The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 18, 1926, Page 4

4. show how The Immediate Program for the Work of the Party RESOLUTION UNANIMOUSLY ADOPTED BY THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY organization for militant class struggle in the work-|seleing every opportunity to stimulate the move- I.--The General Situation. 1. The Economic Situation. i industries of this country are still operating at a high rate of production, with on indication of an immediate sharp trend toward depression. The figures showing the trend of production during the Dast few months still show a general upward tend- | ency. Even such industries as textile and mining, | which have been in a partial state of crisis, show some improvement, the ‘latter as the result of the export of scab coal to Great Britain and the Contt- nent to fill the shortage caused by the strike of the British miners. There are in the background, fac- tors indicating the instability and weakness of the Present situation such as the decreage of exports, the recession in building operations, the downward trend of the automobile industry, the dangers to the ‘oredit system resulting from inflated installment Sales, but it is very likely that the present scale of production and employment will hold good for at Yeast another six months. It is upon this basis that the party must formulate its program of work for | the immediate future. The fact that the workers ara not sharing as a class in the general prosperity of capitalist ind fs shown by the course of production and w: Certain sections of the workers, the organized, skilled workers, who make, the aristocracy of the Jabor movement, have made gains as a result of the | concessions made by the capitalists to make them} allies of American imperfalism, but this is not true | of the masses of workers. During the six years| from 1919 to 1925 wages show a decrease of 9% | and the cost of living a decrease of 11% indicating | only a very slight gain in the real wages of the workers. During this period, however, the produc- tion per worker in American industry has increased 43% which has enormously increased the profits of the capitalists and given them the benefits of the increased production of wealth by American indus- try. At the present time there are movements for wage increases among sections of the workers, The furriers won a wage increase, the garment workers are fighting for an increase and the railroad work- ers are pressing demands under the Watson-Parker Bill, On -the other hand, wage cuts have taken Place in the textile industry and in the mining in- dustry -through opening of many mines on the open shop basis with wages under the Jacksonville agree- ment. A general effort to reduce the wages of the miners will undoubtedly take place with the expira- tion of the Jacksonville agreement next spring. The agricultura] crisis continues in a sharp form among certain sections of the farmers, notably in the corn belt and cotton, while the general situa- tion In the agricultural field is that the farmers are not sharing in the favorable economic situation ‘which the capitalists are enjoying. 2. The Political Situation. ——ebanageanb the situation*in the United States tan be best characterized as a growing conflict between that part of finance capital with growing inyestments and interests in Europe and generally in foreign fields, and industrial capital, supported by the petty bourgeois; which is primarily interested in American industries. This line is not always clear, being blurred by interests running in both directions, but the main line of the struggle between the capitalist groups is the conflicting interests of these two groups. The affiliation of the. United States with the World Court, the funding of the debts of European countries to the United States growing out of the war on terms which granted partial cancellation were victories for the | international bankers, won in the face of the opposi- | tion of industria] capital. The need of creating the means of repayment of the enormous loans and investments in Europe by the international bankers, is developing a movement having fheir support for | the revision of the tariff to enable foreign goods to | enter the American market on a more favorable basis. This movement is resisted by the industrial capital which profits from the high tariff. The gen- eral results of the election was a partial defeat for | international banking capital, which will lead to shaiper struggles between the two contending groups. i While this internal struggle goes on between the two groups of capitalist interests, the capitalist class as a whole is united in its struggle aga the workers and farmers. The income tax revision by the last congress, the proposal of Coolidge to grant | the capitalists a reduction of from $150,000,000 to | $250,000,000 on next year’s’ income tax payments, the capitalists use the power to strengthen their At the same time, the attack upon the workers thru the use of governmental power against them grows ‘more dangerous. The passage of the Watson-Parker Bill, which practically robs the railroad workers of the right to strike, the threatened extension of this | ww to the miners, the proposals for registration of e foreign-born workers, the Supreme Court decis- governmental | position economically. | ers’ interests. ‘This is manifested among other | |things, by their support of the Watson-Parker law, |the extension of the Baltimore and Ohio plan, the elaboration of the so-called Monroe Doctrine of |Labor, the establishment of a Trade Union Life and other forms of trade union capitalism. With the exception of the paper resolutions against com- | Dany unions and for a shorter workday, the con- vention of the American Federation of Labor main- |tained its position of opposition to every progres- |sive proposal to strengthen and build the organized |labor movement and to carry on a militant fight for the class interests of the workers. There is thus being created an upper stratum of the aristocracy of labor, which shares somewhat in the imperialist profits of American capitalism and jhas a high standard of life itself, Because of the favorable situation of this section of the workers, it does not give support to the struggles of highly |exploited, unorganized workers in the great machine | industry of this country, leaving them to-gshift for themselves. These highly ‘exploited, unorganized | workers are not sharing~in the profits of American imperi. m, and moyements of struggle against the _ | capitalists are developing among them, Our party, jas the only organization which fights for the in- terests of these workers while at the same time not |neglecting the work to stimulate the’ skilled or- | ganized workers into militant struggle, is becoming | the leaders of these struggles. This has been shown jin the Passaic strike. Despite the wishes of the reactionary leaders of the aristocracy of labor, wide- spread support was given to the Passaic strikers and these leaders were fifally compelled to give lip service to the struggles of these workers. The achievements of the party in the, Passaic strike shows the possibilities of the development of a movement against the reactionary class collabora- tion policies of the official leaders of the labor move- ment and represent a victory’ for the left wing. The militant class struggle in the workers’ in- terests by the Furriers’ Union under leadership of the left wing, resulting in a victory for the workers against the right wing supported by President Green, also represents a new achievement for the left wing. The fight of the New York Joint Board of the In- ternational Garment Workers’ Union is a movement jin the same direction. The development of a broad progressive bloc with thé slogan, “Save the Miners’ | Union” against the reactionary leadership of John L. Lewis in the United Mine Workers is an especial- ly important indication of the growth of the senti- ment to make the union organs of militant class | struggle, especially since the mining industry is jone of the basic industries, toward which the party must direct its attention. 4. The Party and the General Situation, HE above analysis of the existing situation shows, that while there are difficulties in the way of \the party in developing a revolutionary movement of the workers and building the party in. the fayor- able economic situation of American capitalism, which has enormously strengthened it, and the trend toward the right of the skilled, organized workers and the class collaboration policies: which the official leaders of the labor movement follow, |there are aso favorable conditions in the move- ments for wage increases and struggles against wage cuts by the great mass of highly exploited unorgan- ized workers in the machine industry, as well as left wing developments in sections of the organ- ‘ized labor movement. The party can,*by carefully |formulated tactics, take full advantage of the favor- | jable situation, develop the revolutionary movement jof the workers, increase its influence and leader |ship and strengthen and build the party. | Il. Immediate Program of Work of the Party. Achievements of the Party. iE facts recited in the foregoing analysis prove that the party still stands before the elementary |task of setting the workers into motion against |their class enemy and of developing a class ideology, The orientation of the party must founded on a clear comprehension of these facts, The great strength and resources of American imperialism coupled with the reldtively under- | developed strength of the workers, the capitalist offensive and victories dver the workers in many industries in recent times, have produced a spirit |of pessimism in certain sections of the labor move- |ment which is also reflected in some sections of the party. While it is true that the favorable economic position of American imperialism, which enables {t to provide general employment and to corrupt |certain sections of the working class, puts great ob- |jective difficulties in the path of a revolutionary workers’ party, mevertheless a Sober estimate of | the situation and the problems presented by it, upon | which a practical program is based, will enable the 1 * ion in the Dorchy.case, establishing as the highest | Party to cope with all difficulties and to extend its ‘Tew of the land that strikes may be illegal, all forge | new weapons for the capitalists against the workers. in the struggle The capitalists also united against the farmers to defeat all proposals for relief | of the farmers from the crisis which continues in agriculture. No effective resistance to these attacks among the workers and farmers developed during the elec- tion campaign. The movement for a labor party made some strides forward and in certain agricul- tural states the farmer-labor parties carried on widespread campaigns, but no mass movement of the workers and farmers against this use of the governmental power against them developed, It remains the major task of our party to carry On & widespread campaign of agitation to unite the workers, in alliance with the farmers, for independ- | - ent political action, to resist these attacks, the concrete governmental action against them as the basis of our campaign. 3. The Labor Movement. EH reactionary bureaucrats who compose the | leadersirip of the organized labor movement con- | tinue to elaborate and intensify their policy of co- operation with the capitalist employers which tends merate, the trade unions toward company esata using | influence and increase its strength. Pessimism in | the labor and revolutionary movements is objectively an aid to the bourgeoisie and their agents in the labor movement. The rejection of all pessimistic | moods is a prerequisite to the successful accomplish- | ment of the revolutionary tasks. | The class struggle continues even under the most |favorable conditions of capitalist production, Such gonditions inevitably produce movements of the |workers demanding a greater share of the wealth they. produce. With correct tactics the party ean | stimulate and lead struggles of the workers against | the capitalists and become a popular party of the workers in time of “capitalist prosperity” and “stabil- |ization” as well as during perfods of “hard times” and crisis, In these struggles the party by the em- ployment of correct tactics can hasten the process of revolutionization of the working class, | In the present period, the party must particularly | direct its attention to those highly exploited, unor- ganized'workers in the great machine industry, who |nnder all conditions are the great reservoir {rom |which the revolutionary movement draws its |Strength. By initiating movements for the organ- | Ization of these workers, developing programs for | their struggles and giving leadership to their fights, the party can increase its strength and/*bulld its influence, At the same time it must iitlate move- Insurance company, the extension of labor banking, | (HE DAILY~WORKER ment against the class collaboration Policies of the reactionary bureaucrats and to develop militant ‘Movement of class struggle, The Passaic strike and the movement in the miners’ union are typical examples of the possibilities for great achievement by the party in applying such a policy. The record of the ‘achievements of our party during the past year also show that there is no basis for this pessimism, and that the party has been able \to develop those tactics which have widened its influence and strengthened its leadership among the working masses. The organization of the 16,000 Passaic strikers represents. the first broad move- ment dmong the unorganized workers in the highly developed, unorganized machine industry for many years. The organization of these workers, the leadership of their strike during nine months, the development of wide support ‘to their struggle in the relief organization for their support, stands as a major achievement of the party. ‘ The part the party has ‘played in the Furriers’ strike, the first big strike resulting in a victory which has developed for-many years, increased the influence and prestige of the party. The party lead- ership in the movement for the protection of the foreign-born workers established its influence, and brought it into a common struggle with four hun- dred thousand organized workers. Thru throwing out the slogan of a united labor ticket in the election campaign, the party was able to stimulate the move- ment for a labor party in a number of places and to actually aid in the organizing of labor parties in some localities. All of these gains of the party were made thru application of the united front tactics thru which it drew masses of workers into common struggle with it. In spite of the period of capitalist prosperity, the party is breaking its isolation and succeeded in broadening its influence and increasing its prestige among the masses of workers. Its position today in the organized labor movement and among the working masses generally, is far in advance of what it was a year ago. The party must mobilize for fuller use of its strength in applying the policies and tactics thru which it has made these gains and in taking up of its immediate program to build the party and extend its influence among the masses. Such a mobilization will bring even greater gains than are to be recorded for the past year. The immediate program which the party must make the centre of its work is the following: A—Organization of the Unorganized. Y ine? work of organizing the wnérganized into labor unions must take first place in the work of the party. The conditions for organizing the unorgan- ized are most favorable during’ a period of high seale production by capitalist dndustry. Movement for the organization of the unorganized are develop- ing in many parts of the country. It is the duty. ofthe party nuclei in the faéitories to take the initiative in developing such movements and to give them the greatest possible support. The party already has creditable achiewements in this field, but there must be a greater mobilization of the ‘party for this work and its extensioh’on a much greater scale. This movement must also be initiated ai stimulated in the trade unions, central bodies, a organs of the trade unions génerally. lt is the workers in"the highly developed machine industry of the United States who are largely = ganized. It is exagtly these workers who shi figst respond to Communist agitation and be the backbone of the Communist movement. The party must take the leadership in the fight to organize these workers and thus extend its influence among them. The party must mobilize its strength to cre- ate scores of Passaics and to increase the number of workers organized under its leadership to hun- dreds of thousands. B—Work in the Existing Trade Unions. AE risa! the emphasis which the party has placed upon the necessity of organizing every party mem- ber for work in the existing trade unions, only a small part of ‘the party strength is brought to bear ‘lin this field. The raising of the number of party members who belong to the union, the organization of the party fractions, the development of a broad left wing in the trade unions are prerequisites to the growth of our party influence in every fleld of work. The conditions for the development of a broad left wing in the trade unions are becoming more favor- able and the party must take ‘the necessary steps, | - thru the entry of the members’ into the unions, t! organization of party fractions and systematic w: in the unions to hasten this, development to create a broad nrovement of the organized workers which will challenge the influence of the reaction- ary bureaucrats and win the? trade unions for a policy of militant class struggle against capitalism. The present struggle in the Miners’ Union must have the full support of the party. C—A Labor Party in the 1928 Elections. HE party must now raise the slogan, “A Labor Party in the 1928 Elections” and set to work systematically to build up the movement to realize this slogan, The attack of the capitalist government on the rights of the workers to strike must be made a central point in our agitation for the labor party. fhe sending of the president's! message to congress setting forth the capitalist program, will create a fayorable opportunity for issuance of the slogan and initiation of the campaign on the basis of a labor program opposed to the capitalist program, The steps to be taken immediately in this campaign are the following: 1. During the year 1927 municipal elections will take place in a large number of states Our party has not learned to connect its general agi- tation with the local’ questions affecting the ik lives of the workers. The party organization in each city must study the local political questions, formulate a program on the basis of the workers’ igsues and@ raise the slogan of “A United Labor Ticket in the City Hlections—A Labor Party for the 1928 Elections,” in connection with Wasa municipal elections. The aim which the party must set itself is to organize local labor parties, or, if this objective cannot: be achieved, to or- ganize committees for the formation of a labor \ ee party. In the elections this year, the party or- ganizations in many places did not prepare early enough for the election campaign and conse- quently failed in placing a ticket in the field. This must not happen in the municipal elections. Steps must be taken immediately to see that a united labor ticket is placed on ‘the. ballot in every city in which the municipal elections take place, or if this’ cannot be achieved, a party ticket. a—In connection with this’ mobilization of the party for the election campaigns next year, it is necessary to carry on an ideological campaign in the party to bring to the party members an un- derstanding of the necessity of the party partic- ipating in the election campaigns to the fullest possible extent. Our party still responds too little to the possibilities for development of a movement of the workers and extending. the party influence thru election campaigns, These campaigns constitute a major opportunity for \agi- tation among the workers and the party must utilize them to the fullest extent. Election cam- paigns as a means of political propaganda and agitation have especially great significance for our party. Active participation in eleetion campaigns will be the means of our first approach to any American workers. 2—The party must take up in earnest the work of forming trade union committees for the forma- tion of a labor party, in every local union, in the central labor bodies of each city, and on a state scale, as outlined in the resolution of the: last convention. The formation of a network of trade union committees for the formation of a labor’ party thruout the whole country will create a solid basis for the realization of the slogan, “A Labor Party in the 1928 Elections.” 38—The party should, endeavor to initiate un- der trade union auspices if this can be achieved, if not, under party auspices, a referendum of workers in the factories thru a petition ad- dressed to the executive council of the Ameri- can Federation of Labor requesting that body to call a national conference of trade unions, co-operatives, labor fraternal organizations and labor political parties for the formation of a la- bor party’ to reprepent labor in the 1928 elec- tions. ¢ eee D—Councils for Protection of the Foreign-Born. ITH the reconvening of congress, the bills for the registration, photographing and finger print- ing of the foreign-born workers will again come to the fore. The party must give full support to the National Council for the Protection of the Foreign- Born in the fight against these laws, The campaign of the party must be directed to draw the native- born workers into this struggle by agitation showing that the registration law is directed against the right to organize and the standard of life of the whole working class. The fight against the registra- tion laws must be coupled with the campaign for the Jabor party. E—The Struggle Against American ' Imperialism. HE determining factor in the present period is the dominant and still rising character and in- fluence of American imperialism. This necessitates id | that our party, in conformity with the emphasis laid upon this in the decision on the American question of the last. plenum of the Comintern, pay the ut- most attention to this important field for Communist activity. The domination of the two American continents by U. S. imperialism, its steady penetra- tion into European economy and politics; and its increasing interest in the Far Hast, makes it possible for our party, by paying strict attention and devot- ing the necessary energy to anti-imperiajist work, to greatly aid the struggles of the colonial and semi-colonial peoples and assist in the progress of the world revolution, more directy perhaps — in many other fields. F—Agricultural.Work, HE continuance of the crisis among sections of the farmers with difficult conditions generally in the agricultural field, create a favorable situation for the extension of the work of the party. The pro- gram of the party for work among the farmers must be taken up with greater energy and full advantage taken~of the possibilities in this field. G—Other Party Campaigns, AX of the above campaigns of the party can be strengthened by intensification of the special forms of party activities, such as the building of the youth movement and realization of the slogan, “A Young Workers League Unit wherever there is a party unit,” the work among the Negroes, the sys- tematic organization and greater support of the work among women. The political committee must take the necessary steps to furnish concrete pro- grams for these activities and secure more energetic support from the whole party. Non-party organizations, formed to unite broad masses of workers on specific issues of the class struggle are of extraordinary importance for the party in the present period as a means of broaden- ing the working class fighting front, as a source of contact with non-party workers and as a recruiting ground for the party. Active participation in such organizations is an essential part of the united front tactics and remains as before one of the primary duties of all party members. _ All of these campaigns must be so directed that new strength and influence develops FOR THE PARTY from them. The various forms of the party activities must not be conducted so as to create separate organizations competing with the party, but as various forms of one whole, the party, which is the leading and directing influence, all of which | 9; result in building the party and the revolutionary movement in the United States, * III. Inner Party Problems. 1, Factionalism in the Party. Sat party has made a considerable degree ‘ot pro- gress in elimiminating factionalism in the party plenum of the Central Committee in May, Here and there remnant of the whole contition still exist in the party and further efforts to Mquidate these situations must be made. The line of the Central Committee for complete unification of the party and mebilizing of all its forces, both in the membership and leadership must be followed until all remnants of factionalisni are ended and the party carries on its work as a united whole. \ 2. Right and Ultra-Left Deviations. oh eer party is following a line which rejects both right wing deviations and ultra-left sectarianism, Wherever manifestations of either appear in the party, they must be exposed and repudiated. Neither of these deviations from Leninism appear in the party in a crystallized form extending thru the party. However, right wing manifestations have appeared in.a number of instances in our trade union work, particularly in the city of NaW York. The right wing manifestations here referred to have become out standing in the conduct of some of our comrades leading the strike of the cloakmakers. Permeated by a craft union ideology, these comrades not only resisted the party policy on amalgamation, but failed also to carry out the decisions of the party that a militant struggle be waged against the Sigman right ,; Wing machine which consciously worked for the de- feat of the strike in oder to use the defeat to eliminate the left wing from control of the union. The failure to pursue a militant policy in this and many other matters demanded by the party has weakened the party influence among the masses in the cloakmakers’ strike. The party must therefore resolutely resist all these manifestations, endeavoring to convince the com- rades of their mistakes and bring them to the party line. If these measyres do not result in the corre¢- tion of these Nght wing deviations, the party will be obliged to. take stronger measures, 3. Party Education. HE New York Workers’ School represents a bit” achievement for the party. Hundreds of comrades are réceiving a training in Marxism and Teninism thru the classes of this school. Similar schools on a smaller scale are being developed in other cities. This work is of the utmost importance tO the party and must be ‘given the fullest support and extended. A. training in the theoretical basis of Communism is the best guarantee that our party will remain true “|to the correct Communist policies and reject all deviations to the right or left. Such training will also strengthen the party for every phase of its work, 4. The Daily Worker. f leseed maintaining of The DAILY WORKER, the ex, tension of its influence by increasing tts circula- tion, is one of the major tasks of the party. The DAILY WORKER plays a great part in the life of the party. It is a centralizing influence, which gives the party membership the line of the_ ty from day to day on the events of the class struggle. In @ special resolution, the Central Committee “has pointed out in detail the importance of The DAILY WORKER. The party. must give special attention to this resolution and take up in earnest the work which it sets for the party in relation to The DAILY WORKER. IV. The Party Reargintentiod,; 1. The Results of the Party Reorganization. / HE party took up the work of reorganizing the party on the basis of street and shop nuclej ap- ximately one year ago. The party how has suf- ficient experience with the new form of organization to establish the fact that the party policy of cen- tralizing the party and organizing shop and street nuclei in place of the language and _ territorial branches was correct. The reorganization has turned the face of the party toward the workers in the factories. The work of the party in the Pas- saic strike, and in other places where similar work is now/under way, the formation of such factory nuclei as that in the Ford plant, issuing a factory paper reaching from ten to fifteen thousand workers each month, an achievement which is duplicated on a lesser scale in two score other great industries, shows the possibilities of the new form of organiza- tion in building the party influence and establishing contact between the party and the masses of work- ers, The Central Committee repudiates emphatically any suggestion that the reorganization was a mistake. What is needed is ‘not a backward step, but more careful, systematic work to build more functioning shop nuclej and to teach the street nuclei how to carry,on their work effectively, 2. More Attention to the Organization Problems. I establishing the gina for the party thru the re- organization, the Central Committee does not ig- nore the many manifest weaknes! of the party organization at’ the present time. The party has Many organizational problems to solve, The teach- ing of shop nuclei how to become really living, func. tioning organizations, the instruction of the street nuclei in their work, the meeting of the language , difficulties which exist, the making of the inner life of the shop and street nuclei of the party interesting to the members, the mobilization of all the mem- bers in the party work, must. be all given earnest at- tention in order to solve these problems. Many of of the party organization are due the party has not given sufficient attention to the,organization side of its work, The party organization is the basis of all the party work, Unless we build a strong, efficient organization all our work will suffer, The’ party must i its atten- » tion to this work. The Central Committee instructs that for the immediate future, at least half of the wa the leading committees of the party must be de to the work of strengthening the party organization. Where the district organizers have — taken up this problem in earnest, immediat during the past. year, particularly since the last reaching results have been attained, as for ins 4 Comrade Tallentire in Minnesota, where the dues payments haye,increased from 389 three months ago to 1,000'in the month of sein the cor-