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——— ae “2 FHE DALLY WORKE Phone, Monroe 4712 !PTION RATES By mail (outside of Chicago): $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.00 three months z ke out checks to , 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, By mail (in Chi $8.00 per three 2c Add THE DAILY WORK GDAHL ( seasersgeeee ECON MORITZ J iness Manager September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- under the act of March 3, 1879. second-c r Entered as 2 E cago, Ill, bawoyes Advertising rates oI cation. Democracy in Excelsis » “peepul” rule in this great and glorious land, They rule because they have the right of the franchise, that high and sacred privilege which makes freemen of serfs. Nor is it necessary, say the soothsayers of American democracy, for the wide masses of the wo: of farm and factory to have a party of their own. Their interests’ are fully protected and their spokesmen can be chosen without fear or favor<thru the medium of the primary elections—that ‘apotheosis of democracy of which only America can boast. An investigation of the recent primary election inthe twentieth ward of the city of Chicago has just been concluded. The honest and thrifty citizenry of this ward acknowledge Morry Eller as their chieftain and they go to the polls in serried ranks to uphold the best traditions of men whose forefathers ‘have fought entrenched tyranny and stormed the bulwarks of-ancient- privilege in many lands. A stroll thru the twentieth ward furnishes ample evidence that the liegemen of Morry Eller love personal liberty. ‘There are more saloons to the square block in twentieth ward than anywhere else in Chicago. One who knows Chicago will feel at once that no more needs to be said. No dreary despotism for the twentieth ward. The right of franchise is inviolable and it was invoked with a vengeance, The investigation of the manner in which the bootleggers, gamblers, second-story workers, ladies of the evening, brothel keepers and other honest burghers of the twentieth ward, armed only with the fran- cise, Hurled the invader back from the battlements, discloses the following facts and are now history engraved on the court records of Cook county. They show that: Two hundred thirty-nine persons did not vote, but are recorded as having voted. Eighty-four voted from non-existant addresses, Nine voted from vacant lots. Seventy-six voted from vacant bulldings. One hundred and three voted twice. One voted three times. Five hundrec; and twenty-nine persons voted, but moved before the primary. Fifteen huncred and three names on the poll books were unknown at the addresses given. Twelve died before primary day, altho the books show they voted. Five names were those of children. Fourteen outside of the precinct. One is serving a life term in the penitentiary, The right of the franchise in the twentieth ward is sacred. does not pass away with death. dence have no effect upon it. Great is the primary law which assures the rule of the “peepul,” guaranteeing to the initiate the right of voting as often as neces- sity requires. If voting once makes a freeman, what shall we say of a twen- tith ward citizenry who crowds a life time of balloting into one all too brief election day? Vox Populi, Vox Dei. Bunk. It Crime, illness or change of ‘resi- Poland, Britain and the Soviet Union The terrorizing of the Polish Sejm by Pilsudski and his army, news of which is contained in the latest dispatches from Poland, | shows the progress of the dictatorship in Poland. The deputies demanded the withdrawal of two members of the Bartel cabinet, but Pilsudski staged a military demonstration and threatened dissolution of parliament unless the deputies withdrew their demands. Pilsudski’s action is extremely significant when coupled with news from England to the effect that Austen Chamberlain, British foreign minister, has sounded out Briand as to the attitude of France in the event of a new offensive against the Soviet Union. Pilsudski is Great Britain’s puppet, but his popular support fs ‘weak and | Britain can take no chance with the Polish parliament. The British offensive against the Soviet Union is being carried on under the guise of “establishing a defensve zone” to protect Poland and contemplates conquest of the Ukraine. The sincerity of the diplomatic phrases concerning a “defensive zone” are under- stood when we recall that the Soviet Union’s offer to Poland of a guarantee treaty against attack was refused. The Paris correspondent of the Sunday Worker states in its issue for September 12: ; The British foreign office is at the moment engaged actively in promoting a league of all border states against Russia. Proposals were made to Poland in the last days of August which constitute at once a bribery and a blackmail manewver. At a@ time when Britain needs every financial resource she cam spare, she is spending. and promising to spend enormous sums of money in subsidizing Baltic and Central European states to attack Russia, The reports are that Briand’s reply to Chamberlain was to the effect that France did not want trouble in Eastern Europe and that Poland would not get French support in an anti-Soviet offensive, or even in case Poland was attacked. Due to the financial crisis in France and the rapprochement be- tween France and Germany, Britain is forced for the time being at least to play a lone hand in Poland. That Britain, convulsed by the miners’ strike, driven to distrac- tion by the victorious advance of the Chinese national revolution and worried by the disaffection of the “white” colonies (Canada, South Africa and the Irish Free State), still plots against the | Soviet Union and spends money like water to subsidize military adventures from the Baltie to the Aegean, is proof that the British ruling class knows that the workers’ and peasants’ government of Russia is the most powerful enemy of British and world ea) and the greatest source of inspiration to the rising British w class ang the millions of colonial workers and peasaute, 4 SUBSCRIBE TO THE DAILY WORKER! parliament of American American Federation 6f vention will reflect only in a American workingclass. It will make estimate of the status of the + its own conclusions, put forwa gram of American labor. N the last year large sections can Federation of Labor have abandoned even ‘purely trade “Worker-employer co-operation’ bor movement as it is unde to the right from above, to the the possibilities for our party immediate period. a ee ARTICLE TWO. By WILLIAM F. DUNNE, O far the history of the drive to the right of the official labor leadership falls naturally into periods marked by A. F. of L. conventions. But since the Atlantic City convention there has been a sort of a geometrical pro- gression towards complete reaction which, since the early part of this year, deserves special attention; It has beem marked by: ioe defeat of the anthracite strike thru a combination of negative and Positive betrayals which furnish a cross-section of the official policy. They are: 4) Failure to call out the mainten- ance men. b) Failure to call a sympathetic strike of the bituminous miners which was more than justified by the’ con- tinual violations of the Jacksonville agreement, a) Abandonment of the check-off, i. e., the closed shop. ¢) Acceptance of arbitration. By a process of deception probably without parallel in the American la- bor movement, the anthracite miners were cajoled into accepting what is in effect a “B, and 0.” plan for the industry. ‘The legalization of the “worker- employer co-operation” doctrine, which is the basis of the “B. and 0.” plan by the passage of the Watson- Parker bill supported by the whole officialdom of the ratlway unions—As. F. of L. and Big Four brotherhoods. a) The failure of the railway union heads to oppose the appointment by Coolidge to the mediation board authorized by the lawy,of known and avowed enemies of labor, | b) The eulogy of this collection of Wall Street tools individually and col- lectively in the leading official jour- jnals of the railway unions. From Portla HAT Samuel Gompets always referred to as “that great Pi 4 c) Signing of a five-year agreement, | labor’—+the convention of the Labor—opens its forty-sixvth an- i) nual session on October 4 in Detroit. It will be dominated by the most reactionary officialdom of the most reactionary labor movement in the world. The con- distorted form the needs of the its own review of its own activities, its own American labor. movement, draw rd its own program as the pro- * of the officialdom of the Ameri- made a long step torwtrds agree- ment with American capitalism. The official mobement. has union struggles almost entfrely. ” has been ever on its.lips, Mass opposition to this policy is developing slowly but surely. There has been a certain continuity in the poliey of A. F. of L. officialdom for the last four years. Its causexand ite ef- fects on the mass of the American workingclass must be deter- mined in order that they may be counteracted effectively. ¢] wESE articles are an attempt to describe the American la- r the leadership of uA. F. of L. officialdom, to determine the strength of the twercurrents— left from below—and to estimate chin the left wing\ im the.neat ¢) The united tront,of the railway executives and railway union heads for the passage of the bill and the ap- pointment of the mediation board. Q—The entertainment’ of the London Daily Mail delegation of fake trade union leaders by the execufive council of the A. F. of L. Organized by the principal labor- baiting sheet in Great. Britain, the Daily Mail, this delegation wags sent here to study speed-up systems and make recommendatiors for their. in- stallation in British industry. On their return to Great Britain they is- sued a statement praising the most powerful open. shop corporations in the U. S. fdas organization of a “labor” life insurance company under the auspices of the A. F. of L, with the heads of forty national and interna- tional unions as directors and Mat- théw Woll, vice-president of the A. F. of L. as president, Bee organization “of a real estate corporation by a gtoup of New York trade union officials, ies fight carried m by the A, F. of L. executive inst the trade union delegation to e Soviet Union organized by officials, economists and attorneys of A. F. of L, and Railway Brotherhood unions. ** Popa; sabotage of for a long perio public statement “a Communist en: _and attempt- ing to stop further financial aid to the strikers, Ae ie eed Woll's article in “The Photo-Engravers . ‘Journal” (re- published in the New York Times) proposing a conferenge of farmer or- ganizations, labor or; anizations and BUSINESS ORGANIZATIONS, under the leadership of Herbert Hoover, sec- retary of commerce, devise ways and means of SAVING WASTE IN INDUSTRY, ouncing it as What a mess a labor party will have to clean up. Th “ Cc P S of - A : e a a ta U a By N. BUCHARIN. (Continued from previous issue) | From the Idea of Freedom for Groups | to the Idea of Political Democ- | racy in the Whole Country. lI NOW pass on the fourth problem, |“ the problem of party mechanism in the system of the proletarian dictator- |ship. You are aware that up to now we Leninists have regarded the unity and coherence of our party as the first prerequisite for the maintenance and firmer establishment of the prole- tarian dictatorship, We *Leninists have always imagined that the prole- tarian dictatorship can only be sécure in our ceuntry, if our party plays its role properly, and when this party is in the first place the sole Party in our country, that 1s, when the legal exist- ence of other parties is made impos- sible, and in the second place «the party is consistent in its structure, that is, represents a structure exclud- ing any independent and autonomous sroups, fractions, organized currents, ete, I SHALL not remind you, comrades, of the expenditure of energy, the many words and the many gestures, which we have witnessed from Com- rade Zinoviey, from this very plat- form, in his efforts to demonstrate this elementary Leninist truth, And now this has all changed at one blow, Now the whole opposition, the whole oppositional block—Trotsky, Kamen- ev, Zinoviev, -Krupskaya, etc,—de- mands freedom for fractions within the party. The first signal for this change of front was given by Com- rade Zinoviey from the platform of our XIV Party Congress. As you will know, Comrade Zinoviey declared on this occasion that we should call upon all former oppositional groups to share |the leadership of the party. This germ has since developed, flot merely into a bud, but into a full grown, if not particuktrly, sweet smelling and aromatic lowe » (Laughter). T must be observed that if the op- position now.insists on having our [Party reconstructed on a basis permit #to house coll “ | the Passaic striker R we nd to Detroit In this article Woll raises the slo- gan of the “MONROE DOCTRINE OF AMERICAN INDUSTRY’—a compan- ion slogan to the ONROE DOC- TRINE OF AMERICAN LABOR: He cites the danger to “American “demo- cracy of the example of the revolu: tionary upheavals In Europe, ‘ os failure of the Chicago Federa- tion of Labor officialdom (signifi- cant because of its former militancy in this respeaqt) to wage a struggle against the jailing of 91 members of the “International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union for violation of an in- junction against picketing or to do anything for their release beyond making a private appeal (which was refused) to Governor Small, 1 —The failure of the A, F. of L. executive council to give even sympathetic support to the Mexican labor movement in, its struggle against catholic feudalism and American im- perialism in the recent crisis. a) The public statement of Green declaring neutrality. b) The statement of Woll—in effect an apology for not interfering in sup- port of the catholic church. 1 les endorsement by Green and leading members of the execu- tive council, after being entertained by General Summerall, of the Citizens Military Training Camps and the offer of the A. F. of L. apparatus to aid in popularizing them. 1 ‘The attempt of President Green to force a settlement of the strike of the Furriers’ Union by urging acceptatce of conditions ignoring the basic demand of the 40-hour week, a) The unprecedented investigation of the Furriers’ Union, after its victory in strike, in violation of the principles of union autonomy, ordered by the Cincinnati, sessi®m of the’ executive council. eB head exposure of Frank Farring- ton, president of District 12, United Mine Workers of America as a paid agent of the Peabody Coal company in the miners’ union. (This has been interpreted as a move to the left by the Lewis machine by hopeful liberals but it is nothing of the kind. Designed to further entrench the Lewis bureaucracy by a creating a semblance of honesty, its real pur- pose is shown, by the fact that Lewis has now made a united front against the progressives with, the operator- controlled Fishwick-Sneed executive board of District 12—Farrington’s machine, in other words,) s° far we have been considering only manifestations of right tend- encies on the part of labor officialdom. But there are important indications that the organized labor movement (with certain exceptions that will be noted) and important sections even of the unorganized masses are apa- thetic, disinclined to action, seriously affected by the upward movement of American capitalism and lulled into quiescence by the various welfare, in- surance, housing, stock distribution and§eompany union schemes inaugur- ated by the capitalists and demoral- ized by the class peace-worker-employ- er cooperation policies of trade union dfficlaldom. _ {To Be Continued) and the Opposition Block THE present controversy within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is neither @ sign—nor will it be the cause —of a retreat of the revolution. Quite the contrary. It is clear indication. of its victorious onward march. To give a clear understanding as well of the present prob- lems of the Russian Revolution as also of the controver: over the solution of these problems, we are publishing here- with a report made by Comrade Bucharin at the function- aries’ meeting nist Party. elucidation. Ti ‘of the Leningrad organization of the Commu- eport speaks for itself and needs no further tis clear and convincing and answers the lies about the retreat. of the Russian Revolution, ting freedom to fogm groups and fractions, some of the comrades of the opposition are arriving. at conclusions of which we must take careful note if we want to know whieh way the wind is blowing. Comrade Ossovsky, of whom we have alredty spoken as a member of the opposftion, pronounces the following judgmiéntin the article quoted: In our country there is no unity of economic intarests. The work- ing class hag its interests, and the peasant class has it; dnterests, differ- ing somew] An n there are private capitalists in‘Yhe union, again a third group of intérests. But we have only one party:\ And if we have only one #arty, and will not legalize other parties, then we must arrange matters so that there can be elements withincour party itself who represent capitalist interests. 1 ametelling you ell this in my own words, but Comrade Labor Speeding Up Relief for Passaic PASSAIC, N. J., Sept. 29.—The Gen- eral Relief Committee Textile Strik- ers, 743 Main avenue, announced to- day the recbipt of $142.86 from the Springfield — conte for relief of body compos: ed of unions and workers’ fraternal | organizations, as the.zesult of a house mee 2 ee Ossovsky writes in a learned language as follows: “The positive solution of this ques- tion (that is, the question of the unity of our party) would not be difficult if We had not to prove the possibility of the unity of a party not the only legal one.” (That is, if there were other parties as well.) “We should then be the sole ruling party, but not the only party in the country. It is a much more complicated matter to prove th: Possibility of absolute unity in the sole legal party in a country contain- ing extremely multitudinous economic tendencies. No one denies that our economics include spheres in which capitalist spirit of enterprise could play a positive role. In this case the party, remaining a united and sole party, has to actually protect all the interests in the country, including those of capitalist enterprise.” (To Be Continued) The sum of $130 was also received from the St. Louis reliet conference as the result of a tag day in that elty. From every city come’ encouraging reports of increased activity and in- tensification of strike relief efforts. Organized labor is bent on: showing the mill bosses that ir) hind the Passaic strikers in wer of its many millions, | WRITE AB You | NE very menacing enemy of the coal miner is the company union. This is the latest lure of: the mine owner to break the bona fide trade unions—the United Mine Workers of America~and to substitute something “just as good” invits place. The coal mine ‘owners, like other employers ofMabor, have tried devious devices for smashing teal labor unions. In some places and at certain times they have’ tried to ‘win ‘the workers “loyalty” thru a process of “welfare” petting... They have «em: ployed high-salaried “labor experts” and “personal managers” and -¥.«M. C. A. glad hand *mit-shakers, They have attempted to satisfy their work- ers with all sorts‘ of soothing, syrup off the welfare spoon.) * Now, in common With other em: ployers in America, they*are trying’ out the company union. Other means having failed, the-workers’ having re: fused to be ‘fooled, they’ now offer the company union sell-ouwtscheme, They: come to the worker and make’ the most lavish promisés<°“They ~ paint their new toy in thé most -glittering and attractive colors:-°They say in effect tothe workerst™“Look what a pretty little union I'm. giving you now, ‘Isn't it cute? No dues, no du- ties, no: responsibilities, no» strikes. Nothing to’ do but ‘work hard! « And yet you get a-nice committee — to listen to: your grievances if- you really have any. ‘You’ get«ali ‘this. indus- trial democracy free of charge. You get more work atd a perfect: heaven on’earth, And) yous may ‘call it ‘any- thing you~like.: ‘Work council,’ ‘effi- ciency committeas,’ ‘production: joint conferences,’ : employes! representa- tion.’ It’s all. yours for the: asking, if you will please go and stay away from the United “Mine Workers of Amer- ica.” RARE ft ’ Some > tall. promises the — bosses make. . Of course. they don't explain just how. ail: this: millenium: isto be achieved. They. simply. assure. the workers that the.U. M, W. ofA. is.a bad, terrible,- Bolsheviki. organization and that..the:.new: virgin .company. union is.a sweat, chev, satisfactory and altogether beautiful substitute. And the. workererif.. he, is solid ivory from thercollar up—may be in- clined to. swallow.»this. applesauce. However, if; he ia a worker of average intelligence: with-a.little knowledge. of labor history he. certainly will not fall for this line of bunk. For among other things* he “will know a little about ‘the ‘origifi*and- development of the company uitlon. « « He will know,/tot example, that the company ‘unfén’/has® been tried in American industry now for over 10 years and that one of the first of these devices ever“installéd was hatched by Mr. John D.-RO¢Kefeller in 1915. after the Ludlow niass&tré 6f the “éda] ‘min- ers on strike/fn'Colorado against the Rockefellerscont#lled:Colorado Fuel and Iron Co. ‘After shooting his work- ors back to the" pifs’ and starving their wives and’ chfldén, Mr. Rockefeller and his son kinty installed the com- pany union, ‘Thésé ‘workers-have been in bondage’ éve¥ since, QTUDIRE. bx impartial persons show that the Rockefeller ..company union is without any vestige.of eco- nomic power-—# »beautiful automobile without. an -enging,;. They show that the “employee, representation plan,” as it is called, és nothing but a trap to keep down wages, slash them at. will, and to keep the workers powerless to protest .against. the. tyranny. of the company... Within . the last months workers: who against.wage cuts and. who refused to work at the reduced scale. have been kicked out of the employ of the com- pany. The workers have no security, no status ag. equal agents in a col- lective bargaining arrangement, no ability to strike: back. They are sim- ply made helpless’ and defenseless by the company union. |The device: dis- arms them and leaves the: economic, power in the ‘hands ‘of the company. This is the heaven of company union-' ism, 5 Pr i Not only among’ the ‘workers of Col- orado but élsewhere’has the company union, no matter what name it uses. to disguise itself;‘been shown to be a snare to trap the workers into wage cuts and. lowered. standard of wages: and living. Readers ‘of this -article the workers’ on the-ines. of the Inter- borough Rapid Transit Company in New York City in the summer of 1926. so easily crushed? Bécause they had been living under the slavery of the company union for-10 years, In fact, union, But it broken swiftly -by reason of the fact that the workers’ spirit had’ been paralyzed and their economic power completely wiped out thru the Company union system)» this I, R. T. company “brotherhood” is only typical of’ hundreds of others that have been installed in recent years to break unions and to break striltes, “And many of them, like the “brotherhood” on the New York tran- sit lines, “have carried with them ui speakable “yellow dog contract: These contracts, as mine workers know, are used to bind the workers to an agreement: noty to joim any real union, Whenused:in eonnection with a company union they bind the work- MN th co few | “protested | will remember the #trike°ot a few of senegal neaee ioeeeneEOTS Company Unions vs. Mining Toate. in, favor of the company union, and any worker daring to join a real labor union is automatically kicked out of the employ of, the company. Let ug summarize some of the ob- vious defects of the company union as compared with a bona fide workers’ union. In the first place the workers in the company union have no con- nection with the workers in other unions and other companies thruout the.country. They are isolated, with no backing from the workers in other towns.and industries. ‘Thus they can- not appeal to other workers for relief or strike funds. As a matter of fact, they are. not expected ever to strike, for the purpgse of the company bosses is. to Create a “strike-proof” organization. The workers_in a company union are at.a powerful disadvantage when it comes to dealing with the basses. They have no lawyers, statisticians, expert représentatives, technicians of any kind. On the other hand, the company has all of these and uses them effectively against its helpless workers.. The real workers’ union al- ways have representatives to speak for them in negotiations with the bosses, men who are beyond the reach of the blacklist, of discrimination and the spy system. Under the company union there can be ho such thing as equality of bargaining power. The mine owner has it: all. The workers have nothing: ‘They are as helpless as‘if they had no “union” of any kind, “Individual: bargaining” is ‘as worth- less and «meaningless as company union bargaining. faery company union is also one of | 4 the..most effective propaganda agencies of the mine workers. Thru “efficiency committees,” etc., they drill into the workers’ minds various economic lies that tend to make the worker lose faith in-his own strength and organized power. A worker who serves the bosses in one of these com- pany unions is also sure to have cer- tain special. fayors shown him if he carries. out, the companies’ wishes. /This subtle: bribing of the workers, this. schooling them in employers’ eco- nomics, is one of the most pernicious aspects of the whole business. It should also be noted that, on several occasions, these, helpless puppets of the company—members of the com- pany union.committees—have been taken to state and national legisla- tures to lobby for legislation favor- able to the’owners and inimical to the workers’ interests. Thus in many years the tools and.succors of the company are used to serve the pur- pose of the owners against the work- ers. The company union has no appeal to the workers who know anything about how it has operated in other fields. Particularly are the young workers who have the fighting, ag- gressive spirit of youth, oppoBed to company union. tricks. Some of the old workers, broken ip health, tired and with no more hope in life, may. possibly be confused and misled by the company’s tricks. They may be afraid to buck the company and pos- sibly lose their jobs by so doing. But the red-blooded. young worker knows that his own strength lies in the strength of all the miners banded to- gether, not in a dummy union. con- trolled by the company, but in the United Mine Workers of America. Fortunately, the company union has not made -much headway among coal miners, because the coal miners have always been. most independent and self-reliant. workers, relying on their own organized strength and not on ‘|company favors and gifts. But as the mines become more and more mechan- ized, and they become more and more like factories, the mine owners will try_to introduce the “big family” idea of “unionism.” It is then that the young workers must be most vigilant for the real union that hes won them their conditions, the union in which they have achieved what safeguards and. protection they have. They must ‘lfight with corresponding vigor against any “substitute” for real unionism that may be»suggested by the coal mine owners, © Ri Mets “councils of efficiency,” the “federated unions,” the “arbitra- tion. committee,” are all names for the tions. They are all part of the prodigéous open-shop anti- union campaign the mine owners will launca whenever, they see a favor- able. .op) y. These schemes |must be resis parotid by all ben ine workers who have any stren; tf their, aes and lime in their SPINES ny 4 The young miners, especially, must remember, that the company union is the, employers’ latest and most, insfd- ious weapon in the battle to destroy the real union, The company union has received the blessing of all the employers’ associations, manufactur ers’ bodies and the open-shop alli- ances, Every labor-hater and union- breakerin, America counts on the company union as a most effective weapon, The young miners should prepare to break this weapon and build their own union stronger. For the United Mine Workers must fight the life and death struggle with the company union menace. Smoking on Increase, WASHINGTON, Sept. United States will smoke about 97,000,000,000,. clgarets this year. Figures on tobacco taxes tssued to- y|day by the bureau of internal reve- csartoved an figrdase of about