The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 26, 1926, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORK THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Blvd.; Chicago, Ill. Phone Monroe 4711 SUBSCRIPTION: RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mali (outelde of Chicago)! $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per yoar $3.50 six months | Address all mail and make out checks to $2.50 three months $2.00 three months THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Waahington Bivd., Chicago, Ii J, LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J, LOEB... eee Entered as second-class mai] September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi cago, Il, under the act of March 3, 1879. ee Business Manager Advertising rates on application, | —. Sacco-Vanzetti Are Brought Another Step- Nearer Electric Chair Again the American working class must place themselves be- tween Sacco and Vanzetti and the electric chair towards which the capitalist class of Massachusetts is pushing those two working class leaders. The refusal of Judge Thayer to gr@nt a new trial to the con- demned workers on the basis of new evidence and the confession of the murderer Madeiros, means that the ruling.class of Massachu- setts is determined to have the lives of Sacco and Vanzetti. So strong was the case made by the defense counsel for a new trial that thousands of capitalist newspapers thruout the country at had hitherto urged hanging for the condemned leaders changed their views and demanded in the name of what they are pleased to ail American justice that a new trial be granted. Celestino Madeiros confessed that he was in the gang that killed the pay- master’s guard and that Sacco and Vanzetti were entirely innocent of the crime. Government agents that had previously perjured themselves in order to help the prosecutor send his victims to the chair confessed that they lied on the witness stand. Armed with this new evidence, Attorney William Thompson, a conservative and leader of the Boston bar, demanded a new trial for his clients, and everybody except those | who know the deep hatred the Massachusetts codfish aristocracy has for the working class, expected that the demand would be ac- ceded to. ' In making his decision Thayer simply dismissed Madeiros as a liar and characterized the statements of former government agents as unimportant. This judicial tool of the employers of Massachusetts went out of his way to defend officials of the United States govern-| ment from the weli-founded accusations made against them by their former employers. Those officials were charged with a conspiracy to judicially murder two innocent workers. Bvidently the fact.that two human lives are in jeopardy is of less consequence to Judge Thayer, than that the sensibilities of their hangmen should be wounded. “Sacco and Vanzetti must not die!” This cry must again be heard from coast to coast and thruout the world. MINERS’ CONVENTION VOTES FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS TO PASSAIC “ (Special to The Daily Worker) SHAMOKIN, Penn., Pa., Oct, 24, — After B, K. Gebert, Polish speaker and organizer spoke at a miners’ convention here the delegates voted a donation of $500 to the relief of the Passaic strikers. ““Energetic. an MA NY workers have shown their approval of The DAILY WORKER by subscribing for it.. THOUSANDS: or ur ticnds “are now coming across with liberal donations in order to help Keep The DAILY WORKER. BUT it is not often that an enemy, of Commun- ism speaks well of The DAILY WORKER—the daily spokesman of the American..Communist | movement—the untiring champion of the workers, READ this testimonial and think and act. { } | | | | | honest servience to their imperialist masters is becoming bett¢r knowm each day |to the working class and as to whose \real role in the period of imperialism the recent A, F. of L. convention fur- nished plenty of proof, R p&rty, therefore, finds it pos- ARTICLE XII (Conclusion), By WILLIAM F. DUNNE. HH complete liquidation of the pre- war revolutionary movement puts all the burden and responsibility for | giving the labor movement ‘of the GO hy United States a class morale upon the| sible to become, by working thru Communists, {and aiding the slowly developing left That the pre-war revolutionary move-| wing, the teacher and organizer of ment has disappeared is brought | substantial sections of the American sharply to our attention by the death | working class, of Eugene Debs—the last symbol of| At this time there are no great po- working class militancy left/litical struggles appearing’ on the to the socialist party—and by a num-|horizon of the American labor move- ber of other instances such as: |ment. Even the s#@véré distress*and 1) The bankruptcy’ and demoraliz-|discontent among large numbers of jation of the I, W. W. leading to a/farmers has not Sbeam sufficient to rapid disintegration of this once mili-|prevent the practical liquidation or tant organization of workers, |the stultifying of te farmer-labor | 2) By the fact that such revolution: | movements which appeared three jaries as Scott Nearing, Robert W.|years ago and aq hasbeen shown al- |Dunn and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, sur- |ready, there are no large movements |vivals of the pre-war period, stand in progress among the workers and alone and no matter in what direc-|no sure signs of their developing in tion they move (seemingly towards | the immediate future with the sole ex- our party, fortunately) they can bring |ception of the soft coal mining in- }masses from capitalism. As has been no masses with them, 3) The total ‘absence of any organ- {zed distribution of propaganda and agitational Hterature on a mass scale | except by our party. | Ww must accept the fact that the! working class of America has no} revolutionary leadership and no other | organized class political expression | outside of our party with a full knowl- | edge of what that means for our party in this period of slow development of the olass struggle. Our party, in a country which has no revolutionary traditions of a pure- ly working class character (altho the war of independence and some aspects of the Civil War furnish valuable {analogies) must now begin in earnest, to use a well-worn phrase, to plow virgin soil. We must make contact with those masses of workers’ who have come into industry since the world war (the last twelve years most of them young and therefore the most hopeful and militant section. | HIS is not to say that we can or} will neglect any category of work- | Jers, -but simply tq emphasize that} |there are no important sections of the | American working class possessed of felass consciousness who are under the influence of other working class parties other than the Communist Party and upon whom we must con- centrate as the most likely source of recruits for our party or with the idea. of splitting off sections closer to us. There is no such group of workers in this country and the overwhelming bulk of. our work is therefore among workers. whose contact. with revolu- | tionary: theory and practice is nil or of the most casual kind, E must and we will in this period (whose length we can only guess gt since we are but in the beginning of it) devote far more. time to the elementary tasks of winning the/ said, there is no group standing be- tween us and the capitalist class and their outright agents such as the trade union bureaucracy whose utter sub- dustry where a strikeappears probable next spring. UR party must turn surely and cer- tainly to the hewing of wood and jthe drawing of water in the American labor movement.»“By actual accom- plishment and achievement in these tasks we can broaden greatly the base of our party, entrench it among the masses in basic industry and the trade unions, become known, respect- ed and loved because of our energy, ability and willingness to do the “dirty work,” but. the work that must be done, and done far better than it is now being done, in the labor move- ment. ¢ Our shop bulletins, issued by our nuclei, have already given some proof of their possibilities as methods of lifting the workers out of the mire of company unionism and trade union reaction, but in this field we have not even scratched the surface, These bulletins must 1 Sorgans of a systematic plan: fo) e organization of the: unorganized -be/ linked up much more closely wi eral trade union work of the party. have not given sufficient atten- tion to thé formation of shop com- mittees as a method! of broadening the activities of our niielef, of developing initiative among wofKers in ‘basic in- dustry and,as an “fhdispénsable sec- tion of the lef wing.’ I mentton these twé'fields of work because they are theéhes with which we can approach efféttively especially those workers without previous or with very little trad@ uhion experience and who are fot: weigtied down by of- ficial reaction. ieee By actively prosecuting these two tasks it is entirely péssible, as the gap widens. between the labor arts- tocracy, trade union” officialdom and the masses of the workers, as it al- ready is occurring, ‘for ‘the Commun- ists to become the Ofganizers of the new militant trade ‘unionsm with its basis in the class sttaggle which the inevitable pressure “of capitalism and the continued betrayal of the masses by their leaders will ‘pit on the order THE AMERICAN MERCURY ® « 730 FIFTH AVENUB NEW YORK + Cobla: KNOPF» NEW YORK October jst Dear Mr, Lovestones- As a believer in free speosh; © ‘Telepbonts: CIRCLE 1670 + 7675 uewe absolute, universal and unlimited, f!am delighted to see the Daily Worker ,making ite way, Iam, of cotrse, no advocate of 7 communism, It seems to me to be so unsound as to be almost insane. yak But I amglad that you have set up so energetic ani interesting & paper to argue for 1%, and hope that you _ get enough support to keep 1t going. Sanoorely yours, \ mittaince SEND ER of business of the American working class. if Bate present situation undoubtedly holds great dangers for our party and the whole labor movement. The deadening effect of this period upon the genergl labor movement has been Previously outlined but it is evident also that our party has not escaped entirely a similar effect. tl would be the greatest mistake imaginable if, on the basis of the |possibilities for organization work | workers we should elevate this work to the level of revolutionary pJlitical activity. Such a course would in-| evitably relegate us to the status of | a trade union party, intent only on} immediate reforms reminiscent of the | |Bernsteinism of the social-democracy, HERE is the second danger that in attempting to evade the first our panty will become the originator of and. instrument for the uttering of revolutionary phrases without any connection with the life and struggles of the American masses and thereby isolate itself from the broad stream of the American labor movement. Only a. clear understanding of the united front tactic directed toward getting masses of workers into motion on the issues of their daily struggles and isolating, not our party, but the agents of imperialism within the labor movement, the trade union bureau- cracy, because of their deliberate be- trayals which we must be able not only to point out but explain to the masses on the basis of Leninism, will prevent our party succumbing to either one of these two dangers. E must develop an understanding and a method whereby we can stcure for the workingclass and our party the maximum results from any given situation. More than ever, when there are such large sections of the working- class corrupted by the sops thrown to them by immensely powerful and wealthy rulingclass of America, it is necessary that there be no separa- tion of the economic and political struggles and that in every struggle the maximum effort be exerted, with- out jeopardizing the possibility of im- mediate substantial achievement, to broaden and connect isolated conflicts with the general struggle against cap- italism and the capitalist state. & lgped this demands a party solidly rooted in the American labor move- ment and conscious of the traditions of that movement without being ren- dered incapable of flexibility and of devising and adopting new methods of Struggle by the weight of tradition, it seems almost needless to state. Our party cannot by itself produce great political struggles nor can it lead these struggles when the situa- tion arises unless it, has won the loyalty of the workingclass because of its achievements. Y Noes the facts of the present situa- tion point unerringly to the con- clusion that the line of our party is that of a revolutionary -party which has a correct program, has devoloped some skill in maneuvering, organiz- ing and inspiring certain sections of among the unskilled and semi-skilled | FROM PORTLAND 'TO DETROIT the workers in their daily struggles, but which has not as yet developed the strength and following necessary to exert a decisive influence on the American labor movement, Even tho we had here in America a revolutionary situation our party could not lead the masses in the right direc- | tion because of its weakness. If the British Communist Party was not able to overcome the dead weight of the reactionary leadership of the labor jmovement in the general strike and | prevent. a betrayal in a situation a ; thousand times more favorable than that existing in America, how much more difficult is our problem and how | much more routine work in the labor movement lies ahead of us. S the American class struggle, we cam+ ‘not wait for great political struggles {to develop with the hope that in their | difficulty the masses will come flock: {ing to our banner, The reverse is true, In this period we must: build and consolidate our influence while at {the same time gaining in the daily struggles the skill, knowledge and stamina which alone enable Commu- nist parties to turn revolutionary situations into actual and victorious revolution. We must be content with smaller achievements conscious that they are of a solid character and represent real steps on the road to building an Amer- ican mass Communist party. oes survey of the labor movement from the Portland convention of the A. F. of L. in 1923 to the recent Detroit convention shows: 1.) That the trade union leader- ship has been going steadily to the right and is acting as the agent of the capitalist class in the labor move- ment. 2.) . That large sections of the trade union ‘membership has been going steadily to the right under the in- fluence of (a) the concessions made by a dominant American imperialism and (b) the worker-cooperation policy of the trade union leadership, 3.) That certain sections of the un- organized workers are also being lull- ed into quiescence by various kinds of profit-sharing, welfare, social insur- ance, pensions and company union schemes, : 4.) That as a result of this the labor movement has reached the low- est point in its history judged by the standard of class-consciousness, mili- taney and effectiveness, 5.) nary efforts made by the capitalists and the trade union leadership to destroy all will to struggle, there is a still weak but definite leftward press- ure from below. 6.) That this leftward tendency can be-mobilized by the left wing and our party to force action from the leader- sbip.in support of trade union strug- gles like those of the Passaic textile workers and the garment workers. 7.) That there is in a number of both light and heavy industries a re- sponse to such slogans as “Organize the Unorganized” and “An Increase in. Wages.” ‘ere 8.) That it is possible in this pe- riod for Cummunists to organize and subjective. factor in the, | That in spite of the extraordi- lead struggles based on the urgent needs of bitterly exploited workers but that this is still, accompanied by enormous difficulties, 9.) That Communist nucleus work and shop bulletins, considering the lack of forces available for these ele- mentary tasks, meet with a gratifying response trom workers in basic in- dustry and hold great possibilities for the workingclass and our party. 10.) That the left wing is still very weak, has little opganizational charac ter and can develop a mass character at present only by concentrating on immediate. elementary demands, 11.) That the political conscious- ness of the masses is at an extrema- ly low level as shown by the lack of response to labor party agitation and ‘the almost complete liquidation of the farmer-labor party movements, 12.) That the pre-war revolutionary movement has been definitely liquic dated, nothing remaining of it except small isolated groups and individuals here and there without mass influence, UR party, as already stated, alone makes a challenge to American capitalism, On the basis of this fact and on the concrete facts of the present situation, the chief factor in which is the domi- namt position of American imperial- ism, faced nevertheless with renewed and merciless competition for world markets, as indicated by the recent free’ trade manifesto signed by J. P. Morgan and other finance-capitalists, and \which will place inevitably new and intolerable burdens on the Amer- icdh masses, we must and we will intensify our work of basing our par- ty firmly in the American labor move- ment and preparing the workingclass for victorious struggle for a workers’ and farmers’ government under thé banuer..of \the Communist Inter: national, U. S. Women to Fight for Reenactment of Maternity Aid Law WASHINGTON, Oct, 24.—Presure by 4,000,000 women, represented by the General Federation of Women's Clubs, National League of Women Voters and other national women’s organizations will be brought to bear to“ securé® the re-enactment of: the Sheppard-Towner act, the maternity act, which expires June 30, 1927. Chief opponents of the bill are Sen- ator Reed, Missouri, and Senator King, Utah. The bill provides for an approprie- tion to be used for the advancement of materhity and infant welfare work. The 1921 act appropriated $1,240,000 tor this work for five years, 3 Killed in Crash, JOHNSTOWN, Pa., Oct, 24—Three persons were killed and two others were injured, one perhaps fatally, when a truck and a passenger anto- mobile collided on the William Penn highway near the Indiana-Cambria county line early today, | BUILD THE DAILY WITH A 8U8, Interesting”’ Says an Enemy of Communism--Read this Testimonial--Act: “I am delighted to see The DAILY WORKER making its way up.” THIS is what Mencken says. It is ver y seldom that Mencken has words of praise for anybody or anything. j NOW do ‘you want to see The DAILY WORKER ¢ontinue making its way? Then KEEP The DAILY WORKER. Do you want to keep The DAILY WORKER—and make it even more energetic and interesting than it is today ?— TH EN ’ give today to Keep The DAILY WORKER | GET on the Honor Roll today to se The DAILY WORK SIGN-cu. +o Attach Re- } I enclose 4. Name BErOOt vrcssseiecseren KEEP THE DAILY WORKER Vor Militant Trade Unioniam—For a Workers Win Strikes—Organize Unorga: ‘ign-Born—To Wstablish » Workers’ and Farmers’ Jabor Party—To Help nized-—To Protect For- Government! PALO rrrsessnrsocaronrdorsesees eh