The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 21, 1926, Page 4

} i ' ere THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. pus W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il, Phone Monroe 4712 | SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months | $2.50 three months $2.00 three month —_ | | ‘Address al! mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, ill, J. LOUIS GDAHL WILLIAM F, DU fa BERT PILLER .. .. ditors -Business Manager — a aR Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. ‘Advertising rates on application, 290 Crawling Before the Queen Organized labor, as represented by its officialdom, has steered fairly clear of the skirts of Queen Marie, of Roumania, duriyg her visit in this country. : The exception, however, is to be found in J. W. Hayes, secretary- treasurer of the International Typographical Union, with, headquar- ters at Indianapolis, Ind. Hayes was not only anxious to befoul the union headquarters, ealled Typographical Terrace, by inviting the presence of the symbol of labor murder in Roumania, but in order to gain royal favor at- tacks the labor movement in other sections of the country. s dispatches from Indianapolis, Hayes is, reported as g the Chicago Federation of Labor for’ reférring to the Queen as “Bloody Marie,” ing that the members of organized la- dor in Chicago were “radici and intimating that they had taken orders from “the propaganda bureau of the Third International.” In r denounci President John Fitzpatrick, Secretary Edward Ny Nockels, and especially Vice-President Oscar F. Nelson will be stunned to learn ithat they are “radicals.” Have they not viciously fought radical- ism everywhere that it appeared, and many places that it didn’t? Whey must all confess that they get orders from old party pokticians fand from the labor tion higher up than themselves, but never from “the Third International,” which Hayes understands to, mean everything that exists over the one-sixth of the world’s land surface now under the red flag of the Union of Soviet Republics. But Hayes was evidently willing to say anything if only permitted to kiss Marie’s boots during her stay in the Indiana “open shop” metro- polis. ; : It is to the credit of great sections of the. American working lass that it spontaneously resented the presence in this country of the spokesman of the Roumanian tyranny. Resolutions were not only adopted by the Chicago Federation of Labor, but by other labor | jorganizations, including the Detroit Federation of Labor, Reaged | ‘by Frank X. Martel, host to the recent annual convention of the! ‘American Federation of Labor in that city. The Illinois Miner, official organ of what is left of the Farring- jfon regime in ihe Hlinois Mine Workers’ Union, gives space to the litem spreading Hayes’ attack. This gives rise to the question whether | John L. Lewis, president of the United Mine Workers of America, | might not have collaborated with Hayes in his red-baiting. The international headquarters of the U. M. W. A. is also located in| Indianapolis. Lewis would certainly be jealous of Hayes if he ‘knew that the latter had belly-crawled before the queen without ‘being able to join him. ; Worker Loses Thumb» | | WORKERS URGED TO HEAR By THURBER LEWIS ARTICLE I SIDE from their mere use Values, commodt- ties have another value. They have the value that they take on whey it comes to the point where they are exchanged for some other com- \ inods If they are not exchanged and made especially for that purpose, they are not Com: s modities, ‘They are mere use values. It is necessary to know how this exchange value is determined, The best way to begin. to do this is to think about what is common ‘to them. We saw that labor power is common to all commodities. We begin to suspect, therefore, that labor power has something to do with determining the value of these commodities when they go on the market for exchange. How Marx Put It. ET us state the case as Marx stated it. The value of a commodity is determined by the socially necessary labor power required to re- produee it. That sounds very: involved. Why must Marx talk about “socially necessary” and reproduction. Ford’s experts don’t figure that way, and they make profits, The*reason for this is that Marx was satisfied only by going to the root of the question. Ford js interested, only in profits. When Marx speaks of “socially necessary,” he means, simply, the AVERAGE labor power be- stowed on commodities »IN GENERAL. He wasn’t interested in tin lizzies or pig iron. He was interested in ALL commodities. He was after’ a common denominator so that he could analyze hig subject in its largest, its SOCIAL aspect. If another plant made Ford cars by hand, without the use of machinery the way they are made in Highland Park, Ford cars would not sell for more because ih one plant it took more labor to make them. No. would be determined by the cheapest method of production, the one most prevalent, the SOCIAL- LY NECESSARY amount of labor. So, with anything that is made for sale, it is clear that the value of it is set not on the basis of the most out of date and inadequate ways of mak- ing it—but on the most efficient and cheapest means of producing it. The Value of Labor Power. Bt we said that LABOR POWER was also & commodity. Every bit as much as Ford cars. This has value too. How can the value of labor power be determined? By exactly the same rule. The value of labor power is determined by the socially ary amount of labor power re quired to reproduce IT, How does this work out in fact? Take a Ford worker. He has labor power that he sells to Ford for eight houts a day. What is the socially necessary labor power required to reproduce this, Every commodity, as we say, has labor power, congealed or hidden in it. The bread and meat the Ford worker eats, represents certain amounts of labor power. The clothes he wears represent more labor power. The education he might have had. The things required to care for his wife and raise his children (labor power in the mak- dollars representing in money the social VALUE ing)—in a word, the necessaries of life that he consumes are commodities that represent, alto- THE DAILY WORKER Karl Ma The price of Ford cars * ,of OWNERSH! i The Value of All Commodities, Including Ford Cars, ‘Is Deter- mined by the Labor Power the Workers Put Into Them ——Ford Makes a’Profit by Giving His Workers the FULL VALUE of Their Labor Power. HENRY FORD, There are hundreds of thousands of workers directly or indirectly a part of the Ford industrial machine. Over this great social institution one man has un- disputéd direction solely because he invokes the right Why should one man or a few men of millions of workers? Why ething to say? Karl Marx answers these questio The accompanying article explains briefly the mechanics of capitalist exploitation accord- ing to Marx with particular reference to the Ford industries. control the desti haven't they ———_—____ gether, socially necessary labor power, that is, labor power necessary to produce the needed things of life: not only for the particular Ford worker, but for all Ford workers and all workers in the country. Ford Pays Full VALUE. ORD pays, like all employers, what are called wages. The average wage happens to be six dollars a day. We will explain later why Ford pays six dollars while all it may require the worker to actually reproduce his labor power is four dollars. For the moment, we are inter- ested in but the one fact, that the value of the labor power of the Ford worker is detérmined by the socially necessary labor power required to make it possible for him to continue to work, in the way we have explained. Let us’“%ontinue to assume that four dollars represents the necessary amount of subsistence required “by the worker. Ford pays all workers..at*least four dollars, that we know. Socially speaking then we come to this: that four dollars, represents in money the social VALUE of the labor power given by the worker, Ford, in paying his workers more than. four dollars, pays them at least the VALUD of their labor power. And yet he makes a profit, and a big one at that. How does this happen? Labor Power Has a Special Quality: ET us,compare labor power, as a commodity, with all other commodities. What is there about it that 4s different? A pound of sugar, for example js a commodity. But, until it is bought and eaten, it continues to be a mefe pound of | sugar. After itis eaten, it ceases, of course, to be a commodity. But what about"labor power? ‘Labor power is good only when it is at work. When it works, er applies his labor: power in turning a screw IT CREATES SOMETHING, When a Ford work- on a motor as it comes along on a conveyor, he has changed something, he has contributed his share towards the CREATION of a complete motor, The motor, complete and assembled, has more value, is worth more on the market, than it was when {tt was mere pig iron or a bunch of parts. It is obvious then that labor power, as a commodity, has something that other commodities lack. It hag the power to create additional value. Now. armef with this wonder working com- modity, the Ford worker enters the factory under contract to the management. ‘What does this contract say? It says that the worker will devote eight hours of his time applying his labor power in the production of Ford cars, adding, as we have seen, new value to the particular part of the machine that comes to his hand. With every operation he makes the part that comes along to him on the conveyor more valuable than it was before it got to him. And for these hours of VALUE CREATING work, Ford pays him at least four dollars which we decided was the amount he required to exist on, or the VALUB of the labor power he sold to | Ford. The worker has no kick coming. He is getting full value for his work. But how does Ford make his profit if he pays the worker the VALUE of his labor power? r Four Hours For Me—4 Hours for Henry, ‘ELL it so happens that the worker, going into 2 the Ford plant with all the efficiency devices with which he has to work can, in eight hours’ work, producé much more than the mere four dollars that he requires to live on. He can pro- duce much more than the six dollars that Ford actually pays him, Let us assume that in four hours of work, the labor power of the worker adds to the Ford car in process of production, six dollars. That is the value of the labor power that Henry bought from him, But when his four hours work is over, he doesn’t wash up and go home. Oh, No! Henry has hired him for eight and eight he works. It stands to reason that in eight hours, the workey would pro@uce at least twelve dollars in value, that the value creating labor power he gives to the commodity, Ford au- tomobile, is represented by twelve dollars. That’s where the profit comes in. That’s why Henry can have a bank balance of tens of millions of dollars. That’s why-Henry can build new plants. (Continued tomorrow) * his | Small Compensation HAMMOND, Ind., Nov. 19.—Because jot an accident at the Standard Steel fCar Company, Carrol lost half of his }thumb. For the loss the company gave him fenly $200, altho Carrol has not been able to work for weeks. The case was ‘prought up before the Indiana indus- ‘trial commission. Mr. Perkins ruled bthat that is all Carrol can receive ac- leording to law. Carrol said: “If the /4ndustrial board says that I can only get $200 I guess I have to take it, be- ‘enuse that’s the law. But I sure would Vike to see those fellows that made 'ghat rotten law in jail.” The Standard Steel Car Company is ‘well known as the worst factory in the district from which to collect acci- a@ent compensation, PITTSBURGH, Nov. 19—A drop of 25 cents to 30 cents in crude oil prices on the Pittsburgh market was announced by the Joseph Seep Ag- Ferdie Is Not So Til But Queen Marie Hurries Back Home (Continued from page 1.) the suppressed Roumanian mini les combined with International oT Defense wére to voice their protest Communist Press” will be discussed. | against the Roumanian terror, was Comrade C. E, Ruthenberg, general | scheduled for Friday evening. secretary of the Workers (Commun- ice oe ist) Party, and Nat Kaplan, editor of The Young Worker, will be the main speakers. A thoro discussion on the importance of the press to the movement will be had at the meeting. The meeting starts at 2:30 o'clock. DISCUSSION ON ROLE OF PRESS AT SUNDAY MEET All Chicago workers are Invited to attend a meet Sunday afternoon at Croatian Home, 1903 South Racine avenue, where “The Role of the Illness an Excuse. The“ above ‘dispatches rather bear out The DAILY WORKER'S state- ment of yesterday that the queen can- celled her trip because of her fear of further manifestations against her, using King Ferdinand’s illness as an excuse. The Berlin message, corro- Cabinet Crisis in Chile. borated by reports from Bucharest di- SANTIAGO, Chile, Nov, 19—The| rect, indicates that ‘Ferdinand’s ill- political crisis which has been extant | ness is simply a continuation of an in Chile for several weeks took a new | ailment that was with him long be- turn today when the minister of war | fore the queen departed for America. asked the president to demand the re-| The fact that the queen aided in signation of the cabinet, stating that | the raising of huge, loans by reason personal following among the wealthy banking and industrial families, is an added reason for cancelling the trip at a time when her | arity is dis- tinctly on the wane and she is head- ed for notoriety instead of popularity. Why Cancellation? It is of some significance also that while she still has four 6r fiye days to stay in the country, the queen chooses seclusion instead of keeping her social obligations. (Pr it plans call for Prince Nichdlas to make these cancelled engagenients instead, taking the boat with the queen when it sails on Wednesday, Her majesty is not unwell and the condition of her husband does not exactly call for complete retirement. Her seeking refuge at the home of one of the bankers who no doubt is participating in the big loan is not without its implications, BEATTYVILLE, Ky., Nov, 19. — Efforts were being made today to cap the oil gusher which has been flowing more than 300 barrels an I. W. W. Branch Will Hold Mass Meeting for Worker-Martyrs A mass protest meeting will be held for Sacco and Vanzetti and the Hay- market martyrs by the Chicago branch, No, 1, G. R. U., of the I. W. W. Sunday, November 21, 2 p. m,, at Schmidts Hall, 3422 Grace street, One half of the proceeds from the meet- ing will go to the Sacco and Vanzetti defense, and one half will go to the defonse of class war prisoners. Speakers will be: Phil Engle, I, W. W. organizer, C. M. O’Brien, organ- izer, Ralph Chaplin, poet, artist and lecturer, Paul Miller, Finnish, organ- izer, I. W. W, and others, FOLSOM PRISON, Cal., Nov. '19.— Three desperate characters, Leo Bren- nan, William, O’Brien and Thomas Griffin, all serving terms on burglary charges, were still missing today, The trio disappeared ‘Monday afternoon Would Show Pictures of Hall-Mills Murder . Scene at Court Trial COURTHOUSE, SOMERVILLE, N. J., Nov, 19.—Alexander Simpson, the spectacular prosecutor in the Hall- Mills murder trial, today requested in court that he be allowed to project on a screen pictures of Derussey’s Lane So that the jurors could obtain an ac- curate idea of the scene where the Rev. Edward Wheeler Hall and Mrs. Eleanor Mills were shot to death on the night of Sept. 14, 1922. This unprecedented proposal from the prosecutor provoked a vigorous objection from the defense, Missing Bank President Located. PEORIA, Ill, Noy. 19.— Lawrence B. Travers, president of the State Bank of Bath, Ill, for whose arrest a warrant was issued Friday charging embezzlement of $30,000 and who has been missing for about a week, was located today at the home of his bro- 18,000 Workers Out at New York Protest for Sacco and Vanzetti. (Continued from page 1) }to attend, pledging their support to” | the sponsors of the meeting. f Flynn said that “we want mot only’ {a new trial, but the liberation and |vindication of Sacco and Vanzettt. Nothing less than that will satisfy | them or satisfy us. | “We must not allow their case to | become another Mooney and Billings. They want no commutation of sen- jtence. Theyywant liberty or death.” Giovannitti Speaks. Arturo Giovannitti, one of the vic- tims of the famous Ettor-Giovannitti frame-up, which also took place inthe state of Massachusetts, said thateven if Sacco and Vanzetti were released from jail now, they would be only shadows and ghosts, of former selves. That the capitalist system of society must be held responsible for that state of affairs. Also that “stupid, brutal system of society, which we call democracy.” — ~ Judge Jacob Panken pointed out that the district attorney was bent on getting a conviction so he could dfs Play another scalp on ‘his girdle. “IT want to join my voice,” con- tinued Panken, “with the deceit peo ple of this country to take off. this spot on the American people.” Foster Greeted with Cheers. The next speaker was William Z. Foster. AVhen he was announced almost the entire audience rose and cheered him for several minutes, He spoke in part, as follows: “What is the issue? Does any one believe this is a simple murder case? { do not think so. It is because Sacco and Vanzetti have become the symbol of resistance on the part of the working class to capitalism, that they are trying to make an example of them. “What was their crime? They |dared to strike a blow to that which jis dearest to the bosses—their profits. | Also *to lead the workers into strugy gle militantly.” The other speakers were: Richard Brazier, of the I. W. W.; Moissaye J. Olgin, editor of the “Hammer;” Arthur Garfield Hays, of the Ameri- can Civil Liberties Union; Ena Sor- |menti, editor of Il Lavoratore; Ar- turo Di Pietie of IL, Novo Mondo; | Norman Thomas of the League for In- dustrial Democracy; Pietro Allegra, of the Anti-Fascist Alliance and Leon- |ard D. Abbott. ( |Chicago I. L. D. to |Give Workers’ Cabaret \with Unique Features | Members and friends of Internation- {al Labor Defense in Chicago will cele- brate on Thank$giving eve, November 24, at a most unique affair, It will be @ proletarian cabaret, or,workers’ en- tertainment, with a continual round of dancing with Dickerson’s Southern Jazz orchestra, and excellent refresh- ments. All of this will be in profuse and colorful variety, guarantees the committee in charge, which has been suzzing about engaging the entertain- ment features and surprises. { “Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, the na- suest—and they say that she’s even more democratie than Queen Marie!” said one of the committeemen in charge of the affair. “With Dickerson’s orchestra will come two comedians of note, and a soloist who is preparing the special numbers asked for by the committee. He may become blue in thie face driv- ing away the blues; Other singer- entertainers include Mme. Maller, Ricky Lewis in proletarian and folk songs, M. Polkoff in “song and dance,” a popular radio entertainer, and still more and more, The I, L, D. cabaret will be held at Mirror Hall, Western Ave., just south of Division street. Come ahead! ency, purchasing medium for the Standard Oil Company. STRIKE STRATEGY By WILLIAM Z, FOSTER settled, ARTICLE XX Trapt Union AGREEMENTS Strike strategy under present conditions in the United States must include definite policies regarding the making ef trade anion agreements. For many years the ultra-left- sts, best typifled by the I. W. W., have emphatically opposed in principle the signing of any trade union agree- ments whatsoever. They maintain that such documents constitute agreements of the workers to abandon the class struggle for the terms they are in force, They advocate merely oral agreements. This incorrect attitude, which is one of the many forms of the ultra-leftism which has prevented the I, W. W. from expanding, is a reaction against the wrong policies of the right wing trade union leaders in making trade union agreements. The latter, with their class collabora- tion conceptions, believe that such agreements actually end the struggle for their terms, They hold agreements to be sacredly inviolable. By signing up their various craft contracts to expire at different dates they use them as a justification for one union to scab upon another, Wrrrren Acremments Necessary But the strike strategy must not be determined by snch flimsy arguments as those of the I. W. W.. Trade union agreements do not and cannot put an end to the class struggle, not even temporarily. The struggle between workers and employers goes On under such agreements, ' . only in this way could the crisis be of the widespread favorable publicity she received and by bullding up a although it takes different forms than strikes. We must realwe this fact and learn to fight effectively under these agreements. Under present conditions trade unien agree- ments are technically necessary to the maintenance of organized relations with the employers. It is idle to speak of mere oral agreements in connection with such vast and complicated industries as railroads, coal mines, and many others, “What the left wing: must learn is how to prevent the many evils often connected with trade union agreements and how to fight the employers successfully even while in contraetural relations with them. The A. F. of L. upper bureaucrats make a fetish of the sacredness of trade union agreements. They never cease harping upon the solemn obligations of the workerg to live up to their contracts scrupulously, Nor do they stop at open strikebreaking where the workers goaded by the employers, strike before the official expiration of their agreements, Some of the worst betrayals in American labor history have taken place this way. Recent cases in point were Berry’s furnishing men to take thg place of the striking New York-union pressmen, and Lewis’ treachery in driving the Nova Seotia coal miners back to work to seab on the striking steel workers of the British Empire Steel Corporation, . ‘Tun Emptoyers’ Reatistic Virw The contract policy of the reactionary trade union leaders jplays directly into the hands of the employers. It keeps the workers bound hand and foot by the union agreements, while the employers violate them whenever the opportunity presents itself. The employers consider trade union agreements eold-bloodedly from the sole standpoint of expediency. They are not swayed by the sentimental rubbish about the sacredness of contracts, which our conservative leaders eternally make so much of, Z hour since it came in Tuesday, with a loss of more than $100,000. and so far no trace of them has been found, here. “When the employers find: it profitable to fulfill the “ms of such agreements they do so. If not, they break them and the union too, if they can, Their present’ wide- spr¢ad violation of the so-called Jacksonville agreement in the bituminous regions is typical. In the deep-going coal crists of the past couple of years the operators have seen an opportunity to get rid of both the Jacksonville agreement and{the miners’ union, and they are doing so brazenly and w ed, They are entirely unmoved by Lewis’ intermin- able and impotent pleas that they live up to their promises solemnly made to the union. ¢ he workers must become equally “practical” in their attibude towards trade. union agreements, and realize that such agreements ‘are not worth more than the paper they are written on unless the workers have powerful organiza- tions to enforce their fulfillment. As for the “sacredness” of these documents, the workers, taking a leaf out of the book of the employers, should never let them stand in the way of the advancement of their own interests. Agreements must never be allowed to keep workers on their jobs to scab upon strikers; they must never be used to drive strikers back to work. Provinine Ereow Room _ The left wing must always fight for elbow room in trade union agreements by insisting upon “no-scab” clauses of yarious kinds. Wherever several uniohs are involved, we must demand joint agreements or, at the least, the expiration of all agreements at the same time, The experi- ence in the British general strike, when vast groups. of workers struck in spite of their agreements, proves that a militant working class will never allow such faint treaties with the enemy stand in the way of fighting. this enemy ely when the opportune time arrives, a ‘long or ‘In the question of whether there should’ be ther in Phoenix, Ariz., it was learned Use your brains and your pen to ald the workers in the class struggle. WRITE AS YOU FIGHT! short term agreements the workers and employers have different interests. Ordinarily employers propose long term agreements (three te five years or more) when they are dealing with strong unions,except when there is a near prospect of a rapid fall in wages because of industrial depression, ~ . \ Lona Term AcrerMEnts ; : Such long term agreements favor the employers in several ways. They make for “peace” in the industry, and the checking of the workers developing offensive and grow- ing class consciousness, whieh are vital consigerations. Moreover, they enable the employers to figure further, ahead about their costs, and give them-an opportunity to make | better preparations to defeat their workers in the next wage movement, For the workers short term agreements (one of two years in length) are the best. They make for struggle, for the development of the workers’ consciousness, for the strengthening of their unions. They also result in winning more concessions from the employers. Reactionary labor leaders, who always want to avoid the struggle, support the employers’ in demanding long term agreements. The abandonment by the United Mine Workers of its old-time militant poliey of yearly agree ments and the acceptance of long term agreements in both the anthracite and bituminous fields was a surrender to the operators. It was a menacing symptom of the deep crisis in which the U, M. W, of A. now finds itself, The left wing niust always fight for the best terms possible in its agreement with employers but it must never rely upon these pieces of paper. It must ever and always place its reliance in powerful trade unions, clear-seeing and militantly led. These are the workers’ only guarantee for the fulfillment of the employers’ contracts, q | tional chairman of I. L, D., will be the « N