from the larder of the ‘imperial conference the fact remains that John Bull’s teeth are not what they used to be, after sampling the chow. John Bull would rather bend than break, but there is a limit even to bending. John’s belly may soon find itself where his backbone used to be and sad to relate, there may be nothing available to put in it. And an empty imperial paunch is about as unlovely a sight as one would not wish to see. The dominions that imperial Britain reared at her apron strings have decided to start housekeeping. They came to this decision without Bull’s permission. Which made John mighty angry. How- ever, in view of conditions in China, India and Egypt and complica- iions with imperialist powers, Britain came to the conclusion that discretion was the better part of valor and decided to use diplomacy | perialists, The conflicts between the rather than the rattling saber. It was not thus in the old days. The dominions wanted. more freedom. They got it. dominions are now as free as the air excepting that they have con- sented to recognize the royal family. Which means little beyond saving the imperial face. The fact is that the dominions no longer need the naval power of Britain and therefore their relations with ihe “mother country” are almost as platonic as those of the pope with the celestial virgins. it takes a long time to build empires, but it does not take as | against the new municipal admtinistra- long to topple them. He only | In fact the | have become so acute of late that the A New England administration would plug the|never less than ten thousand being out at the same time. The strikes .in- ‘volved not only foreign but also Chinese works, They spread from the factory workers to the categories of municipal and transport workers; they were more of a political than of an economic nature, Altho the Trade Union Council and the unions were constantly -prohibited, the workers maintained their organization the | whole time. The employers and the police were even compelled by the workers to ne- gotiate with these prohibited organi- zations, At an anti-imperialist demon- stration on September 7th ‘of the cur- rent year, the anniversary of the sign- {ing of the boxer treaty, there were |violent encounters with the police both in the Chinese and the foreign quarters, In any case, the two hundred thousand organized workers of Shan- ghai form a united front. They have | been trained by the numerous strikes jand fight with skilled tactics against their oppressors. They are the nucleus | Students a Big Factor, It is a known fact that the students jin Shanghai are very radical. There are more than ten colleges in the | Council, forced the professors and the | heads of the schools to carry on a re- | jactionary policy against the students | lin the schools, In the Spring of this | | year, the students of one of the Shan | | ghai colleges were called upon to take Jan oath that they would not actively | concern themselves with politics, The | students embarked on a strike which lasted for months and finally five hun. | dred of them left the school, Members of the Communist: Party and of the Kuomintang have been ana |are being simply expelled from other colleges. In quite recent times, the | chief union of the Chinese students | has been prohibited by Sun Chuan | Fang. The ten thousand students in Shanghai are a great assistance! to the movement in the town and to | the Chinese revolution, ~ | The small and middle tradesmen are also exploited and oppressed by {the large bourgeoisie and the im- {small tradesmen and the bourgeoisie | former have left the chamber of com- } |merce and formed organizations of their own. On May 30th 1925 they even formed a united front with the workers and students. In recent times, they have been carrying on an embittered campaign against the tax- ation policy of Sun Chuan Fank and | tion. (Formerly the tradesmen’ had an autonomy in the municipal -adminis- tration, of which they have been de- prived by Sun Chuan Fang.) These many hundreds of thousands of small tradesmen are always active in the re- volutionary movement, but they are extremely hostile to the large bour- geoisie, the military rulers and the imperialists. Bourgeolsie Is Split. A remarkable struggle is going on between the two tendencies within the bourgeoisie. To the one group be- long only “Compradore” (large traders), to the other compradore and employers, The former are vassals 6f Great Britain, the latter of Japan, Un- til recently the Japanophile group had a strong, well-armed militia. Their leader was indeed, “for a time, the chief mayor of Shanghai. The bourgeoisie © has proved to be a traitor to the revolu- tionary movement, . Nevertheless, it suits their own interests, they\ are thoroughly radical, they advocate par- ticularly the abolition of the unequal treaties and sympathize at times, with the workers who are striking against the imperialists. The impérialists con- sequently describé them also as Red. At the order of the imperialists, Sun Chuan Fang has taken from them tie posts of chief mayor and President ef the police, withdrawing the chambers of Com- merce from their influence and in playing the management into the hands of the pure compradore group. Finally, on August 28th, for reasons which are not yet apparent, he dis- banded the militia of the employers’ group, The middle classes of Shanghai are engaged in a bitter fight against the imperialists and Sun Chuan Fang. In July, the bourgeois women organized several demonstrations because of the rise in prices and of the heavy taxa- tion, on which occasion there were violent encounters with the police. The “better class” bourgeoisie is fight- ing against Sun Chuan Fang and the imperialists under different slogans. They are, for instance, opposing the opium trade, which is s¢arried on by the imperialists in common with the military leaders in Shanghai and from the profits of which the enormous armies are maintained. How They Are Lined Up. Looked at as a whole, the city of Shanghai with its two millions of po- repeatedly | He has succeeded in j +E DAILY WORKER ~ Revolutionary Shanghai pulation, is divided into; two. fronts. To the one belong the imperialists, the military rulers, the professors and the compradore group, the other the workers, students, smal] tradesmen, middle class and_employers. Needless to say, the last group is much the stronger, In spite of the arrest and execution of numerous students and workers in Shanghai, the law and the police no longer have the necessary power to arrest the current of revolution; nei- ther has Sun Chuan Fang any control over the mutinies amongst his troops. | This ig why the imperialists centralize | their navy and marine forces in Shan- |gshai. The fate of the revolution in Shanghai depends to a large extent on | whether the imperialists can come to an agreement amongst themselves. Bank ‘Says It With Flowers’ to Worker KANSAS CITY, Mo., Nov. 23.—For once at least in their lives, some of the workers of this city had it “said to them with flowers.” The occasior was when they lined up with many ¢ the better classes to try to get thei savings out of the Park Nationa: Bank. Just before the doors of the institu- tion opened, a rush of. motorcycles guarded an armoured truck which ar- | rived, and from which sacks of gold |coin and bundles of currency were \hurried into the bank, This had come from the Federal Reserve Bank. As each anxious depositor entered, |a smiling little girl handed him a car- |nation, The paying tellers, with sta- comb and smiles, paid out money as if | they were flipping tips to a waiter in a cabaret. Then a man mounted a chair and asked all who were still on the sidewalk to come in. He intro- {duced himself as W. J. Bailey, the | governor of the Federal Reserve Bank, jand assured the waiting depositors jthat the bank was as sound as the rock of Gibraltar, and other things jthat are assumed to be inmovable ob- jects against irresistible forces. | The thing was well staged. Profes- |sors of psychology might have taken ja lesson. The depositors melted away. The workers in the lobby of the bank had ‘had it said to them with flowers. |The next occasion may come when | they die. The King Is Resting Easy Now; Marie Got What She Came For Corzoranestt! ' WHY IN HELL DONT SHE COME | HOME WITH THAT OAK > its ANEW NOVEL Cplon Ginclair : TCopyrigat, 1926, by Upton Sinciair) None of that bothered the old man; he was used to con- fusion, and all wrapped up in the strike. He told Bunny about it, and read: his article, a bitter statement of the grievances of the clothing workers. And then Bunny got down to the ques- tion of Rachel and her education, insisting that Chaim Menzies should persuade his daughter not to give up her career. Mrs. Menzies sat, staring with her large dark eyes, trying to under- stand; and suddenly she broke into a torrent of excited Yiddish, of which it was just as well that Bunny could not make out a word. For Mamma Menzies placed no trust in this handsome young boy, and put the worst possible construction upon his visit; he was trying to lure their daughter into sin, and maybe he had already done so—who could tell what sort of life she was living, with all these atheist and Socialist ideas in her head, Papa Menzies bade her sternly to hold her tongue, which and going to a college run by a lot of Krists! according to the Hebrew law she was supposed to do; but ap- parently she took her Hebrew law with as many allowances as he Krists took theirs. In the middle of her torrents of Yiddish, Chaim thanked Bunny for his kindness, and explained that what was worry.ng the girl was the hard time the family would have during the strike.. If Bunny would help the family, then it would be easy for Rachel to help herself. So they shook hands, and Bunny went home to report to Dad that he had acquired the responsibility of supporting half a dozen Jewish clothing work- ers! x Bunny was back at Southern Pacific. It was the line of least resistance; a nice, clean occupation, honorific and easy on the nerves. One who was good looking and wealthy, and knew how to charm the professors, could get by with almost no work at all, and have abundant time to read Bolshevik propaganda, and watch strikes happen; also to sport about town with a moving picture star, to drive and dine and dance with her, and escort her to week-end parties of the Hollywood elite. He might even have found time to visit the studio and watch her at work on her new picture; but she would not let him do this. She was too much in love with him, she could not concen- trate with him looking on. Moreover, she said, her work was horrid, all pictures were horrid; Bunny wouldn’t like what she was doing. It was just a way she earned her living, and she had to do what other people told her; it was without any relation to life, and Bunny, who was serious and educated, would think it childish or worse. She liked him to be serious, he was a dear and all that, and one of the few men who really could tell her something about the world; he, must go On being like that, and not pay any attention to her pictures. It struck Bunny as a little mysterious; She protested too much, And before long he discovered the reason—in some of the gossip about the screen world which filled pages upon pages of the newspapers. Vee Tracy was.working on a picture about Russia! She was to he a beautiful princess of the old regime, caught in the storm of the revolution, falling into the hands of the Bolsheviks, and making one of her famous “get-aways” with the aid of a handsome young American secret service man!” Vee had been working on this picture for the past six months; and | vight in the middle of it, she had gone and got herself a “parlor | Bolshevik” for a lover, and now was afraid to let him know what she was doing! ; ’ | Poor Bunny, he was making such earnest and devoted ef- |forts to ride on two horses at once! And the horses kept get- ting farther and farther apart, until he was all but split in the \middle! Here was this strike of the clothing workers, breaking ‘tm upon the peace of America’s premier “open shop” city, Jt | was the ¢elimax of a series of disorders—first a walkout of the , street railwaymen, and then of the carpenters; it was evident | hat the program of the reds, “boring from within,” was having | 4 terrifying success, and the thing had to be stopped, once for ‘all. The city council passed an anti-picketing ordinanée, which forbade anyone to even make an ugly face in front of a place | where there was a strike, Since not all the clothing workers |had faces of natural beauty, there was much infringement of chis law, and very soon the papers were full of accounts of riots, valiantly put down by the police. A part of Bunny’s curriculum at the university consisted of having Rachel Menzies describe to him and the rest of the “red bunch” how girls who were doing nothing but walking up and down the street in pairs; were being seized by the.police and had their arms twisted out of joint. Then one morning Rachel did not show up in class; next day came a note for Bunny telling him that Jacob Menzies had been clubbed almost insensible on the picket line. Jacob was the “right wing” brother, the pale, stoop-shouldered one who had been earning his education by pressing students’ pants; and Bunny had so far departed from the safe rule of dodging other people’s troubles that he felt it his duty to drive over to the Men- zies’ home, and have his feelings harrowed by the sight of Jacob Menzies in bed, pale as the sheets, and with a Hindoo turban | wound about his head. There was Mamma Menzies, with tears streaming down her cheeks, wailing over and over one Yiddish. word that’ Bunny could understand—“Oi! Oi! Oi!” Chaim Menzies, the father, was nowhere to be seen, because he had torn his coat-tails loose from his wife’s fingers, and was over at strike headquarters, doing his duty. ‘ : - (To Be Continued.) / STRIKE STRATEGY By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER ARTICLE XXIII ConsoLipaTinG THE Vicrory To consolidate the vietory in case of success is no fess urgently necessary for the workers than to organize their retreat in the event of defeat. It is not enough simply to win good settlement terms from the employers at the final conference table. Such terms amount to. little unless they are followed up by the thorough organization of the workers involved and the systematic utilization of their » Yietory to stimulate vast masses of other workers into action. , More than once the left wing has won major strikes only to find later that they have degenerated into little more than Pyrrhic victories. In a few moments hardly anything of them but the memory remained. This was because of failure to consolidate the victory, The great I, W. W. strike in Lawrence, Massachusetts in 1912, was a classical example of such failure to make the best of the victory. This historic strike, brilliantly foupht, resulted in a great success. Hundreds of thousands of workers in New England were deeply stirred by it and made ready for action. But almost nothing was done to swing : ia ff 3 4 my them into strikes against the employers. Indeed, not even the Lawrence workers themselves were organized solidly in a union, Consequently, in a very short time the I. W. W., in spite of its great victory, lost not only its small traces of organization in Lawrence but also its influence through- out New England. Jt was a golden opportunity lost. Two Prriops FavortNa Expansion Our strike strategy must guard against such disastrous anti-climaxes. This can be done by a proper understand- ing and systematic application of the theory of the of- fensive. Two special periods in big struggles, particularly of the unorganized, offer exceptionally good opportunities to draw masses into the struggle. These are; just at the beginning of great strikes, when the workers everywhere are inspired by the fight, and just after a big victory has been scored. The left wing must understand how to take complete advantage of these favorable opportunities, Then, above all, is the time when it must carry through militantly the offensive against the employers. ‘ The first element in consolidating the victory in a given strike situation is to solidly unionize the workers involved, Often this is a difficult task because unskilled and inexperi- enced workers have very, little understanding of the yalue of permanent trade union organization, Nevertheless, the union must be built and maintained at all costs, otherwise, disaster is certain. The [union building must be carried on el & energetically during the strike. No matter haw bitter or difficult the strike this basic task cannot be neglected. ‘~ The next element is to firmly establish among the workers the left wing organizations necessary for their ideological development, political, industrial, cultural, ete. And finally, there is the urgent necessity of systematically exploiting the victory by initiating great campaigns of organiaation among workers in the same or allied indus- tries. . Ra Tue Turory 1x Action . An example of how to consolidate the victory by apply- ing the theory of the offensive is seen in the big organiza- tion campaigns in the meat packing and steel industries in 1917-19. The movement began in the packing industry. Here we won dn important victory, establishing the 8-hour day and greatly increasing wages, This defeat of the ri packing trust enormously stimulated the workers every- where, organized and unorganized, i We followed up the victory systematically throughout the entire packing industry by firmly organizing the unions, not only in Chieago but also in every packing center throughout the contry, big and little, Next came successful campaigns to bring in the workers in subsidiary branches of ‘the general packing industry, such as those in buteher shops, p works, bufterine factories, fertilizer plants, ete. i t Then we further followed up be ig house victory by extending our offensive into the steel industry. We inangurated our big organizing campaign there. This was facilitated greatly by our success in the packing industry. The sted! workers were stimulated to fight; the progressive trade unionists felt that if the Packing Trust could be de- feated why not also the Steel Trust. Pursuinc Toe Dervaten Enemy Tt was the plan, in the event that the steel strike had succeeded, to immediately capitalize this victory by setting up a great organizing committee to carry on a national campaign to mobilize the workers of all industries into the unions. Victory in the steel industry, by tremendously heartening every section of the working class, would have given life and success to this giganti¢ organization cam- paigns , In military strategy it is a basic principle to follow up the victory by pursuing and destroying the defeated and disorganized enemy. All great generals of history have been masters of this strategy of the militant offensive. Working class strike strategists, patterning after the bril+ liant Lenin, must also learn to apply Its general principles, It will be by the supreme application of this strategy soma day against a weakened and demoralized employing class, that the American we will take their first step toward emancipation, by a ig the capitalist system, ¥