The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 9, 1926, Page 6

® ¥ a _ and of the Kuomintang party is to win Publis 1113 W, W 6 NAIL Y WORKER PUBLISHING CO. Chicago, 1) Phone Monroe 4711 by the “SUB RIPTION “RATES | mail (in Ghicago only): | By mail (outside of Chicago): 83, 90 par months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months s2 00 three months all mail and make out ¢ THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Waghington Bivd., Chicago, tl, J, LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNB sas Editors MORITZ J, LOBB... ....Business Manager ptember 21, 1923. at the post-office at Chi the act of March 3, 1879, Entered as second-class mail § cago, Ill,, under << 290 herald ge tates on applicatioa, <= OF ‘ascism ina Barrel The French secret police have unearthed a plot that is typical of the maint culated It alleged ¢ that pro Mussolini and the bizzare efforts of the f. ti to existence by pulling off stunts that are. cal- » the population in a state of constant excitement. ars from the information at our service that the recent tte mpt on the dictator’s life was sponsored by Mussolini and ation of a young Italian worker was by way of theatric. ious the ¢ cessary realism. ler provide the ego-maniac to Mussolini with » French police have turned loose on the public puts perforated b: 1, provided theeFrench are not pulling leg. We believe not, for good and sufficient will be elucidated later on in Tar Dairy Worker. For e present we shall confine ourselves to stating that Italy and erheads, because the Italign imperialists want what | the French impe' have already succeeded in stealing from the | natives of northern Africa. An Italian with the honored name of Garibaldi is charged by the | French with being an agent provocateur in the pay of Mussolini, | wh chief business it was to foment plots against the fascist dicta-| iorship, to engage men to carry out his schemes and then to turn| those men over to the fascist police. Press dispatches from Europe | state that Garibaldi’s brother has confessed all this, but a brother | £ Garibaldi who lives in New York denies the accusation and declares that his brother and himself have always been bitter enemies bf fascism. We do not want to do anybody an injustice, tho we con- fess that things look black for Garibaldi. The political aim of Mussolini, it seems, was to create the im- pression in Italy that France was conspiring to overthrow the Italian | government. In order to strengthen the Spanish-Italian understand- ism i Pais fase the world’s they are reason that France are at log lists ing recently contracted by Mussolini and Primo de Rivera, and with | ihe object of increasing the bitterness betWeen France and Spain, Mussolini, thru Garibaldi—so runs the ‘tale—organized,a plot to) wrench the rebellious province of Catalonia from Spain, thru insur- rection. Half of those participating in the alleged conspiracy ar id to be fascist spies. The head of an honest Catalanian revolu tionist is said to be hanging by a hair, as a result of Mussolini’s plot. But as the hair is held by the French police it is likely that the Spanish rebel will keep his head for the time being. Mussolini wanted to get the Italian populace excited against France and when the excitement was at fever heat to start a war, probably against Turkey toe ward off a revolt against the tyranny of fascism at home. The latest exposure of fascist intrigue shows up ‘this spurious Mussolini as a political lunatic. It proves that the fascist dictator- ship in Italy is sitting on a voleano. It proves that the eulogistic puffs of the Mussolini regime written by wandering scribblers are entirely composed of hokum and that the Italian workers and peasants, yes, even the middle and jntellectual-classes, are just about ready to dynamite this political monstrosity into eternity. _ UNITING OF CHINESE FARMERS AND PEASANTS WITH WORKERS WILL MEAN CERTAIN VICTORY FOR REVOLUTION BERLIN, Noy. 7.—Underestimation of the farmers-peasants in the strug- gle for power, particularly in agrarian countries, is one of the greatest mis-/ takes, the Presidium of the Farmers-Peasants Interhational declared in an open letter to the Peasants’ and Farmers’ International to the peasants’ section of the Kuomintang party in China, the liberation movement there. “An active participation of the Chinese farmers and peasants in the ‘ struggle for freedom and the land with the workers, petty and middle strata, and the advanced intellectuals is a -————————————_____————— guarantee of the success of the revo- lutionary movement,” the letter says. Task Is to Explain, “Your -task is to*gxplain to the farmers-peasants masses the connec- tion between the compradore, the local exploiter, the local military cliques and foreign imperialism. The expla- nation of this radical evil of Chinese life, the organization of the farmers- peasants and’ increase of work for the formation of mass farmers-peasants organizations jn all provinces of China on the basis of a platform compre- hensible for the farmers-peasants masses, including all the basic de- mands put forward by the farmers- peasants themselves—that is what we consider the immediate and most im- portant task of the national revolution- ary party, Kuomintang, in its struggle for the emancipation of the Chinese people. “Support of the farmers-peasants demands on the part of the working class, intellectuals, petty and middle Strata of the urban population, will lead to a rapid rising of the activity of the wide farmers-peasants masses and tho formation of a united front of the toilers of all China for the struggle against military cliques and imperial- ists.” ants, to form: farmers-peasants organi- zations thruout the whole country, to defend the every-day interests of the farmers-peasants and to direct their invincible stream into the channel of the national revolutionary movement. At the same time it is necessary to explain to the farmer and peasant masses that just as it is impossible to liberate China without the partici- pation of the farmers-peasants, ‘so it is impossible to obtain satisfaction of their vital demands without a true ally in the towns, Victory Sure, “It you really unite the widest farmer-peasant masses of all China under your banners, if you are able to lead the farmers and peasants into the struggle 4n alliance with the work- ing class and national revolutionary elements of Chinese society, the Kuo- mintang party will not only ward off the blows of the imperialists and counter-revolutionary forces directed against China, but will also be able to attach a powerful mass to the movement, which, like a whirlwind, will sweep away the enemies of the Chinese people that are beginning now to show their heads.” Cites Russia, The letter urged the Kuomintang to take a lesson from the experience of the Russian revolution. The Red Army, it pointed out, won the support of the peasants and farmers by de- fending their right for land and by fighting for them. In the same way the Chinese revolutionists can win the support of the peasants and farm- ers by defending their right to land. Must Win Confidence, “The primary task of the Chinese rovyolutionaries of the working class Transportation Means in Soviet Russia Are Developed with Speed MOSCOW, Nov, 7.—The total num- ber of lines of interurban, suburban borders of the U. 8. 8, R, amounts to 163, of a total distance of 7,096 kilo- meters, the work of Moscow motor busses amounting to 75 per cent of all regular motor connections in the U. 8, port fs where 25 1 upled by Transcaucasia, of the farmers-peas- are working, What of it if a young lad must be | an 8. R.. The next place in motor trans- | (his THE DAILY WORKER Trade Unions a Real Powe dn Power in the ee Union— Sole Lawful Representatives of Workers, They Play An Important Part in Produc- tion—-Code of Labor Laws Recog- nized Trade Union Power— Participate In All Phases of Social Activity By V. YAROTSKY, HE history of the working class thruout the whole world has dem- onstrated that the workers have se- cured the right of organization only as the born s' recall th le. There is no need to the first quarter of the 19th | century was an epoch of the struggle of the British workers for the right to combine, Up to the ’80s the French workers had to suffer the most intense persecutions for the slightest attempt to unite against their masters, nor | need we recall the well-known fact complete prohibition of any nizations whatsoever in prior to the first revolu- . The subsequent law on (March 4, 1906), however, had for its the stormy growth of the trade unions, | which task it fulfilled successfully, | All these historic facts are now well- known to every educated worker, |More important, however, is the fact that after the formal recognition on |the part of the bourgeoisie of the rights.of the workers to form their |own organizations, the working class |was compelled by bitter experience to mit the truth of Lassalle’s concep- ion that every “constitution” (includ- ing the law on trade unions) is noth- |img more nor less than an “expres- sion of the real correlation of fo¥ces.” The offensive of capitalism against labor in present-day England quite definitely confirms this conception, in view of the policy of the conservative | government of Great Britain, which is most definitely based on restricting the rights of the trade unions. And ince under bourgeois rule the real orrelation of forces always hag the sharp end of the wedge directed against the working class, the preca- tiousness of the entire system of legal {norms which determine the frame- | work of activity and the rights of the trade unions in capitalist countries | becomes evident. U. S. S, R. Presents Different Case, the ocieties | | E find quite a different state of affairs under the conditions of the oroletarian dictatorship established in he U, S. 8. R. after the October revo- ution, The result of the revolution was a radical shifting in the entire system of correlation of social forces: the rule of the bourgeoisie was re- placed by the rule of the working class. This, in the first place, was bound to be reflected by a change in the very nature of the legislation on trade unions. Instead of the laws and legal standards which regulate the tights of trade unions being “scraps of paper” scrapped at every step by the organs of the bourgeois state and the employers, these standards in the U. S. S. R. are a part of the funda- mental laws of the workers’ and peas- ants’ country in which the govern- ment is constructed on the basis of working class rule, Article 10 of the constitution of the U. S. S. R. estab- lishes on the one hand the social and {not state legal status of the trade unions, as it presupposes the support of state organs to the unions, as work- lers’ organizations constructed on the | basis of independent activity. On the other hand, this article definitely brings the trade unioys into the sys- tem of social relsions, enjoying par- ticular privileges in the workers’ state. It implies the grant of prem- ses as “labor palaces,” “trade union houses,” ete., rent free, reduction in ees for utilizing the post, telegraph, telephone, railway and water trans- vort, ete, Already from the mere fact of the nelusion Of support of the trade unions being amongst the fundamental tasks of the state it arises that the rights and powers of the trade unions in the U, 8. S. R, must be regarded as something quite different from those in bourgeois countries. Under condi- tions of proletarian dictatorship these rights are a system of social relations which strengthen the proletarian dic- tatorship itself, This is the reason why the legisla- tion on trade unions in the U. 8, 8. R. has a very broad structure and grants these unions rights unknown %n the legislation of western Europe or Amer- ica, Sole Lawful Body of Workers, A pes of all, according to the labor legislation of the U. 8, 8. R., the trade unions are the only lawful rep- resentatives of the workers in social, political and economic life. This con- ception is formulated in the “code of abor laws” in the following manner: The trade unions, which comprise etti- zens working for wagés in state, so- clal and private enterprises, institu. tions and businesses have the right to approach various organs on behalf of and city motor transport™ within tho |the wage earners as a party conclud- ing collective agreements and also act os representatives on their behalf on ‘ll labor and social oes (article 151). In the system of the state tea representative nature of the injons finds it expression in two fac- tors: in the factor of elections to the ) workara’ PH RE i result of the most fierce and stub- | object the stemming of | Soviets, and in the factor of répre- sentation on the Soviets. In the elec- tions to the Soviet from the factories the participation of the trade unions in which the workers of the given en- terprises are organized is obligatory. |At the same time for, those categories | of workers for whom, yoting cannot be | conducted in enterprises (commercial | workers, Soviet employes, educational jand art workers) the electoral meet- jings are summoned by electoral com- missions in agreement with the unions and must take place.under the chair- | manship of a representative of the |trade unions. Besides this, irrespect- ive of this participation of the union |in the election, there is representation on the Soviets tlfemselves, not only of the trade union masses, but also of the trade union apparatus in each electoral district (town, province, uyezd): two from every union and a definite number from the inter-union organizations, Trade Unions Always Represented, Ts the supreme state organs (C, E. C, of the U. S. 8S. R., C. EB. C. of the RS, F, S, R. and other republics) we find a definite representation of the trade unions, altho the elections are conducted by the congress of Soviets personally, and not according to rep- resentation of the separate organiza- tions. The significance and role of the unions is so considerable that in all lists of candidates adopted by con- gresses there is included a definite number of trade union workers in order that the opinion of the workers may also be expressed thru the appa- ratus of the unions, In the leading organs of the state and economic structure (such, for instance, as the Council of Labor and Defense) there is a representative'of the All-Union Trade Union Center (the A, U. C. T. U.) with full voting powers. In ap pointing members of the supreme eco- nomic council of the U. S. S, R. the representative nature of the trade anions is also taken into account and a definite number of members appoint- |ed from amongst trade union workers who upon appointment continue work- ing in the trade union movement.* Active Part,in Production. 'N the economic field the trade unions are invested with mo less, if not more, rights than in connection with state structure, We have already pointed out that among the members of the Supreme Economic Council the trade union movement is well repre- sented. Generally speaking, represen- tation of the unions jn the organ regu- lating econgmic life and establishing economic policy constitutes a substan- tial part of the work of the trade unions in the U. S, S. R. While not interfering in the direct administra- tion of production, the trade unions take active part in the work of the leading organs of administration and construction in the national economic system. There is not a single union in the U. 8. S, R, Which does not devote a considerable.amount of this time and energy to working out and testing the plans and projects of eco- nomic construction in the respective branch of national economy. One may cite as an example the metal work- ers’ union, which takes active part in elaborating plans for the entire metal industry of the U. 8. 8S. R. Labor Code, 'HEREFORE the code of labor laws establishes for the lower organs of the trade union movement extremely wide powers for participation in the construction of national economy. Article 158 of the code’ formulates their rights in this fleld in the follow- ing manner: “The object of activity of the com- mittee (factory or local committee) is: “(a) Representation and the de- fense of the interests of the workers and employers which it comprises, be: fore the administ: of the enter- prise or institution on all labor and social questions oa the work- ers, “(b) Represen’ mental and social “(c) Supervision of the accurate. fulfillment by the administration of the enterprise or institution of the established laws on labor protection, Social insurance, wages, rules of sani- tation and technical safeguards, etc,, also co-operation with the state ai protection organs, . “(d) Measures for improving ee cultural and material life of the work- ers and employes. “(e) Help in the normal process of production in state, enterprises and participation thru the respective trade unions in the regulation and organl- zation of the national economy.” Important In Other Fields, 'N the various forms of economic or- ganizations of a wel maar (con- sumers co-operatives, ing co-op- eratives) in the insurance offices creat- ed on the basis of special legislation— the trade unions have no less impor- before govern- izations. tant rights, In the fleld of consum- ers’ co-operation, ce, ized within the 8. R. by the centrosoyuz, the - hip of the "lof the A. F. of L, company union ex- company union challenge, especially organ: |thra reports received from tna wanna plant of the Bethle! scsepetaiai fa. ten bende of the spetial central workers’ section, | which is under the jurisdiction of the All-Union Central Unions (A, U. C, T, U.) and the mem- bership elected by congresses is ap- pointed by the trade unions, Such are the rights of the trade unions in the state, social and eco- nomic structure. As we see, they are marked by considerable scope and make the trade unions active partici- pators in socialist construction. But there is one field in which the unions not only participate, in which they are actually and juridically supreme, This is the field of labor regulation,» The state apparatus of labor regulation in the U. 8. S. R. is organized and ad- ministered by the people’s commis- sariat for labor. It is the latter which establishes the minimum wage for the entire country, organizes labor inspec- tion, puts into force and elaborates the norms of labor legislation, etc. Everything that is put into force over and above the norms of labor legisla- tion established on a general state scale, is established by agreement thru collective “agreements bétween the workers and the administration of the enterprise or institution, But in each of these fields the decisive word belongs to the trade unions, The people’s commissariat for labor is a state apparatus. However, the candi- dature ‘for the post of people’s com- missar for labor, sanctioned by the C. E. C. of the U. S. S. R., is the privi- lege by the All-Union Congress of Trade Unions and its decision is ob- ligatory for the state: analogically, the most responsible workers of the com- missariat for labor itself are also ap- pointed by the state union movement. And not a single labor legislative is passed without the consent of the A. U. C. T, U. With regard to col- jective agreements, these are con- Council of Trade |* ER The Rights o \ the Trade Unions in the U.S. S. R. Strictly Social Organizations, LL this, comprises a systematic order of rights and powers of the trade unions under the ¢onditions of the proletarian dictatorship. The share of the participation of the trade unions in the political and economic life of the workers’ state is so consid- erable by this system of rights of the trade union movement, that at first glance it would seem that the trade unions, even tho only partially, were the state apparatus. However, such an impression is absolutely incorrect. The State in the U. S, S. R. does not even control the formation of trade unions, The trade unions are not sub- jected to any kind of registration on the part of the state organs. They are strictly social organizations whith themselves control their existence from the first moment of their forma- tion, Article 152 of the code of labor laws establishes this quite clearly and definitely. This article reads: “The trade unions organized on lines determined by the respective congresses of these organizations are not liable for any registration in state institutions, established for so- cleties 4nd unions, and are regis- tered in the inter-union organiza- tions uniting them, in the manner established by the All-Russian Con- « gresses of Trade Unions.” In the most “liberal” of the norms regulating the trade union movement, in the British legislation on trade unions, it is established that the unions also need not register in the state organs, But if they want to have legal rights, i, e., the rights to possess property, conduct judicial cases, or in general enjoy the rights of the trade union, they are obliged to register in the established order with the genera] registrar of societies and associations. In the U. 8. S, R. the state authorities cluded and can be concluded in the U. 8. 8. R. only by the trade unions. recognize as juridical units all organ- izations of workers registered as trade tions and not by state organs, and vests such trade union (article 154! the: code) with the rights of “acquir- ing property and owning same}. con- cluding all kinds of agreements, trans- actions, etc, on the basis of the extst- ing legislation” oe in the labor legislation of the S. S, R. the nature of trade unions as social organizations is emphasized. Organs of a Class. HE investment of extensive rights to such a free social independent organization, absolutely outside the control of state organs and, on the contrary, controlling the work of the said apparatus, arises from the fact that the legislation understands the nature of the trade unions as organs expressing the social opinion of the working class, i. e., that. social opin- ion on the support of which the entire state order of the U, 8, 8. R, is based, The workers’ state based upon prole- tarian dictatorship cannot fail to se in the system of extensive rights the trade unions a guarantee of it own stability and subsequent endur- ance. As we have pointed out above, the real correlation of social forces in the U. S. S. R. makes the trade unions a powerful social-political and eco- nomic factor and therefore pre-deter- mines the wide scale and many-sided nature of the norms regulating the rights of the trade unions in this country, 2s unions by the inter-union es *There is no need to state here that the unions are an actual “reservoir” for the state and economic system and many workers in the trade union movement are gradually transferred entirely to economic and state work. What is more the overwhelming ma- jority of posts in the U. S. 8S. R, are occupied by those who have passed hru the school of the trade union movement, Company Unionists Worried By ROBERT W. DUNN (Federated Press) ‘HERE will the A. F, of L, strike first? This is the question asked by labor managers and personnel ex- perts of certain corporations as news comes of the ‘stiff resolution against company unionism at the Detroit con- vention, backed up by an assessment on nearly 3 million workers, to finance the fight against this menace to 5 of uine trade unionism, Issue in Passaic. ASSAIC—this word comes first to mind, Company unionism is the issue there. As “Law and Labor,” or- gan of the militant anti-labor League for Industrial Rights, put it in a re- cent headline on the textile strike: “Its Major Aspect is Now That of & War on Employe Representation.” The mill owners still rally around the policy of Forstmann, who, in defend- ing his bankrupt company association, says: “No outside agency can inter- fere in a family dispute . . . in the conduct of the Forstmann & Huffmann Co, I am absolutely convinced that the type of employe representation I propose is superior to any organiza- tion directed by outsiders,” meaning the A. F. of L. The Botany Mills echo the Forst- mann slogan, and the textile strike becomes the focal point of the new A. F. of L, offensive against the com- pany union, Those who want to fight the company union can do no better than help feed black bread to the Passaic strikers. ‘ Other textile mills now under the hegemony of the company union are the Pacific Mills in Lawrence and Amoskeag Mills in Manchester, N. H. Railroads Need Help. FTER Passaic, where should the A. F. of L. concentrate on anti- company union propaganda? Certainly the railroad shopcrafts .will come in for immediate attention. The Inter- national Association of Machinists have been putting up a fair fight against the “independent associations” that have developed on over 60 roads since the shop crafts were beaten in 1922. But the machinists need the support perts on their job, as do the other shoperaft unions, Lines on which they will doubtless aim first shots are the Pennsylvania, the New Haven, the Santa Fe, the Union and Southern Pacific, the Burlington, the Rock Island, the Great Northern, the Illinois Central and Boston and Maine, Of- ficers of the shop craft unions report that “it is a little early to decide whether the company unions aro be- ing weakened by the New Railroad Labor Act.” They believe, however, that when the fear of disch: and reprisals is eliminated that “the men will return to the old established un- fons, as they have little faith in A company unions,” On street and subway lines, such as the Interborough Rapid Transit in Nbw York City, the Amalgamated As- sociation of Street and Electric Rail- way Workers will doubtless be assist- ed in campaigns to line up workers, some of them oppressed for 10 years by company union tyranny. In steel, the Amalgamated Associa- tion of Iron, Steel and Tin Plate Workers 1s slowly a’ ning to the Co. at Buffalo. The U. S. Steet Cor- has never tried the. union tricks, as Gary is not convinced that public opinion requires this “con- cession.” He uses employe stock ownership and welfare devices. General Electric Plant. IHE employe representation plans in force at the several plants of | General Electric have been flaunted before liberal conferences of late as the last word in employe “works coun- cils.” But trade unionists at nectady and West Lynn are critical as ever and determined to battle the plkn within the next few months. | Some of these men have been black- listed. The Genera] Electric company union gives the firm the “say” on all vital questions, they report. Colorado. HE miners’ union has been knocked out of Colorado and displaced in the (Rockefeller) Colorado Fuel and Iron towns by a Company union, Davis Coal and Coke and the Pacific Coast Coal Co. have company unions and other mining corporations have introduced welfare councils and efii- ciency committees that lead towards full-fledged company unions. Typical corporations where trade unions have been knocked out by company unions who will now attempt to stage a comeback are the Sheffield Farms Co. of New York City (team- sters); Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Co. (machinists and other metal ‘trades unions); Standard Oil Co, (oil workers) / Goodyear Tire and Rubber Co. (rubber workers); Phelps Dodge Corporation and Utah Copper Co, (mine, mill and smelter workers); Norfolk Navy Yard (ma- chinists and boiler makers); Interna-. tional Harvester Co. (metal trades un- ions). More important, because of the race issues involved, the Pullman Co., now being fought by the new Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, not yet affiliated with the A. F. of L. The porters’ union is waging one of the most spirited campaigns against the company union system. Issue Drawn, IRBES’ MAGAZINE'S current is- sue observes: “The outcome of this Employers vs, Union battle will be determined finally by the conclusion reached by workers as to whether they will gain more by throwing in their lot with their employers or by holding aloof from friendly associa- tion with their employers and follow- ing the dictates of their union lead- ers.” This is the issue, stated with cap- italist coloring, the A. F. of L. is pledged to accept and fight out to a finish. Ex-War Secretary in Fight to Get Control of Goodyear Company (Special to The Daily Worker, Baker, former secretary of war, was one of the attorneys representing a group of stockholders who are seek- ing to wrest. control of the Goodyear Tire and Rubber Co, from New York banking houses, in a suit started here today, Baker and his associates appeared before Common Pleas Judge Scott D, Kentfield this morning and began argu- ments to show why the Sche- | AKRON, 0O., Nov. 7. —~ Newton D, Mob Lynches: Negro Children By WILLIAM PICKENS, Field Secretary, National Association for Advancement of Colored People. HE American people are so used to lynching news that they are in danger of falling into an apathy and | indifference that will cause them ) | miss the full meaning of a horror like {that reported from Aikens, S. C., Te |cently that a “woman and two men” had been lynched. A brief analysis of the case will impress this upon the average mind. .* Officer Killed. 1 This girl and these two boys had |+* been put into jail and tried for their lives because an officer was | killed when a “raid” was being made | on their home, without any warrant of | court, it seems, and when the inmates jof the home had no way of knowing | that the attackers were officers. 2 It is not charged that the girl or + even either of the boys did any shooting. The house belonged to the father of one of the boys and the girl, and the other boy was their cousin. it would seem from the garbled hews that the one who did the shooting in jefense of the house escaped, inas- much as these three children of the home were charged with “conspiracy” to murder, and the two boys were con- demhed to hang and the girl given life sentence—all this because they were at home, where they belonged, when this trouble occurred there, New Trial Ordered. But the higher court of South * Carolina would not stand for this judicial horror, and ordered a new trial. 4 At the new trial the first boy * who was put on trial was ac- quitted—by a white jury and white judge, with white lawyers on both sides, in the state of South Carolina. So that god knows he mtuet have hen guiltless, 5. But the mob thinks that every. * Negro being TRIED for killing a white person must be guilty—and the little trick was worked immediately after having this acquitted boy re- arrested for “assault” and recommit- ted to jail—so that at night the mob cour go and get him and the other boy and the girl and take them out and shoot them, 6. ‘The “raiders” had already killed + the girl’s mother, and the girl herself had been shot thru thé body in their own home. Even if the man should be adjudged guilty of who shot in defense of his home when | it was being “raided” without process of law, certainly these n who perhaps did not know one end of. a gun from the other, were guiltless. But one was killed and the other lynched. t Odds Against Them. Do not forget that these * young people were about to their innocence in a white commun a white court, in a state entirely by white people—and if a white o was about to free them of the of killing a white man in South lina they were certainly Q, That is the real meaning of | * violence, It is reasonless; throws law, makes justice and reduces innocence to helplessness. And the worst th Nothing will be done about it. prejudice paralizes law—at weight of the whole nation is against lynching, thru a feder ES He } i | ‘ i J 5 : a ‘ ‘ ‘ x