The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 7, 1926, Page 6

y Page Six ee om HE DAILY WORKE Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. | 1113 W, Washington RBivd., Chicago, Il. Phone Monroe 4713 | By mall (outside of Chicago): | SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall (In Chicago only): $4.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 sit months 2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mait and make out checks to bi THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd, Chicago, ML | RE ate lieaAReSE nr iSO RAS EL EEG Mena Sea nk NESSES NL RE HC il eo ce RE) THE DAILY WORKER Eugene V. Debs and the Revolutionary Labor Movement 4 pation by participation in the election campaigns only, William D, Haywood, together with Frank Bohn, had written a pamphlet HE socialist press 1s very much |i Which the following declaration ap- aroused and alarmed because the |.Peared: Workers (Communist) Party is pay- “When the worker, By C. E. RUTHENBERG, General Secretary, Workers (Communist) Party. either thru experience or study of socialism, J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNB f MORITZ J. LOEB... cago, I, under the conmeneesseeceso DGItOrS srmeernsenesenemesss BUBINERS , Manager as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi ings in honor of the memory of Debs. act of March 3, 1879. jing tribute to the work of Eugene V. | Debs in the struggle against capital- ism by participating in memorial meet- comes to know this truth, he acts accordingly. He retains absolutely | The socialists do not care to be re- | minded of the many times that Eugene | no respect for the ‘property’ rights of the profit takers. He will use any weapon which will win his Advertising rates on application Happy Labor Misleaders The officials of the rail labor mniong with headquarters in Wash- n are slapping themselyesyon the back in their glee over the crat semi-landslide. .As aisual, the labor fakers are claiming | lit for the G. 0. P. defeat! Pirst of all the influenee of the labor leaders in’an election is not | li much more to a pélitician than a figleaf is'to’an Esquimaux jn lien of a fur coat. But the labor faker is a clever confidence man and manages to sellRis gold brick. A certain labor leader who WAS livtionary “worker can Gheriell: sidént.of"a fraternal organization once sold his followers h parties. . The republicans gave him $3,000’ for them, but the to democrats were a bit skeptical and only forked out “one grand.” But aside from that, what are those boys gloating oyer? The | defeat of William M, Butler in Massachusetts? ‘Well, we shed no | tears over Butler’s political demise, but what about his victorious opponent David I. Walsh? About the only saving grace ‘David jossesses in our eyes is’ his unquestionable pulchritude. He is an aged-in-the-wood reactionary. He opposed the child labor amend- | ment. He was for. the world court until he discovered that the | voters were against it. This is the David our labor fakers hail as the hero who will swat the capitalist. Goliath. The labor leaders hail the election of Al Smith. of New York as a victory. Now, what about Al? Ask the striking garment work- ers and they will tell you that-hundreds of their members are in jail | for exercising their legal-right to picket thru the use of injunctions issued by Tammany judges and sanctioned by Al Smith. But what | do the rail labor leaders cafe?” Perhaps they. were sore on the some-| what aristocratic Mills because he would not drink beer or shoot | craps with them! Debs disagreed with the reformist | |and reactionary position taken by the | socialist party. They wish to make | fight.” | In the International Sdcialist Re- | view Debs wrote in’ regard to this | statement: o Debs and the Russian Revolution. | Debs’ reaction to the Russian revo- lution, as expressed in the year 1919 before he went to prison, was that of enthusiastic support. In the last speech which Debs made before going to Atlanta prison, which was delivered in the West Side Turner Hall, Cleve- land, Ohio, under the auspices of the local of the socialist party, which at that tim’ had already declared itself a supporter of the left wing movement which later developed into the Com- | munist Party, Debs declared: Supporting the principle of indus- trial unfonism which he had advo- cated for a quarter of a century, he spoke in favor of the Trade Union Educational League and its policy. The above discussion of the policy supported by Debs shows that he was continually in opposition to the of- , Cialist party which has become : | Communnist Party. ¥ | It is because Debs’ .work in the | American labor movement was carried on in the spirit of a milftant clase struggle, because Debs denounced in | justice, stirred hatred of the syste of exploitation and ever stood on ficial leadership of the socialist party, | side of the workers, that the Workers made up in the past, as now, of the | (Communist) Party and its members Hiliquits and Bergers. He stood for | honor the memory of Eugene V. Debs, and supported a militant class strug- gle policy under all conditions, It is because the spirit in which Debs fought the class struggle is the spirit The present day leaders of the de-|of the Workers (Communist) Party “! am a Bolshevik from the top f my head to the sole of my feet.” In his statement after the supreme |crepit socialist party endeavor to |claim Debs as their own, in order to | capitalize his name and win the work- the tradition of Debs’ work in the rev- | olutionary labor movement part of the background of the utterly bankrupt socialist party and hide it with the | “| agree with them that In the fight against capitalism the work- ers have a right to yse any weapon court affirmed his conviction for the |Canton speech Debs issued a state- }ment in which he said: | “The decision just rendered places ers for the yellow reformism which | the socialist party and its leadership {stands for today. The present poli- | cies of the socialist party and its pres- today that it will do honor to him‘and | bis work as part of the best traditions |of the revolutionary American labor | movement, pt | The Workers (Communist) Party | not only carries on the work of fight- |ing the.workers’ battles in the spirit mantle of non-class struggle reform- ism, which is the policy of the social- ist party today, The memory of the work of Eugéne V. Debs in the American labor move- | ment is something which every revo- | The | history of the socialist party in the | United States does not begin with 1919. Debs worked in the socialist party for nearly two decades prior to 1919. He supported inside of the so- cialist party, while the struggle was |pation, but Debs would not permit | that will help them win.” Debs repudiated, as. every Marxist must, the idea of the,use of sabotage as the means of establishing the work- ers’ power and winning their emanci- the United States where old Russia under the ozar left off. It is good for at least a million Bolshevist re- crults in this country.” Debs was not a Bolshevik in under- ttanding and conscious support of himself to be bound ,by the interpre- | Bolshevist principies—that Is, Com- tation of the method of the workers’,!munist princlples—but his reaction to struggle which the right wing leaders | the Russian revolution was in the of the socialist party, endeavored to | same spirit that he showed in regard make, |to all the workers’ struggles, support The struggle im 1912 had its climax |of a militant, class struggle against | in the national convention of the 50- cialist party of that, year, thru which the Hillquits, Bergers, etc., wrote into the constitution of the socialist party a criminal syndicalist law seven years jbefore any of the states thought of enacting such @ law. This criminal syndicalist law was ip the form of a section of the constitu- tion known as Article 2, Section 6, which sought to define political action as participation in election campaigns and in the work of the capitalist leg- still going on inside of the party be- tween yellow reformism and class- conscious revolutionary action, not the Hillquits, Bergers and Oneals, but the “reds,” the left wing of the socialist party. Debs can still speak for himself. His eloquent voice is hushed by his } death, but the many flaming words of | denunciation he wrote against those who turned the socialist party from a class struggle, Yevolutionary policy still speaks for him against the Hill- quits, Bergers and Oneals. islative body, and prohibited any per- Debs on immigration. son who advocated sabotage or vio- |lence as a method of the class strug- It is only possible here to cite a few | incidents showing how Debs differed | Sie from becoming’: member of the socialist party. with the ‘right wing, reformist leader- : ship of the socialist party. These,| Im March, 1914,°Debs wrote in the In Illinois the officials of the State Federation of Labor sup- ported Frank L. Smith, pet of the open shop employer Samuel Insull. And in return Smith is supporting the poor relations of the labor fakers. This is sufficient to show that we agree, with the reac- tionary labor officials, inasmuch as we’ have proven that they sup- port capitalist candidates who are notoriously anti-labor. Their records provide the proof. It is quite evident that our present crop of labor officials, with few exceptions, are not in the least interested in ile trade union movement except in so far as_it provides them ‘with'a‘base ‘of opera- tions from which they can sally forth and ‘capture. remunerative offices, in addition to what they take’ from the’ imémbers of their | however, will suffice to indicate that | Debs did not belong to yellow reform- International Socialist’ Review in re- gard to this constitutional provision | capitalism. Debs and the Communis Debs was not & Communist. He re- mained in the socialist party after the split of 1919, when those with whom he had been associated in past strug- gles within the socialist party were compelled to leave it and form the Communist Party because the socialist party leadership, in spite of the sup- port of the overwhelming membership of the party given to the left wing, betrayed the revolutionary principle which the Russian revolution showed must guide the revolutionary labor movement in its struggle. 6 The issue on which the eft Wing |which formed the Communist Party and Debs parted company was the question of the dictatorship of the ent leadership are alien to the whole | spinit of Debs’ part in the labor move- |ment of this country. Debs and the | memory of his work are part of the jdraditions of the left wing of the so- | that Debs fought them, but translates |that spirit into action guided by Len- jinist policies which will lead the | American workers to victory in the struggle against capitalism, suehenlaites ts |German Working Women Thrilled by Wonderful | Spirit-They Find Among Russian Workers and Peasants | In this article Anna Louise Strong | class of the world we committed when continue$ telling how the Russian | we failed to make the revolution with | workers and peasants are as much in- | you—we with our good factories. Yei terested in visits of foreign delega-|you with’ your poor factories have tions as the delegates themselves are. | done more for the life of the workers She describes the visit of the delega- | in them than we who have such goed tion of German working women to | factories,” the Sanitarium at Livadia, Remember England, But most striking of all was what By ANNA LOUISE STRONG. | was said neither about Germany nor IVADIA, Crimea.—After dinner the | Russia, Two of the Russian workers @elegation went upstairs to the |*Ppealed to the German women to room under the cupola, which once | “help the English miners, for theire ig was a sanitarium church for officers |@® international fight.” Two others | ot the old regime, and is now a work- |"emembered to cry, in their final elo- Jers’ club. Cheers again, and the S408: “Hands off China,” and to urge sound of the sanitarium orchestra— the German women to help organize not much of an orchestra, I admit, j the workers of the world in protest | being dependent on the transient tal- | ®S@inst foreign imperialism in the jent of patients bringing stringed in- | aT Hast. struments, but enthusiastic, proletariat. The chairman chosen for the day BNR ae the speeches and questions, when the band was playing the | as follows: “1 want to say that in my opinion Section 6 of Articlé 2 ought to be stricken from the socialist party constitution. { “1 am opposed to restricting free speech under any pretense whatso- ever, and quite as.decidedly opposed to our party seeking favor in the bourgeois eyes by Protesting that It does not countenance violence and is not a criminal: grganization.” ism. In the 1910 convention of the social- | ist party a report was made by a com- | mittee on immigration which adopted | the reactionary A, F. of L. position to | bar orientals from the United States. Debs could not accept such a version | of internationalism. In the July, 1910, number of the International Socialist Review he wrote about this brand of internationalism, which the official leadership of the socialist party was | Debs was in the Atlanta prison at \the time the split took place in the | socialist party. Naturally, he was not informed as to the phases of the strug- gle and could not express himself in relation to the struggle. In June, 1920,.the writer visited |Deljs in the federal prison at Atlanta |to present to him the question of his {future affiliation, The point in the |program of the Communist Party iwhich Debs did not accept was the jdedlaration that the workers’ and farose, a woman patient in her white | International, the workers motioned ‘linen sanitarium gown, and introduced |to it to stop. It was playing too |the members of the delegation, tell- | fast; they wanted to sing, not Msten. |ing the political and trade union con- | 5° with slow, steady marching rythm nections of each, The Communigts they swung into the music of that were named last, and the applause W0rld-wide song and sung thru three grew louder and stormier. A stranger | Verses, the German voices blending would have assumed that the audience | With the "Russian. Under the Mttle | was composed of Communists. Yet |dome whew once sounded the plain- only about 10 per cent were party | tive anthems of the old Greek chureh, ‘members; the .rest, non-party trade |intoned for the czar’s officers, want unionists, so thoroly accepted Cominu- | thundering the march of the workers of the world. unions. trying to force upon the party, as fol- | Article 2, Sectiom;2, which Debs {nist leadership that they recognized | The democrat vietory suits them down to the ground. They are happy over the result of last Tuesday’s election.” “Why should they favor a Labor Party when the gravy is thicker in the capitalist parties? A Labor Party will come. It*titist ¢onié’’But the task of organizing it must be shouldered by the rank anid ‘file, Our labor leaders have a stake in the capitalist systeni and‘are’as enthusiastic about organizing a Labor Party as they would be about committing suicide. HUGE PROFITS OF INDUSTRIAL CAPITAL LEADING TO A COMING DEPRESSION AND UNEMPLOYMENT lows: |thus condemmed, owas stricken from |farmers’ government which would be jestablished as the result of the class |these Communist women of Germany as friends in a special sense—fighters “Have just read the majority re- | the constitution of the socialist party | enemies.” | port of the committee on immigra- tion. It is utterly unsocialistic, re- actionary and in truth outrageous. . + « Let us stand square on our revolutionary working-class princi- ples.and make our fight openly and uncompromisingly against all our |on the motion of therwriter of this ar- | ticle at the Sti°Lonis- convention in cialist party was-in,coptrol. Debs and Ste War, | The manifesto against the entry of The Attempt to Liquidate the Socialist Party. In 1910 a movement developed with- | in the socialist party, led by A. M. Si- mons, for the merging of the socialist | party, which dominated the St. Louis party into a labor party. The proposal | convention. Hillquit’ and’ Lee repre- was not that a united front organiza- | sented a center group in the conven- tion cdnsisting of delegates from va- | tion which, while it/'Wished to. declare rious labor unions and workers’ organ- | against the war, didnot wish to make adopted at thegt. Louis convention in 1917 was accepted as the statement of principles of the socialist party under the pressure of the left wing of the ‘struggle must of necessity be a dicta- | for their sort of revolution. Delegations Useful, Yes, these visits of delegations are useful, not only to the delegationa, but 7, ‘ ft pee |1917, where the-letjewing of the 80 of the proletariat was that of a dicta- the United States into the World War | By LELAND OLDS, Federated Press. |General Motors .... 294,46 180 150,486,188 | T Hugo industrial profits which are |intl,Harvester ... 45024781 36,854,971 izations should be organized and the /an aggressive strugels’such as the lett laying the basis for the next business |Rem. Typewrite! 21863,422 Socialist party affiliate with such a | wing insisted upon, crip fi | depression are revealed in a Wall Sears-Roebuck ~~... 54,627,487 12,964,427 party, but rather that the socialist | The left wing made the mistake at 101,981,908 80,068,000 arty should cease to, exist, merging profits of 20 corporations used in the 56,153,621 42,140,375 Party § ae | the St. Louis convention of permitting Dow, Jones & Co, stock market aver- |U- 8. Steel swim 43%, vas, 461.698 | Halk completely nto. 8 abor party | the formal rule that the national exec- ages, The combined 1922-1925. profits |» we woolworth 8 2az00'000 THiS, of course, was quite a different | itive committee be elected by refer- of these concerns, totaling over $2 000,000,000, mean an excessive ac- eumulation of industrial capital at the expense of the purchasing power of consumers, The profits of these 20 corporations, averaging over half a billion dollars @ year, would have given 1,000,000 wage earners each an incréase of $500 @ year in wages, Prophecy a Depression. Siich an increase would have’ meant a greater demand for goods with the surance that the country’s enormous roductive power would be more con- ly employed. Business observ- would not now be forecasting a slow recession in business and em- ployment Steel Trust Leads, U. 8S. Steel ranks first in. profits with a 4-year, total of, $434,828,619. American Telephone & Telegraph fol- lows with $413,714,055. and General Motors comes third with; $294,465,180, All 3 are closely affiliated with the House of Morgan . » profits of the 20° corporations with the amounts they have paid in cash dividends and interest to their owners in the 4 years 1922-1925 are: Co-poration Net Interest Profits (1922-1925) Earnings Divi ig | interstate, Cor Get Great Fortunes. From these 20 corporations the own- ing class has received cash income in the last 4,years totaling $1,422,845,731, dividend payments. Common stock- this in cash dividends. The $649,771,- 270 remainder -wag reinvested in the business. a! | Reinvestments. Some of the corporations have rein- vested a very. profits in the business; In the case of Mack Trucks about 61% of the 4 | year profits has been retained for this | purpose, Woolworth has used 56% of its profits in ‘expanding its business. For General Motors the figure is 39%. for Sears Roebuck 29% and American Can 24%. A large part df’ the profits distrib- uted in cash is-also invested in ex- |panding the country’s productive power, Such‘ figures show the vital necéssity of increasing the purchas- ing power of consumérs at the ex- | pense of profits if another serious de- pression is to be avoided. , C. and N. W. Valued at $477,000,000 WASHINGTON, D, C., Nov. 5.—-The erce. Commission to this being the sum of the interest and | holders have received "$918,533,614 of | proposal than the present day miove- lendum to stand in its way in securing ment supported by the Workers (Com- |, jational-executive committee which munist) Party for the formation of a | stood on the St. Louig platform. The labor party with which the Workers | consequence of this error'soon became | (Communist) Party would affiliate, ‘apparent in the fact that it was only maintaining at the same time its seP- | where the left wing was in control of arate organization and its revolution-| in socialist party organizations that ary program, carry the St. The moyement of 1910 would have 10. roche aa er was Cais resulted in the liquidation in the | 9) os United States of the socialist party 88/ y the spring of 1918.a strong move- a party having its objective the aboli-| ont had dgyeloped-in the national large proportion of | tion of capitalism, within which there’ | was the left wing, which stood for a/| ‘revolutionary class struggle. Debs wrote about this proposal in the January, 1910, issue of the Inter- national Socialist Review ay follows: “The revolutionary character of our party and our movement must be preserved In all its Integrity at | all costs, for if that be compromised | ‘It had better cease to exist.” | Tt would be well for the Hillquits, | Bergers and Oneals who have stripped |the socialist party of any claim that | it has a revolutionary character to | lagain read these words of Hugene V. | | Debs, | The Struggle Between the “Yellowe” and “Re | In the year 1912 there was a bitter |struggle within the socialist party be- ‘tween the right and left wings, termed {at that time the “yellows” and the |“reds," over the question of how the executive committee of the sogialist party for revision of the St. Louis program and its strong denunciation and program of action against the war and for a policy that the socialist party should accommodate itself to the oxisting situation and if not be- coming pro-war, @t,least carrying op no struggle againet.the war. * It was under thee conditions that Debs made his speech in Nimasilla | Park, Canton, Ohio, apposite the Stark County Workhouse, in which Alfred Wagenknecht, Charles Baker and the writer were cot | for actually giv- ing life to the St, Louis manifesto against the war by an intensive strua- gle against the war in all its forms, carried out in the ‘city of Cleveland and thruout the state of Ohio, Debs. thus made his flaming denunciation of the war at a time when the national executive committee of the socialist party, dominated by the present lead- oolae2.449 | day placed a tentative valuation ot 885,008,372 $477,000,000, as of June 30, 1917, on _the property owned and used by the Chicago and North Western Ratlroad. ASHLAND BLVD. Atty One ANNIVERSARY SUNDAY, NOV. 7 j= : “Speakers AT 8 P.M. ) ~ CELEBRATE THE NINTH workers would achieve power, Debs" ors of the socialist party, were ready at that time placed himself squarely | to take a step backward and make a on record against the idea that the | compromise in regard to the stand in workers could achieve their emanct- | relation to the war, OF THE WM, Z. FOSTER, WM. F. DUNNE, SAM * : Folk Dancing by Czecho-Slovak “OMLADINA” — From the Opera “Bar | torship of the proletariat, | Debs’ conception of the dictatorship |torship exercised by an individual, ‘such a dictatorship as that exercised \by. the first Napoleon or the czar of Russia during the period of unlimited |autocracy or the Mussolini dictator- | ship in Italy at the present time. Debs did not understand the dicta- | torship in the form in which it is sup- | ported by the Communists, That is, ‘the dictatorship of a class. against \class, He did not grasp that in the ‘transition period from capitalism to |Communism it was necessary that the | workers use the governmental power to suppress the capitalists and the re- i maining vestiges of the capitalist sys- {tem in the same manner that the capi- talists today use the governmental | power to suppress the struggles of the | workers for a new social order, | Why the Communists Honor the Mem- ory of Debs. the principles underlying the class struggle and their implications, he was a revolutionary fighter who instinct- ively took his stand on the side of the worker in every battle. In every great {struggle in American labor history Debs spoke out his flaming words in Haywood and Pettibone were in dan- ger of their lives it was Debs who, {in flaming words, called upon the workers to rally to their support. In the struggle at Lawrence, Massachu- setts; the massacre at Ludlow, Colo- rado; the great struggle in the West. Virginia coal fields more than a de- cade ago, it was Debs who took his stand always for the workers and called upon the whole working class to fight with them, Even after 1919, when the socialist party held itself aloof and even denounced the strug- gle in support of workers’ fights, Debs still maintained the same position and supported every fight for the workers or in defense of the victims of the class struggle. Thus Debs became a member of the Labor Defense Council for the defense of the Communists ar- rested at Bridgeman, Michigan. He later joined the International Labor Defense and became a member of its national committee, He raised his voice to call the working class in de- fense of the lives of Sacco and Van- nettl, RUSSIAN REVOLUTIO DARCY, A, SWAB Welcoming Speeches. HEN—the welcoming speeches. A small, thin woman, cheeks gaunt with disease, flery, telling how women |at last have equal rights in politics, ‘equal pay in industry, equality in all domestic matters before the law. An apparently husky young man, ener- getic, but with a hoarse voice, appeal- | ing to them to get onto the barricades with the men when “1923 comes again to Germany”—an allusion to the hoped-for revolution that failed to jcome off. Last of all, a girl, pale, hiding her Shyness under a determined manner (was she not chosen to represent the youth of the hospital), told how she also to the Russian workers, are worth all they cost the Russian trade unions in time and hospitality. Listening to that song and watching the grim earnestness of those faces, one remembered anew that in spite |of the slowness of the years and the disillusions that attend both success and failure, the Russian workers have jachieved a conscious power which no | other workers know, and-have thru it | attained a world-wide spirit greater than that of any other workers. These |hundred or more human souls, drawn at random from the looms of Ivanovof, |the metal works of the Urals, the mines of the Donetz, were swept by a wend which carried them far beyond Altho Debs did not clearly grasp | support of the workers. When Moyer, | the confines of their own disease- ‘worn sélves, Tossed aside for the moment from the struggle, down here on this peaceful, lonely, sunny shore of the sea, their bodies rested from the wear and tear of the pattle, but their souls went marching on with the Cantonese army to Hankow, and fought with the Brilish miners the long battle of coal, and urged .on the German women to war to the end as they had done. . OH MY! GIRLS, HE'S NOT ALORD AFTER ALL-—BACK |herself had worked in capitalist da¥s |as a tiny child, without a chance to jlearn anything; but now “we only work six hours, but we have our rep- |resentatives on the shop committee; jwe have the same rights as grown- ‘ups; we also get sent to sanitoria {and universities, and. we wish that 'the German youth may get for them- selves the same rights, thru the power of united organized workers.” Then |suddenly coming to an end, either | because she had finished or forgot |the rest, she hurried to her chair and | hid her crimsoning face in her hands, while her comrades patted her on the ; back and told her she had done it all right. Warned Not to Come. HE delegation answered. No doubt in many places and were now weary, but each phrase of, their speeches ined Hfe and meaning from the tense interest, the applause of the listening workers, They told how they had been warned not to come to Rus- sia, how many lies had been told them, how they had been informed that they would be shown only spe- cially prepared factories, and “Potem- kin villag alluding to the false villages especially prepared by the czar’s favorite for his majesty’s in- spection, But they had traveled now hundreds of miles, and seen all sorts of factories, good ones and bad ones, and talked without interpreters to hundreds of Russian workers who knew German from the days of war prisons, they had made the same speech | WITH THE WEDDING GIFTS Nov. 5.—The latest romance of Miss Mary Landon Baker of Chicago, is all off, it was learned today. Miss Baker, who figuratively left Allister McCormick waiting at the church, and whose indecision is said to have wrecked several other ro- mances, is reported to have abam doned any plans she may have he to marry M. Pouritch, for Serbian consul in Chicago. The breaking off of’ the Baker romance is reported te have been due to Miss Baker’s recent dis- covery that M. Pouritch Ie le Pouritch, and that he is not ek man, * Reports are that Miss Baker le bound back to London, where It has been reported there is a young peer who has long sought her hand. _ | BELGRADE, i bag oa do not hide the dark hn y should you? Do not| Your nefghbor will reclate your poor factories make us know | the ta vacetve him thle on ot whet a crime against the working! the DAILY WORKER. ¢ PROGRAM ++ “Lithuanian Workers Chorus | _. Vocal and Instrumental Music PIONEER PANTOMIME i SPECIAL FEATURES ‘ l