The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 19, 1926, Page 6

tL it | E DAILY THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER 1 PUBLISHING CO. 313 W. Washington Blvd.,’ Chicago, M1) Phons Monroe 471! SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (In Chicago only): By mali (outside of Chicago)! ‘$8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year 98.50 six months | $2.50 three months $2.00 three months ew \ adarees all mall and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ik J, LOUIS ENGDAHL \ WILLIAM F; DUNNE. MORITZ J. LOBB. es Entered as second-class mall September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chb | cago, Iil., under the act of March 8, 1879. | Advertising rates on application, Unity on the Land For the first time in the history of the nation the agrarians of the South are meeting with the agriculturalists of the North. The scene of this historic development is the mutual gathering at St. Louis of the southern cotton planters and northern grain | growers, facing the continuing problem of an unexportable crop sur-| plus. Relief is being sought in the cotton and corn crisis. Previous divisions are wiped out by-the fact that the cotton growers have an 18,000,000 bale. crop on their hands, for which they are able to get only 12 cents a pound. It is estimated that it costs at least 18} cents a pound io produce this crop, This means a loss of at least six cents per pound sold. The corn growers face the same predicament. They have already sought relief thru the McNary-Haugen bill that was rejected by the) last session of congress. Corn, however, now finds an ally in cotton, and a return assault will no doubt be made on congress when it assembles for the short session next month. That the Coolidge-Mellon administration is aiding the enemies of | the agrarians in the south as in the north is shown by the declara-| tion of the cautious Senator Caraway of Arkansas that: “The president’s committee, which consists of Secretaries Hoover, | Mellon and Jardine and Eugene Meyer, chairman of the war finance corporation, is helping the speculators but doing nothing for the) farmers.” That is the kind of fake “relief” that: the Coolidge -Melion crowd | hands owt to the northern corn and wheat belts. | But Senator Caraway will be of no greater assistance. He will | bitterly fight any attempt to disturb the present social relations. The gathering at St. Louis will doubtless be content to plead for relief from congress. But the raising of this issue will help develop | a clearer viewpoint by the poor farmers of the grain fields of the north and the cotton growers of the south in the struggle to protect) their | interests. They will learn to organize against-the social system pro- tected by the old party politicians. The cotton growers will follow the grain growers in developing their farmer-labor movement, inde- pendent of the old parties and fighting the interests of the bankers, the speculators and the landlords. ~ The pillaged on the land must weseccnrerensseessee I GtOTS ..Business Manager <i 290 | | manufacturers {cepted by the union spell defeat. | won; | have not even attempted to apply to i ship would have co-operated with | workers is bound up with the welfare 46 By BEN GITLOW. HE New York Times of November 18 contains an editorial under the eading of ‘Wasteful and Futile Strikes.” This editorial, dealing with the settlement reached in the cloak- makers’ str between the. inside and the union, claims the following: | That the prolonged bitter and costly struggle should never have been be gun, | That compared with the original de- mands of the unions, the terms ac- ‘That the decision of the governor's advisory commission gdve virtually the demands the workers have now that they could have won the demands without incurring an enor- mous loss in wages and dislocating the industry, That the strike-was additionally un- reasonable because it was directed against the ultimate best interests of the workers, because it was aimed at the so-called inside manufacturers, the larger shops where the conditions were better for the workers, where the average employment is nearly 40 pr cent greater and which manufac- turers were greatly handicapped by union regulation which the unions the smaller shops. That the intelligent union leader- these inside manufacturers instead of handicapping them against the jobber. That the reasons behind the strike may have been union politics involv- | ing a struggle for control by the radi- | cal elements. That the cloakmakers’ strike on a smaller scale is like the British coal | strike, inasmuch as the cloakmakers, | like the British miners, obstinately re- fused to admit that the welfare of the of their industry, That to wage war against the most | enlightened employers is wanton reck- lessness, That there are times when it would seem that labor has, outgrown the an- cient slogans about the robber capi- talist, labor leaders not being afraid to admit that wages go hand in hand | with productivity, when along comes a | garment* strike or a coal strike to show that the old fallacies are still strong enough to be exploited by ig- norant and selfish leaders. unite with the exploited in the cities in their own fight. Toward this end the St. Louis conference should help teach a few lessons. Queen Marie leaves Chicago... But she cannot escape American | labor’s protest against the terror regime that rules in Roumania. Workers must not be lired into. continuing their support of the | Coolidge-Mellon regime thru tax rebates granted the rich and fake | maneuvers repudiating the world court. The bankers rule just as securely as ever. Join the army to “Help Ree, The os WORKER.” | eration be given to this editorial. The | position of the New York Times is the | jin favor of accepting the decision ‘ing strikes that are costly and futile It is very important that due consid- | | position not only of the capitalsts, but | the position of the right wing leader- ship. The right wing leadership op- | posed the calling of a strike and were handed down by the governor's ad- visory commission. It is to be ex- pected that the very arguments used by the New York Times will be used | by the right wing in order to prove | that left wing leadership is romantic, | impracticable, interested only in call- for the workers. They will claim that right wing leadership would have voided a strike and peaceably brought | improved conditions to the workers. The trouble with the contentions of the New York Times and the right wing is that it neglects to consider all the factors in the situation. That it looks upon the struggle, the Times thru’ capitalist goggles, and the right | wing leaders thru their own goggles ers to fight militantly for better con- ditions. The cloakmakers’ strike has not been ended by. the agreement reached with the inside manufacturer- ers. The cloakmakeps’ strike is a pro- longed and bitter struggle. Could it |be avoided without treacherously giv- ing up the interests of the workers? The answer, if the facts are examined, must be emphatically no. The decision of the governor's ad- visory commission appointed by the so-called friend of, labor, Governor |Smith of Tammany, Hall, considered for two years the deplorable condi- tions existing in the,ladies’ garment industry in New York. For two long years in the interests. of the bosses, it delayed passing upon the urgent de- mards of the workess. When their decision was made public the workers discovered that every demand of the workers was denied with the excep- tion of a slight Increase in wages. The report, which condemned in strong language the bad working conditions in the industry, the poverty and mis- ery_of the workers, then proceeded to grant the main demand raised by the employers, the right to discharge their workers at will, The inside manufac- turers though they accepted the gov- ernor’s commission decision as a basis for the settlement of the strike, did not indicate that they were in a mood |for settlement. From the very begin- {ning they maintained a hostile atti- tude to the union and clearly indt- cated that they were determined to use the decision of the governor’s ad- | visory commission to smash the union. Besides, the other factdrs in the trade | were induced to ignore the union. | Their position was: No recognition | whatsoever of the existence of the j union and the establishment of open shop conditions in the;industry. For the union to have attempted to avoid the struggle would have demoralized the forces of the organization, would have aided the bosses, and would have continued in a more aggravated form the abominable conditions prevailing \in the industry, The decision of the governor’s com- mission was the most powerful weapon placed in the. hands, of. the bosses. | Responsible... directly, for giving the bosses this weapon wag the right wing Sigman forces, who two years ago, when they controlled.the union with the advice and agreement of Morris Hillquit, placed the workers’ destiny in this anti-labor .cemmission, .Op- posed to militant action, disregarding the demands of the left wing which was then in opposition, the action of the right wing for two ears delayed a consideration of the workers’ de- The International Trade of Mexico The following figures, ‘showing the extent of and the increase in Mexican trade—the United States buying and selling more than twice the totals of all other nations combined—the tremendous pro- duction and possibility of development of the oil and mineral industries—silver, copper, ead and zinc—give an insight into the economic reasons underlying the Mexican policy of the state depart- ment—one of continyal pressure on the Mexican goverment especially at a time like the present when internal enemies are striving for repeal of the land laws which maketthe natural resources the property of the government. By R. Martinez Perdomo. HE figures given in the Anurio Estadistico for the international trade of Mexico during the years 1920 to 1925 show that the import and ex- port trade of Mexico ts increasing every year, The total international trade of Mex- Jeo during the year 1923 reached a total of 883,579,640 Mexican pesos; tn 1924, 936,084,130, and in 1925, 1,073,- 481,000. Imports made by Mexico in 1924 amounted to 321,371,605, while in 1925 were 390,996,172. Expofts made by Mexico amounted in 1924 to 614, 712,515 and in 1925 to 682,484,832) Ir both years, 1924 and 1925, the trade balance in favor of Mexico was 293, 340,910 and 291,488,660 pesos, respect: ively. HESE trade balances in favor of Mexico may give the idea that the economig situation of the county Is very good, but in going over the fig- ures of the exports against the im: | porta made by Mexico and the kind of products sold by Mexico, it can be seen that this favorable balance doee not benefit Mexico to the extent that these figures seem to warrant. Export Trade.” 4 The trade with the United States during 1925 was as follows: Imports from Mexico, 616,862,614 Mexican posos, and exports to Mexico, 274,495,- 561 only, There is a balance in Mex- feo's favor of 242,367,053, or about $121,189,626 “in United States cur- reney, IMPARING the export. trade. of exico in 1928 with a total of 643,549,006, with the export in 1925 of 682,484,832, it 1s noted the great ghange of the export commodities that Mex. Jeo is sending out to forelgn coun trie! eter oh Bs a | 291,997,694. The big drop in the ex- | Therefore, the export trade is the real port of petroleum and by-products was | one that has given increasing purchas- offset by the increase in the export |ing power to the Mexican people, and In 1928 Mexico exported olf ral products for an mete trade of some other commodities, chiefly In animal products, the total amount in 1924 being 4,364,595, against 9,829,500 in 1926. Gear items of export that have in- creased gréatiy are the textile fibres, food products, and some other kind of vegetal products. The total in amount was 120,922,342 pesos. Minerals, silver, zinc and lead ha¥e increased in production from 100 mil lions in 1923 to 135 millions in 1926, and the industrial metals with a total production of 46 millions in 1922 to 119,875,639 in 1925. those of 1925, heavy detrease in the oil exports has not affected adversely the total inter- national trade of Mexico and the trade balance has given Mexico a much wider margin of benefit in 1925 than in any year since 1920, when the recon- ruction of the country was started. dbo export trade of Mexico has bgen in the ascendancy, as proved by the following figures: 1923 ,, 568,471,114 1924 .. 614,712,515 1928 ,, 682,484,832 Against these high figures of Mexti- can exports {s noticeable the low {m- | portation, og purchases made by Mex: \teo, in the foreign countries, Tho total amount in 1925 of 490,996,172 Mexican pesos shows that the balance of export trade 1s made by minerals and subsoll products owned by foreign capital and therefore the huge profits of these companies do not return to Mexico, while the other {ndustrios, products, are 1922 was 67,071,088 and in 1925 the | Comparing the figures of 1924 with | it ig moted that the | buying from Mexico is as follows: United States. $516,862,614 United Kingdom... 52,115,531 | means a great deal more to the final Germany 33,018,743 | economle development of Mexico than Cuba 19,058,786 | the great figures reached by the oil France 11,748,292 and mining industries, altho for reve- Holland . 10,751,731 nue purposes it means a great deal to Argentine .. ww» 9,821,264 the government of Mexico, Brazil .. 7,256,838 The principal customer of Mexico_is Belgium .. 8,432,838 {the United States, as in 1925 she OUNTRIES that buy more than sell bought $516,862,614 worth of staple to Mexico—Unite@. States, United products, Kingdom, Germany, Quba, Holland, Ar- | 1H importance of the principal | gentine, Brazil and Belgium, Mexican ports in regard to the to-| Countries that sell more than buy tal amount of trade exported thru|from Mexico—Frange, Italy, Spain, them is as follows Tampico $400,981,844 Austria, China, Colombia, ,Qzecho-Slovakia, Japan, Domi Republic, Vera Cruz 72,283,623 Sweden, Switzerland, Laredo .. 44,312,192 The export trade of Mexico in 1925 1 Progreso 31,706,455 by continent was agdollows: | Ciudad Juarez 24,941,655 North America,,....$520,530,360 | Nogales 23,722,622 Central America... 7,003,122 | Agua Prieta 18,258,001 South America... 19,909,443 | 12,247,928 West Indies .....gn. 22,382,994 , | 9,888,286 Total in A 7,055,026 can continent. $569,825,913 The importance of the Mexican ports Europe qe 111,715,763 in connection with the Import trade is as follows: Vera Cruz 107,558,136 Laredo ... 80,258,330 Tampico 66,810,870 Ciudad Juarez 21,459,337 Progreso 19,052,936 | Nogales 16,352,336 | P, Negra 13,327,884 Mexico City 26,029,853 The total amounts by countries sell- ing to Mexico are follows: United State: $274,495,561 | United Kingdom..., 36,392,124 | Germany... 29,867,999 France 20,907,106 Italy 3,008,943 Spain . 8,131,331" Belgium 2,999,288 ‘The tmporfance ot the oountrien} opens eens , Asia 661,456 281,700 ue most noticeable thing in the export trade of Mexico is the min- eral production, From January to April, 1925, there was a production of 932,427 kilograms of silver, 14,059,- 924 of lead, and 6,390,882 of ainc. . During the same period of this year the production has been of 1,004,676 kilograms of silver, 16,176,468 of lead, and 28,201,286 of zine, Mexico has the first place in the world as producer of silver, the second place in lead production, fifth place in production of copper and, due to the great demand and high price pald for zinc, Mexito first place regardii metal oe of this ‘ that are dimmed with pessimism and | ack of faith in.the ability of the work- | soon be in the | “Wasteful and | {mands and gave the bosses the splen- |did opportunity of obtaining the | weapon, they long desired against the j workers and the union, the right of discharge. This treachery of the right | wing is to be condemned most severely |and is responsible for the prolonged |and bitter struggle. The left wing and the militaney of the workers is not to | blame. The Times and the right wing would like to create the impression that the strike ended in total defeat for the workers, In spite of the fact that the j union had to overcome great difficul- ties, such as the jobber difficulty, the scabbing situation due to the develop- ment of the out-of-town markets, the open protection of scabbing by the right wing machine, the opposition of Governor Smith. and his compulsory arbitration proposals, the injunctions, the wholesale arrests coupled with un- precented police violence and brutal- ity, and the open and deliberate hold- ing up of relief by. the: right wing | leaders in other unions, it neverthe- | less was able to register a victéry for the workers. _Even the retreat on the question of 10% reorganization was made only after the union had forced the manufacturers to recede from their original position by granting the union the right to review discharges and guaranteeing the workers weeks’ employment during the year. a 42-hour 5-day week for 18 months, to be followed by a 40-hour week, thus establishing the 40-hour 5-day week in the industry, limitation of contract- ors, a better arrangement providing union supervision of the labor bureau that provides workers to the manufac- turers, and an increase in wages much above that granted by the governor's commission. These are notable achievements, and their-winning can only be attributed to the militancy, courage and fighting spirit of the workers. Without a struggle, the bosses could never have been forced to grant them. The left wing deserves credit that it had that courage to enter opposition of the bosses, aided by the capitalist state and the criminal strike-breaking activities of the right wing. When the New York Times speaks about unreasonableness of the strike, that it was against the interests of the workers because’ it was directed against the inside manufacturers, who the Times wants us to believe are friendly to labor, one is reminded of the famous cartoons in the daily capi- | talist press captioned “Bug House Fa- bles.” The inside manufacturers are the richést factors in the ladies’ gar- ment industry. By the exploitation of the workers they have become exceed- ingly wealthy. They are not one whit concerned about the: welfare of the workers. To them, like all the other factors in the trade, profits are the first consideration. The record of these manufacturers is stubborn and bitter opposition to the union, Their workers have not shared in the enor- mous prosperity they have enjoyed. In the negotiations with the union they made demands upon the union for speeding up, for less union control, and, in the main, for further impov- erishing the workers and aggravating | their exploitation. Tho employment jin some, not all, of the inside shops may be slightly better than in the con- tractors’ shops, the very fact that they opposed bitterly time guarantee indi- cates that they realize that, as bosses, they have everything to gain by main- taining in the industry a system of insecurity of employment. The left wing in raising the issue of time-guar- anteed employment hag taken steps to remedy a condition in the garment industry that is responsible for short periods of feverish employment and then prolonged periods of unemploy- ment, causing gragt misery and suf- fering among the garment workers. The irfside manufacturers are boss and not lily white angels. Like shy- locks, regardless of consequences, they are interested only in extracting their pound of flesh from the workers, To co-operate with them would only result in selling the interests of the workers for a mess of pottage, The New York Times does not stop here. It now takes up the argument repeated time and again by the right wing during the course of the strike. It is the same argument raised by the Jewigh Daily Forward, that the left wing calls futile strikes only for polit- ical purposes. The Times insinuates that the reason behind the strike may have been union politics involving con- trol by the radical elements, In the first place, the New York Cloakmak- ers’ Union was in the hands of the left wing radical elements when'the strike was called, It was. the conservative right wing reactionary forces that, for political purposes, did. everything in their power to bring about a sweepi defeat of the strike. They wanted: to utilize a defeat in order to destroy the lett wing leadership and régain con- trol of the union. The left wing, in addition to leading the workers in their struggle for better working con- ditions, did point out to the workers the political lessons that they must learn from their struggles against the bosses. They pointed out how Gov- ernor Smith, a capitalist politician, had his commission drag out the con-. sideration of the urgent problems raised by the workers, ‘They pointed out how Governor Smith tried to use his power to break the sti pulsory arbitration, They how so-called friend, proved fhe issuing 32} The demands won by the workers was | the struggle in spite of the formidable | against the. workers,. They pointed out how the capitalist-run Tammany administration of New York City was aiding the bosses’ efforts to smash the strike by unjustifiable arrests and wanton brutality in breaking up picket lines. They tried to prove to the whenever the workers are engaged in a struggle for better conditions that the capitalist politicians use the state against the workers, That in or@er to remedy this situation the workers ought to orgdnize a labor party to fight the capitalist parties and to win state power for the workers themselves. This political activity the left wing will continue to carry on with increas- ers will engage in. To neglect this important phase of the workers’ strug- gle is to continue in full force the op- pressive strike-breaking attivities of the capitalist-controlled government against the workers, The New York Times also criticizes the cloakmakers because they did not follow a class collaboration policy. The New York Times compares the cloakmakers’ strike to the coal min- ers’ struggle in Great Britain. — It blames the cloakmakers for refusing to recognize that the welfare of the | workers is bound up with the welfare of the industry. It is the same argu- ment that the right wing uses and which has been expresse@ most clearly jthe New York Joint Board of the {Amalgamated Clothing Workers of | America. Beckerman repeatedly claims that the interests of the work- ers is bound up with the interesis of the manufacturers, that the workers must give concessions to the manu- facturers in the New York market if they are to have work and betfer con- ditions, What has been the situation in the cloak industry? The industry has profit. In spite of the increased profits made by the bosses, the conditions of Unemployment is chronic, union con- trol. has. been weakened, average yearly wages are far below the level of. subsistence. The British miners have been fighting for eight long months to prevent a cut in wages and an increase in hours. The cloakmak- an attempt of the manufacturers who are making enormous profits out of the exploitation of the cloakmakers to smash the union and create a more in- tolerable situation for the workers, the British coal barons, interested in workers out of their expefiences that | ing energy in the struggles the work-* by Abraham Beckerman, manager of | been thriving and making millions in | the workers have become intolerable. | ers have also been fighting against | The cloak manufacturers are, like, }lowering the living standards of the | | worke: The cloakmakers’ strike proves conclusively that the welfare of the bosses is not bound up with the | welfare of the workers. The cloak- |makers’ strike, if it proves anything, | proves that the only way in which the Bi sg can prevent the encroach- ménts of the bosses 4nd win some ef |the prosperity of the industry for themselves in improvéd conditions is thru unionization and militant strug: gles. The Times, at the end of the edito- rial, becomes indignant. It is gratify- \ing to note that this powerful expres- sion of American capitalism is indig- nant over the cloakmakers’ strike, and particularly the left wing leadership. The indignation of the Times is shared by the whole right wing bureaucratic machine in control of the trade union movement. | The cloakmakers’ war is wanton recklessness, exclaims the Times. Enlightened labor has outgrown the | idea that capitalists are robbers. La- |bor leaders are not now afraid to sa; that wages go hand in hand with pro- ductivity. The Times agrees with the position of.the right wing for co- operating to increase productivity at the expense of the workers. “In- creased productivity means the more intensive exploitation of the workers. |The cloakmakers won an increase: in | wages. The furriers also won bub- stantial increases in wages without | agreeing to speed up production. The general conditions of all the workers |in the industry were thereby improved: |In contradistinction we have the Amal- mated situation in New York. This organization in the men’s garment in- dustry agreed to. increased . produc- tivity on the part of the workers. The result has been increased profits for the manufacturers, intensive speed- lup in the shops, that is undermining 'the health of the workers, hundreds of workers being deprived of their jobs | because less workers are required to | produce more, reduction in wages and increased suffering and misery for the workers. The workers haye nothing ito gain from the advice of the New | York Times. The class collaboration | policy and wage increase policy based upon inereased productivity advocated |by the: A, F. of L. bureaucracy is ainst the workers’ interests. The cloakmakers’ strike ~has vindicated |the position of the left wing. The | cloakmakers’ strike was not futile. The cloakmakers’ strike was a demon- stration that thru unity and militant struggles only the workers can main- tain their positions, and march for- ward to great progress, Letters From on Henry Ford Again. To the, Editor:—In the St. Paul Pio- neer Press of Oct. 6, Elbert H. Gary is, alleged to pronounce Ford’s five- day week uneconomic as follows: “L am satisfied that any man or any num- be each.” Some light may be thrown on Mr. Gary’s process of reasoning if we quote an interview printed in the New York Times of Jan. 25, 1925. Listen to the dulcet tones of Mr. Gary and his philosophy, “Fear of losing his job is making the man in the shop toe the line. At first glance the aver- age individual will say there is some- thing very ugly and inhuman in that statement. It isn’t ugly and it isn’t inhuman. It is the only solution, Fear is the word I used. I might with equal truth have said competition. They both mean the same in indus- try. You may call it fear. You may call it competition.” The Puritans were wont’ to add “of the Lord” to make it more bind- ing. There is no doubt but that Mr. Gary is extremely religious and very un-Christian.. It is probable from the standpoint of business Messrs. Gary and Ford are like Hendrik Van Loon's states- man “with the warm, personal, lov- ing feelings of a slide rule and the cash register.” Mr. Gary is the giant-killer of la- bor leaders and it is rumored that when the Little Red Riding Hoods of unemploymemt secure jobs in Ford's plants they are heard to murmur oc- casionally, “What big eyes you've got, Grandma!” The writer has just finished read- ing Fard'’s “Today and Tomorrow” and it is most interesting. It may be epoch-making but the writer considers it “old stuff” from an idealistic stand- point. It dates back to Aristotle if not earlier. “He first thot of the na- tionalized inanimate tool as an im- plement of labor” and dared fancy it might displace human slavery, Frank- lin, Kropotkin, Steinmetz and a long list of others have advocated the safne doctrines that Ford dares assert real- ly work out. But Mr. Ford hampered by legal restrictions and economics based on “pecuniary and honorific em- ulation” really produces the goods and having the money stands a fair show, of demonstrating that of which Aris- totle dreamed if he is sincere. The government intervened to prevent public knowledge of how much money ured in six days of eight hours thero may be in running railroads right. The writer never aMllated with socialism, Cor urchigm, but he has shall require further proof before 1} ber of men can do as much work in} five days of eight hours each as could | Our Readers he was in the environment of the Unt- versity of Mlinois. He became @ member of the Socialist Study Club an organization composed of socialist and non-socialist members. He has repeatedly heard there all the alleged | advanced ideas which Mr. Ford ap- parently champions in the interest of himself and the laborer if he is act- |ing in good faith. He recalls the re- iteration of order, cleanliness, up-to- date machinery and methods, etand- ardization of machinery and goods and the necessity of interesting the engineering fraternity. Mr. Newell of the engineering staff, in govern- ment employ I believe, was of the opinion that it was a hopeless task {until the » inventors, engineers, and mechanicians attained a broader vi- | sion. But the rift in the lute was that such ideas were’not considered re- spectable. The writer recalls with amusement being careless of conven- “on that certain relatives, graduates }of or affiliated with directly or indi- | rectly with some of the colleges might | hide a tolerant smile when he insisted on his Sunday visit to the club sés- sion just off the campus. This was distinctly “verboten” to any aspirant tor advancement in position or pres- lige. Members were assumed to be cranks, free-lovers, Communists or anarchists if regularly attending. At least this was the opinion in great degree of the sanctifled and gancti- monious faculty members possessing influence. Our entry into the world war fur nished the long hoped for excuse. Various faculty members and sympa- thizers with progressive thot were dismissed including noted men and against the protest of fair be i conservatives. Puritanism of the matic type prevailed. But the ia ings heard in the war-time closed $0 clalist Study Club as to wages, hours, dosirability of intermittent change of task, gteady employment, letsute, play; mismanagement of businesses and finazice, co-operative selling to employees and public, etc. etc, seem similar to the apparent conclusions put forth by Henry Ford in “Today and Tomorrow.” Henry has a long Purse and he may make it respect- able.—Joel Henry Greene, 1419 Grand Ave, St, Paul, N. W. Parents’ League Will | Meet Tonight An important, meati moeoting of the Par ents’ League of the Northwest ‘54 will be held Thursday, Nov, 18, 4301 Le Moyne St. There will be elec- on of officers, Carl Haessler, chiet editor of the Mederated Press will spe: on | “Who controls the schools and fl a | |