The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 24, 1926, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER The C. P. S. U. Published by the DAILY WCRKER PUBLISHING CO. 41113 W. Washington Blvd,, Chicago, Ill. Phone Monroe 4712 buat ett aaabaameinings Bey SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mali (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months - $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, lilinols | et J.LOUIS ENGDAHL covereessnmneoessernesss EDA! WILLIAM F. DUNNE \. oe nine | MORITZ J. LOEB. —<$ $ — $$ ese Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi cago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. Business Manager | <a 290 . ay The Bogey of Soviet Recognition | * Living largely upon their willingness to revile. the only govern- | ment of workers and peasants in the world, the government of the Soviet Union, masquerading as “labor” writers, foisting their, penned venom upon credulous trade union editors and peddling it to the fake labor sheets which disgrace and debauch the labor movement, the Chester M. Wright tribe see the loss of their meal ticket—the fight against recognition of the government of the Union of the Socialist Soviet Republics—looming in the offing. There is no doubt that the effect of the recognition of the Soviet Union upon American labor worries greatly the capitalist statesmen | of America. They visualize hordes of “Bolshevik agents” going up and down the land seeking the immediate overthrow of such sacred American institutions as the supreme court, citizens’ military train: | ing camps, injunction processes, the open shop and its manifold | variations including the criminal syndicalism laws. Chester M. Wright and his ilk have played with great profit to them- selves. The Soviet Union has not yet been recognized, but the Workers (Communist) Party of America continues to exist. Worse than that, it continues to grow and increase its influence among the wor ing class. American Bolsheviks organized and led the Pa strike without a single Soviet consul in any city of our fair land. The fears of Samuel Gompers, who at the Portland convention of «the American Federation of Labor, after exhausting all other argu-| ments, asked the delegates: “Do you want to recognize the Com- munist government of Russia and have Foster and Dunne carrying on their boring from within as Soviet consuls with diplomatic im munity?”, did not die with him, but were inherited by his proteges. But the myth of Soviet gold has been refuted by the cold facts of the American class struggle-and not even the most credulous cap- italist but believes that Communism in America sprouted in Amer- ican soil and puts forth.foliage shaped by American conditions. American capitalism is discovering that without formal rela- tons with the Soviet Union it operates at a disadvantage in world affairs. The Soviet Union is the greatest power in eastern Europe and Asia today. American capitalism hates the workers’ and peas- ants’ government with all its strength, but it has to bow to power. In addition, if Germany and Great Britain find markets for tauch of their surplus production in the Soviet Union, asks the American business man, why cannot America do the same and avoid the irksome delays which annoy the hustling Yankee? Then there have been the almost unanimously favorable reports brought back from Russia by dozens of people in all walks of life—| favorable in the sense that they are testimonials to the strength and stability of the only government in Europe which is able to improve | constantly the living standards of the masses. The Wrights may froth at the mouth at the prospect, but the} Soviet Union is going to be recognized by the United States solely | because it has been able to disprove and withstand for nine years a thousand times more able and more dangerous attacks than those of the scarlet sisterhood of American “labor” journalism. We American Communists will, of course, be glad if the recogni- | tion of the Soviet Union causes a great revival of militancy and a! rapid development of class consciousness in the American labor | mevement, but we do not think it will have any such effect. The pres- sure of American capitalism on the American working class, the constant evasion and denial of the class struggle by labor official- dom, their more and more open united front with the capitalists, the increased activity of our party with a correct program and. the leadership of the Communist International, these are the things which will strengthen the labor movement and drive the present false and cowardly leaders of the trade unions out of the labor movement; ‘into the arms of the capitalist class where they belong. ic Mass Picketing, Amalgamation and Generous | Financial Aid Will Win I. L. G. W. Strike | The response of the New York labor movement to the injunction iseued against the striking members of the International Ladies’ {Garment Workers’ Union in the form of resolutions, expressing sym- rad and pledging support ha’ been prompt. The Central Labor } Union has placed itself on record as solidly behind the strikers and ‘similar expressions from other unions are pouring in. The injunction is the answer of Governor Smith to the refusal ,of the union to submit to arbitration and blasts forever the myth that this Tammany Hall politician is “a friend of labor.” From ‘this incident alone the New York labor movement should be able , to draw some very valuable conclusions relative to its ‘official policy of rewarding friends and punishing enemies—inside the capitalist parties. In the meantime something more than sympathetic support is ;meeded. The finances of the union, none too extensive to begin with, | have been practically exhausted by the strike. Money must be forth- \coming from the whole labor movement. a Then there is the great need for consolidating the strength of the needle trades unions themselves for a common struggle against the bosses. For this something more than the sympathetic bond ‘now existing is necessary. t The crisis created by the injunction and the interest aroused | by the sharpening of the struggle should be utilized to put forward conerete organizational proposals for amalgamation of all needle trades unions and begin actual work for building a great and power- ful single needle trade union with departments instead of the separate unions now in the field. This move alone would be of tremendous importance in bringing pressure on the bosses. The striking garment workers should not be left alone to defy the injunction. Every union in New York City and vicinity should send squads of its members to the picket line and let the state and city authorities and the clothing bosses know that New York union outlawing picketing—which means outlawing the strike. men and women will fill the jails but will not obey the injunction The splendid struggle of the striking workers will be won by the energetic use of all three methods—not separate and apart from each other but as part of a unified plan of: militant working ‘clays action which will give new life, hope and’ courage to the entire labor movement. i 5 THE DAILY WORKER (Continued from previous issue) By N. BUCHARIN. HE second thesis advanced by the opposition in the sphere of eco: | | nomic polities, in their relation to the| industrialization of the country, {s the thesis that we must now carry on a greatly intensified industrial policy, |this to be accomplished in the first {place by increasing the prices of our industrial products. Comrade Pyata- kvo, speaking in the plenum-on behalf of the opposition, spoke in favor of a rise in the factory prices of our in- dustrial products, the rise to be actu- ated by our state economic organs; in his opinion this is one of the meas: | ures which has to be taken. These comrades are of the) opinion that it would lead to a more intensive indus- trialization of the country if we were to pursue a policy excluding reduc- ions in prices, and aiming rather at increased prices for the products of our industry, and even at higher wholesale and factory prices, WwW E believe this policy to be en- tirely wrong, and we cannot agree to its pursuance, One reason why we cannot accede to it is the fact that a rise in the prices of our industrial products, consumed as these are for he most part in the towns, would in- clve a change in real wages,‘so that Upon this fear |such a rise would endanger us both| Peter works badly ‘and with regard to wages and with regard to the stability of the currency. And we cannot accede to this policy, be- cause it would not only fail to help us to overcome the main evil of our in- dustrial organization, the evil of bu- reaucracy, the evil of unwieldliness, of enormous costs entailed both in the industries themselves and in the trade apparatus, the evil of irrational organ-| have arrived at the prerequisite stage| stated, above, when By BERTRAM D. WCLFE, HE disintegration going on inside the Socialist Party and the de- termination of the Forwards crowd to rule what is left of the party with an iron hand are reflected in the nomina- tions just made public by the New York Socialists for the present elec- toral campaign. For some time there has been grow- ing discontent manifested within the ranks of New York Socialists, espe- cially among the younger elements, against the methods used by the For- wards crowd in fighting the Commun- ists. in opposing the united front pro- posals of the Workers (Communist) Party, in splitting unions and other labor organizations and expelling pro- gressive and left wing elements, in using gangsterism—in short, in all the methods employed by the old socialist leadership to ruin the labor move- ment that they can no longer rule, “Forward”, Lies. HE Forwards has degenerated very rapidly as its working class leaders diminished and it made an ever greater bid for leaders among New York's petty bourgeoisie, aban- ‘doning its active opposition to Zion- ism, it now plays up Palestine and the Zionist movement in its columns. Its obvious lies against Soviet Russia in which it runs such headlines as “Zino- viev Arrested” or ‘Mass Uprisings of the Unemployed All Over Russia” at } he same time that the capitalist press is admitting the stability, the power |and the growth of the workers’ rule in \the Soviet Union—these obvious lies jhave amazed those few young ele- |ments who have entered into the So- cialist Party since the world war and do not know of its betrayal during that period and cannot understand how a supposed workers’ paper can ie so viciously and support such anti- oroletarian causes. The gangster tac- ties of Beckerman in thg Amalgamated, the attempt at betrayal of the Fur- riers’ strike by Schachtman and the Socialist Party leaders in the Fur- ‘iers’ Union, the long attempt at un- ion wrecking which reached its height n the attempted expulsion of Locals !, 9 and 22 from the I. L. G. W, U— ill these have aroused indignation and rewilderment in the few honest ele- nents in the Socialist Party. Even Norman Thomas. 'VEN a small section of the leadér- ship, such men as Norman Thom- a8, have been criticising these policies of lying, disruption, expulsion and gangsterism because they are causing a further loss of membership and a further disintegration in the Socialist Party. All this vague and incohereht op- position, ranging freém members of the Young People’s Socialist League “who cannot understand” why united fronts so urgently required by the working class should be sabotaged and reject- ed by the S. P. leadership, to men like Norman Thomas who believe that such tactics as the Forwards’ trade union bureaucracy are employing are not the best methods of fighting Com- munism and the Communists, combine together to form a feeble and faintly critical opposition inside the S, P. Shows Its Claws. OW the Forwards crowd is show-| 19 ing ite claws, Even such a feeble opposition that limits itself to secret] ok protests and questionings will not be tolerated inside the moribund 8, P, Norman Thomas, who for the last few years, has «always been made the standard bearer and head of the tick- ot in ea@h -palitical campaign, this the Soviet Union is neither elucidation, ization of work, but ‘it would make jit even more difficult for us to rectify another category of our sins, those represented by the weakest points of jour industry. Were we to accustom }our industry and our économic organs to a higher price podlicy just at this juncture then our economic function- aries would not move a finger towards the improvement of tthe whole organ- ization itself, towardsethe diminuition of unproductive tasks, and for rational working arrangements, decreased working expenses, reduction of costs of production, improvement of qual- ity, ete. ‘VERY monopoly’ tuns a certain danger of rusting, of resting on its laurels. The private capitalist and {private owner is ‘constantly being spurred onward by competition; if has great working expenses, whilst Paul man- ages at less expense, then Paul beats Peter. But if we, who have practic- ally all big industry in our hands, who have a state super-monopoly and own all essentials, do not~stimulate the leading staff of our industry to cheap- en production, and to produce on more rational lines, then indeed we —of a retreat of the revolution. | clear indication of its victorious onward march. To give a clear understanding as well of the present prob- lems of the Russian Revolution as also of the controversy over the solution of these problems, we are publishing here- with @ report made by Comrade Bucharin at the function- aries’ meeting of the Leningrad organization of the Commu- nist Party. The report speaks for itself and needs no further It is clear and convincing and.answers the lies about the retreat of the Russian Revolution, —_—_— eee HE present controversy within the Communist Party of P y a sign—nor will it be the cause Quite the contrary. It is for the rusting of our industry on the basis of its monopoly. That which is actualized by competition (which does not exist, or exists in a very slight degree among us) in a capitalist state, we must attain by conscious pressure under the impetus of the needs of the masses: produce better and cheaper, apply better goods, supply cheap goods! : Bo if our price policy deviates from this principle, then we shall not fulfill Lenin’s behest that our in- dustry is to supply the peasant with cheaper goods than capitalism has |done; we are more likely to find our- Selves in a position in which the workers, and a thousand times more {the peasants, will say to us: “What }has been the object of the whole mat- jter, if your economics lead to higher prices for your industrial products? E must prove in actual practice that we understand economics |very well indeed, and must thus de- yote our main attention to a policy of steady reductions in prices, actual- | ized by reducing the costs of produc- tion and by creating better order in ;our state economic machinery. I analyzing the year was “punished” for his refusal to accept unquestioningly the tactics of the Forwards crowd~by being rele- gated to the ase for the state senate in the 14th senatorial district. The post of state senator in the state of New York even in the old capitalist parties and in districts where elections are assured, is re- garded as the post for “candidate of obscurity.” To put Norman Thomas, who has headed the state ticket on a county ticket is equivalent to offering Governor Smith the democratic nom- ination for state senator from the 14th district. Why He Was: Dumped. Gas does not have to go very far to find out why Norman Thomas was dumped into that dead district. In the New Leader of Saturday, Sept. 11, in the very next column to the one in which the nominations are an- nounced, we find an‘article by Nor- man Thomas in whith he again cov- ertly atfacks the practices of the So- cialist bureaucrats» im the needle |trades unions. Of course, he does not |mention the Socialist: leaders. but HOLYOKE, MASS., IS The Socialist Party Furnishes Its “Insurgents” merely talks in the abstract of lead- ers in general, but any New York needle trades worker knows what he |means and his article ends, “For the plication of these remarks.” A few |lines will suffice to show the char- jacter of this little editorial by Nor- man Thomas: | “7PuERE is a school of trade union | organizers and leaders,” writes Norman Thomas, “who think in terms of power, and, if one may judge by |their words and deeds, nothing but | power. They trust to strong-arm meth- |ods without even waiting to try per- | euasion. In their dealings with their |own unions and with workers outside their union too often they emulate the ruthlessness of the bosses . |I could name more than one union |which today would be stronger and | not weaker if its leaders had not been so ‘practical’, so quick to appeal to power rather than to the sense of justice. Unions that cannot get an | honest count of their own votes will never reform politics, and many a un- |lon leader who talks about ‘democ- BARONY OF WATER POWER COMPANY ELAND OLDS, Federated Press. ture of industrial feudalism in America lies partially You understand nothing of economics? | present, you can make your own ap-| An exrorary hidden in a Wall Street Journal survey of Holyoke, Mass., the world’s pre- mier paper city. Low wages, poverty, squalor, all of which characterize this town, are largely explained by tribute regularly drained by a waterpower company that originally owned all the land on which the city is built, Seek to Hide Real Facts. wroren The Wall Street Journal tries to make it appear that Holyoke workers receive a saving wage. This “saving wage” averaged around $1,120 a year in 1924, less than the amount set by the (employers’) national ' industrial conference board to give a family lit- tle better than a bare subsistence. Nevertheless the Holyoke pay must be a saving wage, for the Journal shows that this city’ of 63,000 men, women and children boasts 64,000 savings bank accounts averaging around $700 per deposit. Here is slightly better than one savings account of $700 for each in- babitant. If fairly, distributed this would mean that the average wage- earner’s family of five would have sav- ings accounts totaling $3,500. Wages Below $1,000 Level. Clearly there's a jéker somewhere. Even in the palmiest days of the 1920 age boom Holyoke! wages averaged less than $1,400 a ‘Year, and in the depression which foflowed they fell below $1,000, Here are some figures derived from the Wall Street Journal's tables showing for ‘the years 1919-24 the average wages {n three branchos of the Holyoke paps industry: Yearly Wage in Holyoke Paper Industry. Writing Other Paper Paper Paper Milles Manufacture Products $1,170 $ 968 $1,078 « 1,823 954 1,186 » 1,025 904 1,126 . 854 906 1,070 . 1,401 1,022" 1,411 1,115 776 998 Paper making is consid@red Holy- representative industry. Its 23 mills have a dally output of 550 tons. An outstanding is the Amert- can Writing Co, Holyoke—Opon Paradise, Holyoke has also one of the largest silk mills in the country, the largest Ties wt ! ‘ alpaca mill and the greatest power pump works in the world. It has thread, worsted, cotton, plush blanket, felt and braid plants. "But thru all the industries run the same low wages, the average for all the indus. tries being below that in the paper mills. Holyoke is a typical open-shop New England city, Power Co. Owns City. The Holyoke Water Power Co stands in the background as the feuda’ lord of Holyoke. The Wall Street Journal says: “The growth ‘of Holy oke industrially follows very closely the growth of the Holyoke Water Power Co, for the reason that the waterpower was consumed and made available for operation of machinery within mills employing its inhabitants. As a matter of fact, this company at one time owned all the property that now comprises the city of Holyoke, The land for the streets was all do nated without cost by the company to the community, and fn the course of the development of the city the com- pany has given hundreds of tyousands of dollars of real estate for streets, schools, parks, playgrounds and church purposes,” Rent! Rent! Rent! The key to the exploitation of Holy- oke workers is this gigantic land prop- osition, The power company pur- chased the land for almost nothing and developed on it an industrial eity of 63,000 which now owes the com- pany perpetual rent for the use of this land, rent for the workers’ homes, rent for the factory space in which they work.. This explains why the company can furnish power at less than one-fifteenth of what it would cost if purchased from the electric power stations of the valley, Send us ees tae ofan progressive worker to whom we can send a sample copy of The DAILY WORK “ aay; and the Opposition Block question of private economics, that the private capitalist contrives to keep his capital in quicker circulation, that his working expenses are lower, that he works with greater thrift, etc. and that our apparatus is unwieldy, that its capital circulates slower, that its working costs are enormous, etc. This deprésses us. If we are not to stand aside before the, capitalist, and if we are to make progress ourselves, to improve the quality of our products, to cheapen our goods, to develop the economic alliance with the peasantry, then we must exert-our utmost en- deavors for the reduction of prices, |not for their increase. |\HE opposition is’ of ‘the opinion that its policy of higher prices would insure more rapid growth for Industry, but we ate’ of the opinion | that this view is entirely wrong, an | illusion, a self-deception. The policy jof high and rising prices would lead on the contrary to stagnation and rust in our industry, Our industry would |rest on its laurels and trust in being able to cover éverything ‘out of the state exchequer. It would do nothing for its advancement,’ for its develop: ment, or for the attainment of a posi- tion as progressive technical and eco- nomic factor in our economics, HE third thesis which must be an- alyzed in connection with this, or |must at least be mentioned, is the |thesis of the danger threatening us |from private capital. I dealt with this | thesis in my introductory remarks. I |assumed the most favorable estimates on private capitalist profits to be cor- rect, and am confident of having prov- ed that even these most favorable cal- culations show no signs of that threatened private capitalist danger which is supposed to be hanging over jour heads. (Continued tomorrow.) racy’ in his fight against Commu- nism, by his own dictatorial methods, does more to help Communism than the Communists: For the present you can make your own application of these remarks.” A Strange Paper. af eres New Leader is a strange paper, In one ‘column Norman Thomas, who apparently gets complete charge of that column in order to “keep him quiet,” writes with fairness as fair- ness is understood by a Socialist ting- ed with liberalism amd pacifism and prejudiced against the uncompromis- ing forms ef ¢triggle which the Com- munists advocate, and in the rest of the paper every’ conceivable sort of lie and slander is written about these same Comnruniste, Vicious Attacks. iHUS on the same front,page we find an attack upon the Anti-Fas- cistt Alliance, which is all inclusive of the Italian workers—so all inclusive that even Wim. Green found it neces- sary to address them—stating that the Anti-Fascisti Alliance “was largely at- tended by Communist delegates, rep- resenting paper organizations.” On the next page is a vicious attack up- on all united front organisations in- cluding Communists in their leader- ship. The attack reads in part, “In case of a strike where Communists obtain the leadership and then appeal for a united front as well as for funds, you are advised not to become a part of this united front or to contribute any funds.” T would have happened if the rank and file of the Socialists had followed such advise in the Passaic strike? Norman Thomas himself formed part of united fronts in con- nection with the Passaic strike. A few weeks previous the New Leader went so far in its imitation of he lies and slanders printed by the ‘ewish Daily Forwards that it even orinted a faked) speech in which Sta- in was supposed to have called Zino- iev an idiot and declared that the sommunist International knows noth- 2 about America. Reflect Disintegration. HUS the New Leader, like the So- cialist ticket that it publishes, are reflections of the further disintegra- tion going on inside the Socialist Party. Both the-ticket and the pa- ver still have to find a little corner tor Norman ‘Thomas; but formerly Thomas used“to have articles in all parts of the paper and formerly he used to head the Socialist Party tick- at. Now he is stuck somewhere on the tall of the ticket and limited to his column in the paper. HE Forwards crowd is determined to run things with an iron hand and dt is question#ble how long they will permit even the innocent protests of Norman Thomas and ‘how lohg they will still find any place for him at all in the ballot for him or in their paper, The only reason they tolerate him at all is because they know that his mild at acts as a break upon the idealistic elements among the Y. P. 8. L.’6 who are disgusted with the Forwards crowd and its tactics but do not know what to do about it and have not é Initiative to make their own fight and have to look to a man like Norman Thomas: for such leadership. as he can give, A Figleaf, In short, oonaciously or, unconscious- ly, he t# playing the | too pleasant role of an idealistic leat for the none too 1d Practices of the ee Ernst Haeckel ‘on “Last Words on Evolution” (Continued from previous issue) The very interesting and importan. phenomena of impregnation have only been known to us in detail for thirty years. It has been shown conclu- sively, after a number of delicate in- vestigations, that the individual devel- opment of the embro from the stem- cell or fertilized ovum is controlled by the same laws in all cases. The stem-cell divides and subdivides rap- idly into a number of simple cells. From these a few simple organs, ‘the germinal layers, are formed at first; later on the various organs, of which there is no trace in the early embryo, are built up out of these. The bio- genetic law teaches us how, in this development, the original features of the ancestral history are reproduced or recapitulated in the embryonic processes; and these facts in turn can only be explained by the uncon- scious memory of the plasm, the “mneme of the living substance” in the germ-cells, and especially in their nuclei, : One important result of these mod- erm discoveries was the prominence given to the fact that the persona! soul has a beginning of existence, and that we can determine the precise moment in which this takes place; it is when the parent cells, the ovum and spermatozoon, coalesce. Hence, what we call the soul of man or the animal hag not pre-existed, but begins its career at the moment of impreg- nation; it is bound up with the chemt- cal constitution of the plasm, which is the material vehicle of heredity in the nucleus of the maternal ovum and the paternal spermatozoon. One can- not see how a being that thus hes a ‘| beginning of existence can afterwards prove to be “immortal.” Further, a candid examination of the simple ocellsoul in the unicellular infusoria, and of the dawn of the in- dividual soul in the unicellular germ of man and the higher animals, proves at once that psychic action does not necessarily postulate a fully formed nervous system, as was previously be- lieved. ‘There ts no etch system in many of the lower animal, or any of the plants, yet we find psychie aetivi- ties, especially sensation, irritability, and reflex action . All living plasm has a Pstes apes end in this sense the psyche is & parting fano- tion of organic life generally. But the higher pyschic functions, par- ticularly the phenomena of conscious- ness, Only appears gradually im the higher antmals, in which (in eonse- quence of & division of labor among the organs) the nervous system has assumed these functions. / (Continued Tomorrow) REVIVAL SIGNS EVIDENT INK... LABOR. MOVEMENT (Continue from Page 1) on @ roll call, when he saw that it was already defeated, his name coming near the end of the roster he was Permitted to cast an affirmative vote. His Record, For the rest his record consists of (1) @ vote to shift $20,000,000 in 1926 taxes from big business to the middle and poorer classes and the farmers (part of Mellon’s program), (2) a vote against the investigation of the alumi- num trust (some more Mellonism), (3) in favor of the Italian debt settle- ment, (4) for the repeal of the inhert- tance tax, (6) against publicity on in- come taxes—in short, the whole pro- gram of Mellon and big business, Bread Trust Control, Kanses City is a grain center, but »read there costs 10c a pound loaf, whereas bread made of American wheat shipped by rail and boat from Kansas City to London sells in Eng- land for 4% cents a pound. It doesn’t cheer the farmers any to know that in 1911 the Genera Baking Company got control of the McKinney Bread Company of Missoyri and in 1925 of the Smith-Great Western and the Campbell Baking Companies of Kan- sas City, thus putting the city and state under the control of the $400,- 000,000 bread trust. Eight Lives Lost. An intense wave of bitterness is sweeping over the workers of Kansas City owing to the loss of eight lives in a water works tunnel under construc: tion, due to a gas explosion. The hearings, which the authorities are trying in vain to keep secret, reveal that the company in its profit, greed was guilty of erfminal negligence in ordering the workers into the minds shortly after an exhatlst fan brok- en and when the safety lamps showed the presence of a dangerous quantity of explosive gas. A foreman testified at yesterday's hearing that a similar accident had been prevented a few weeks earlier , by a strike of the men who refused to go down while the danger existed. He had then ordered “not to engage $ALE ORRIN ORE