The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 23, 1926, Page 6

Page Six vcore THE DAILY WORKER ~~ THE DAILY WORKE Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il, Phone Monroe 4713 oe SEs Aelita cae ced ace: SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mali (in Chicago only} By mall (outside of Chloago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ilinols sadistic Bike ————_ J, LOUIS GDAHL } WILLIAM F, DUNNE .. Editors MORITZ J, LOBB.. ..Business Manager Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi cago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879, <i 290 Advertising rates on application, The Injunction Against the New York Garment Workers The sweeping injunction issued against the striking. New York } garment workers is a challenge to the whole labor movement. It should be met by determined resistance to destroy this method of strike-breaking by the capitalists and their henchmen in judicial positions. Theoretically, the workers of this country are supposed to enjoy the right of freedom of speech, press and assembly and the right to organize to advance their common welfare. When it comes to a test of these rights, however, the capitalists find the means of denying them and putting the workers into jail if they tried to exercise them. The Daugherty injunction against the striking railroad shop- | men in 1922 set the example for sweeping orders to the workers not | to do anything which would compel the railroad owners to grant them better wages and working conditions. It ordered them, on the penalty of going to jail if they did not obey the order, not to meet, to issue any papers, to use their funds, to picket and persuade strikebreakers not to take their places, and prohibited everything that the strikers theoretically had a right to do and which they ought to do if they were to continue this fight against the bosses. Under the injunction process, one man, usually a particularly willing tool of the bosses, issues an order which supercedes the constitution of the United States and the legislative acts of both the state and federal government. Ukases of the czarist regime were not more powerful than the injunctions are today in the United States. There are a number of thousands of little czars holding positions as judges, who at any moment, can come to the aid of the bosses by issuing injunctions intended to destroy the workers’ power in their fight for better wages and working conditions. The injunction against the striking New York garment workers is noe of the sweeping ukases of the new czars of the capitalist system. The issuance of such an injunction, after the attempt of Governor Smith to force the workers to submit their demands to arbitration, shows a co-ordinated use of the state power against the workers in the New York strike. The garment workers stood firm against Governor Smith’s attempt to make them submit their case to arbitra- tion. His next move was to endeavor to rob the workers of any power to put up a further fight for their demands. The method adopted was the sweeping injunction which has been issued. There is but one answer which can be made to the arbitrary eeier ee Ps ; * s ship, becoming active and going|Vention, But they» epuld get no |cialists tried to get their leaders to | will, be a source of inspiration and| ordinary power of, memory in them. power which the capitalists have invoked in order to keep down the along with the policy of the alliance of | further. change their decision, return to the | courage to the militant workers of| The relative constancy on 7 workers. That is to ignore the injunction and continue the struggle. | fighting fascism, not only in Italy, but 250 Delegates Gome. convention and to present their Te-| Italy in their hard fight against fes-| 4,000 species transmit the o: and The mass power of the workers must be mobilized against this weapon of the capitalists. The 40,000 striking garment workers should, as one man, refuse to submit to the injunction issued against them. They should go on with their fight, carry on their picketing, do all the things that the injunction says they shall not do. The entire organized labor movement of New York City must be rallied to their support in this defiance against the bosses’ injunc- tion. Such a mass defiance of the injunction in the New York garment workers’ strike will kill the injunction. A similar nation-wide fight by the organized labor movement against the injunctions wherever they are used, would soon free the workers from the effects of this weapon of the capitalists. There is another lesson to be learned from the use of the in- junction. In the New York strike and elsewhere. To get an injunc- tion, the capitalist bosses must have their men on the bench. To get a governor to endeavor to enforce arbitration against the workers, they must have their men in the gubernatorial offices. They elect their judges and their governors thru the republican and democratic parties. The workers who vote for these parties’ candidates are voting for injunctions against them and for the use of the govern- mental powers generally against their interests. ; As long as the workers vote for the bosses’ candidates, they are voting the power into the hands of the capitalist bosses who heat them into submission when they go out on strike on the picket | By WILLIAM W. WEINSTONE, HE Anti-Fascist Alliance of North America, which just held its first annual and successful convention in | New York City, was formed of a united front of labor, socialist and Com- munist organizations. In the, three years of its existence it has conducted an intense agitation against fascism jin this country. | Formed at a time when fascism jraised its head in Italy, the Anti-Fas- cisti Alliance of North America first | limited {ts activities to the periodical issuance of manifestos against the }Violence of fascism, but it grew and jdug deep roots into the masses when wingers assumed an active and guid- jing role in the alliance. As a result of the latters’ activities, the alliance took on flesh and blood and estab- | lished a sound core of active members Jin the branches formed all over the |country, thru the Political Refugees |Leagues and militants within the | Italian labor unions, The demonstra- tions of thousands of workers and the jhuge and numerous mass meetings held all over the country demonstrated that the proletarian united front and working class organizations are the weapons for fighting and defeating fas- cism, in the face of which the. agents of Mussolini in this country hardly could raise its. voice. | Enter Under Pressure. |.HE socialists, under the pressure | * of the masses, entered this united front with the Communists and other jlabor organizations in spite of their | professed opposition to united front jactivities with the Communists. They jdid not dare to remain outside this | movement and at the beginning were |content with the organization as long as it bore a liberal aspect And confined its chief activities to denunciations of “suppression of democracy, liberty” and other phrases dear to the hearts of the petty bourgeois socialists of America. | As the movement in America—par- | tially in reaction to the growth of pro- | letarfan opposition to fascism in Italy and also as a result of the fact that |the united front took roots and devel- oped an active rank and file proletarian | membership—took on more of a work-| jing class character and showed that it meant real business in fighting fascism jonall fronts and that it was not a |mere gathering of labor bureaucrats, | but a real fighting organization, the |socialist party lost heart with |disfavor at the organization, Try to Break. 'N place of drawing in their member- |in America, expressed in deportations of political refugees, the socialist lead- ers (who follow the course of expel- The C. P. (Continued from previous issue) By N. BUCHARIN. | Qur Growth Is Acknowledged Abroad. Te shifting of proportionate forces within our country, thus resultant on our economics growth, and on the | increasing preponderance of the so- |cialist section of our economics in jour collective economics, has inevit- |ably led to a regrouping of forces in |the international arena, Our growth is admitted by our enemies. The fact |of our growth forces them in itself to trade with us, to negotiate with us, etc., and yet at the same time to at- | tempt to paralyze our growth, I need | only remind you of the varlous prepa- the Commumnists and militant left! ling militants and pursuing class col- laborationist tacties resulting in weak- ened unions) decided to “free” them- selves from this united front, to exe- cute a “maneuver” of either getting the alliance under their domination or splitting it. Only several weeks ago, on the eve of the national convention, the Italian socialists of New York ;made a decision by the N. . ©. of the |soctalist party, The handful of so- |ctalist leaders therefore held a con- |ference and announced to the world |“that since the alliance has been |dominated by the Communists who favor dictatorships, , ¥lolence, ete., |they no longer could be part of this organization.” But hardly had they toncocted the scheme and made the first announce- ment than the socialists found that |their maneuver was a fiasco. Split a Fiabdo. ITH the first attempt to cause a break-away on what they thought would be a large scale, they found that the rank and file’ of the workers in the unions, anfl even progressive | leaders and organizations would not ;so along with this attempt. Their |scheme ended R A “Socialist” United Front Maneuver senting over 200,000 Italian workers, came to the convention. In addition to other unions, there were represent- ed as delegates, Antonini, Ninfo and company, loyal sons of class collabor- ation, who had no choice but to enter the convention or otherwise have a fight on their hands with the member- ship. But so bare-footed was the at- tempt to split the alliance, that even many of the honest members of the socialist party had to repudiate the | little game of the socialists, {pated in the convention, The grand flasco of the socialist party attitude jin withdrawing from the allfance and |declaring that the Communists were |not good friends of labor, came when | Vacirca, a leader of the socialists in | America, spoke in the convention as a political refugee and apologized for | the action of the socialist party, whom he had to follow as a disciplined mem- ber. Militant Spirit in Convention, Rec national convention was & | splendid demonstration of unity in a complete and/and resoluteness of the Italian work-| slander jmiserable debacle. The very leaders | ers’ organizations against the common | which would have meant only further) Socialist | | delogates from Hoboken, Washington | and New York showed no sympathy with their socialist leaders and partic- | who were part of the plan failed the|enemy of the working class—fascism. |representatives of the ftallan section| The éonvention was dominated by a jof the socialist party. Such red | militant spirit and by the leadership of |baiters as Ninfo, who hate the Com-|the Communists and the left wing. |munists even more than they do the| The convention accepted unanimously the | junited front and began to look with) |bourgeoisie (with whom they conduct .slass collaboration policies) were shrewder than the socialist leaders and found it more expedient to remain in the united front and participate in the convention. The socialist party, however, having already declared its policy in splitting the alliance, was compelled to go thru with this gesture and create an abortive dual alliance called the AntiFascisti League of North America with a program not against fascism, but against all dicta- torships, in Soviet Russia, etc., etc., ad nauseam. On the éva of the con- vention the socialists ‘fotind that their “maneuver in the united front” was only a matter for jest’ and banter among the Italian workers.) In place of splitting the alliance, they had only completely isolated themselves, | Oe having started on this path, however, they had to make good in appearances and #0 they bravely anounced that they w6uld not partic- ipate in the first na i convention of the alliance. Not ‘only that, but they brought reinforcements to the front and further announced to the whole world that the-United Hebrew Trades (which had ‘never been en act- ive participant in thevalliance) like- wise would not participate in the con- NN the national cémvention held September 6, 7 and 8/250 delegates from all parts of the Sountry repre- (not even the socialist bureaucrats daring to oppose) resolutions charac- terizing fascism'as a phase of the whole imperialist development of the world instead of as a mere post-war phenomenon, as the socialists and liberals erroneously characterized it hitherto. It called for joint cam- paigns of anti-fascist working-class groups among the Hungarians, Span- ish and Italian workers. It condemned the action of the United States gov- ernment in deporting political refugees and calling for the freedom of poli- |tical prisoners in America. It en- dorsed the movement for protection of the foreign-born workers and went on record for affiliation, with a rising vote, with the International Labor De- fense, the shield of labor defense in |this country. The convention took jsteps for making the alliance even | more effective and more extensive, in- cluding women’s sections and chil |dren’s circles, and thus paved the way {for greater success in anti-fascisti | work in the United States. It greeted |the striking miners in England, cloth- ing workers in New York, textile work- ers in Passaic. Socialists Try to Return. BALIZING that their “maneuver” had only isolated them, many so- turn as a victory over the Commu- nists. They tried to secure a specific invitation requesting them to come 5.. U. the Soviet Union is neither with a report ma bad politicians of we did not cast a glance at this aspect. | But when we draw the general bal- portions of light and shade, of our growth and the growth of our op- and the Op THE present controversy within the Communist Party of —of a retreat of, the revolution. clear indication of its victorious onward, march. To give a clear-understanding as well of the present prob- lems of the Russian Revolution as also of the controversy over the solution bf these problems, we are publishing here- by Comrade Bucharin at the function- aries’ mecting Of the Leningrad organization of the Commu- nist Party. The report speaks for itself and needs no further _ elucidation. It is clear and convincing and answers the lies” about the retreat of the Russian Revolution. ance, when we observe the right pro- @ sign—nor will it be the cause Quite the contrary. It is THE PARTY AND THE OPPOSI- SITION BLOCK. iW Ideological Differences Between The Party and the Opposition. Ae this brief sketch of our pres- The back into the alliance and in response to this maneuver found that the con- vention understood too well their game of trying to split the alliance, The convention only repeated emphatically that all who wished to work for the unity of the movement and for an en- ergetic campaign against fascism would be welcome, leaving it to. the socialists to choose this course or commit suicide. The socialist speakers at the con- vention, in spite of their bitter hatred of the militant labor movement, very carefully avoided attacking Soviet Russia‘and Communism, in spite of the propaganda campaign’ of the little abortive and duel «socialist league. Even Pres, Green, upon good advice of his socialist friends, dared not attack Soviet Russia or Communism in his address to the convention, Surrender Program, HE role of the socialists and labor bureaucrats, as a result of their | abortive attempt to split the conven- jton, was one of abject submission to | the militant resolutions and leadership jot the convention and a complete sur- lrender of their program of attack, and _villfication—a policy | | hostility of working class elements and of progressives within the conven- tion to the socialists. Nothing was left, | therefore, for the socialists but to try| to cover up their debacle by misrep- resenting the convention in their ac-| count in the New Leader and Forward} —which can fool no one who has wit- nessed the convention of the alliance. Their announcement that they are continuing with their own little league they do not themselves take seriously. ee. is the story of a socialist particularly, enlightening in view of the ‘time-honored accusation of the socialists that Communists enter @ united front as a maneuver.” This united front of tens of thousands of workers has shown who are the friends and who the enemies of the {united front, who enter to build the { unity ‘of ‘the workers and who really ;manetivér in the united front at the expense of the unity and power of the working class. In place of dividing the ranks of the alllance, the socialists have only divided themselves. In place of’ capturing the movement with this manéuver, they have only isolated themselves. In place of showing them- selves to be serious leaders of the workers, they have demonstrated themselves as pitifully miserable poli- ticians, Source of Inspiration, HE convention (despite two conces- » sions to petty bourgeois liberalism) maneuver in a united front. It is) Ernst Haeckel on “Last Words on Evolution” (Continued from previous issue) What is this plasm? What is this mysterious “living substance” that we find everywhere as the material foun- dation of the “wonders of life?” Plasm, or protoplasm, is, as Huxley rightly said thirty yeafs ago, “the physical basis of organic life;” to speak more precisely, it is a chemical compound of carbon that alone ac- complishes the various processes of life. In ite simplest form the living cell is merely a soft globule of plasm, containing a firmer nucleus. The in- ner nuclear matter (called caryo- plasm) differs somewhat in chemical composition from the outer cellular matter (or cytoplasm); but both sub- stances are composed of carbon, oxy- gen, hydrogen, nitrogen, and sulphur; both belong to the remarkable group of the albuminates, the nitrogenous carbonates that are distinguished for the extraordinary size of their mole- cules and the unstable arrangement of the numerous atoms (more than a thousand) that compose them. There are, however, still simpler organisms in which the nucleus and the body of the cell have not yet been differentiated. These are the monera, the whole living body of which is merely a homogeneous particle of plasm (the chromacea and bacteria), The well-known bacteria which now play so important a part as the canses of most dangerous infectious diseases, and the agents of putrefaction, fer- mentation, etc., show very clearly that organic life ig only a chemical and physical process, and not the outeome of a mysterious “vital fofce.” We see this still more clearly in our radiolaria, and at the same time they show as unmistakably that even Psychic activity is such a phystoo- chemical process. All the different functions of their cell-soul, the sense- perception of stimuli, the mevement of their plasm, their nutrition,.growth, and reproduction, are determined by the particular chemical composttion of each of the 4,000 species; atid they have all descended, in virtue.cf adap- tation and heredity, from the commen stem-form of the naked, round par ent-radiolarian (Actissa) We may instance, as @ peculiarly interesting fact in the psychic life of the unicellular radiolaria, the extra- cism and an aid to a bigger and better struggle against fascism and impertal- ism in the United States. position Block mists? *T-shall classify remarks on the questions in accordance with the main problems confronting our party at the present time, from the correct esti- mation: of which our policy, our polit- ical ‘standpoint, and the conclusions which We as leaders of the policy of the party must draw for the immedi- ate future from the present situation, depend at ‘the present time. Economic Policy in Its Relations to The Industrialization of the Country. I SHALL first deal with the problem which I should like to name the problem of egonomic policy it con- nection to industrialization. I shall endeavor, tho briefly, to dissect those theses of the oppositional comrades which express in their. totality the system of the views of the opposi- tion and their economic platform, and to compare these with the’ standpoint often very complex form of their pro- tective flinty structure from genera- tion to generation can only be ex- plained by admitting in the bufiders, the invisible plasmo-molecules of the Dseudopodia, a fine “plastic sense of distance,” and a tenacious recollection of the architectural power of their fathers. The fine, formless plasma- threads are always building afresh the same delicate flinty shells with an ar- tistic trellis-work, and with protec: tive radiating needle and supports al- ways at the same points of their gur- face. The physiologist, Ewald Her- ing (of Leipsic), had spoken in 1870 of memory as “a general function of organized matter.” I myself had tried to explain the molecular features of heredity by the memory of the plasma- molecules, in my essay on “The Peri- genesis of the Plastidules” (1875). Recently one of the ablest of my pu- pils, Professor Richard Semon (of Munich, 1904), made a profound study of “Mneme as the principle of constancy in the changes of organic phenomena,” and reduced the mechan- ical process of reproduction to a purely physiological base. | ». |rations made by the English govern- |ment and the English bourgeoisie for ponents, of our achievements and our | ent position, we pass on to the From the cell-soul and its memor: faults, then we can tell ourselves the | questions raised in’ part in the C. C. id line to fight for their interests. in. the radiolaria and other unicellu- of the whole party, The fight against the injunctions has two fronts. The. first one of these is the direct mass violation of the capitalist injunctions, the second, the fight to take the governmental power out of the hands of the capitalist bosses. The New York garment workers and the workers everywhere who feel the mailed fist of the capitalists in the form of injunctions must join in the fight on both these fronts to break this weapon of the capitalists. ; The Reward of Scabhery Officials of the Amoskeag Mills in Manchester, New Hampshire, have announced their intention to chop off the economic heads of one hundred overseers and second hands and to slash the salaries of two hundred more. This is base ingratitude. Those boys took an active part in the 1922 strike, as strikebreakers. When the strikers were forced to return to work and stand in line waiting for @ job, those overseers were detailed to look over the waiting line and pick out the active strikers for punishment. Those workers who were marked by those slimy stoolpigeons were blacklisted in every New Hampshire mill. The Labor News of Worcester, Massachusetts, comments acidly | on the predicament in which those petty bosses now find themrelves in, The following excerpt is well worth reproduction: “These bosses are now reaping a bitter reward for their loyalty to the corporation. “The Amoskeag made millions in war profits; it flew flags from the staffs erected on its mills. Many of its “mployes en- tered the service, went over and never came back. “Parker Straw of the Amoskeag corporation also entered the service. But he went in as a “dollar-a-year man.” He also went over, but he came back home none the-worse for his trip. “While the boys were smelling poison gas that made human wrecks and sorrowing homes, Mr. Straw was amelling war orders that piled up a surplus of thirty million, dollars.” The wages of treachery is more of the same thing. 4 the financial and economic blockade against our union, ITH regard to our sem!-friends, the broad masses of social demo- cratic workers, it is clear to everyone today that the fact of our growth and the strengthening of the socialist ele- ment is making its way into socialist heads, even thru the fog of bourgeois mendacity. We see this in the in- creasing frequency of visits from workers’ delegations. A Communist comrade accompanying a German delegation told me yesterday that |anyone who still maintained,’ in Ger- | many, that our steel industry is no s0- |clalist industry, that the number of jour workers 1s lessening, and that ‘everything is going backward in the union, would forfeit all confidence, even among the social democrats, who | would recognize this repetition of the les of the bourgeois press and of the most reactionary leaders of social de- | mocracy, We Develop More Rapidly Than Our Opponents, |YHE above is @ brief sketch of the economic and political situation of our country. It is obvious that the strength of the enemy fs growing, both in the sphere of politics and of eco- nomics, It is clear that we must face the political dangers confronting us. It is clear that we must face the danger threatening us from the rich | farmers, the N. EB, P, men, the bour- | geols intelligentsia so often combining | with these, etc. We must never for- |wet these for a moment. We must jrealize that these dangers are grow- ‘ing. This is true, We should be very | ; J |plain truth here, and this truth is: in| plenum by the comrades of the oppo- |general we are growing more rapidly than our opponents, in feneral there is no threatening thundercloud hang- ing over our heads, in general we are on the right road, = * (Continued from ”page 1) tort. Nevertheless, insist on pene- reason than the very bound one, that we cannot help ouract¥es. The pro- gressives we have in mind are not those trade union mil its who have their hats in the ring’ every day in the year and who lick ir chops ev- ery time they conjure apa vision of a capitalist hanging by the toe nails over an illuminated heap of goose grease. The progressives we are snip- ing at are the lads who denounce Frank Farrington but worship John H, Walker, Farrington’s friend and supporter, eee ‘EN Communists issue a call for a united front campaign for some particular reason or other, liberals of many shades, get suspicious. They believe that the Communists have some ulterior motive. They have. The object is to turn our program loose on those workers who are under the in- fluence of the reformists. And, when the reformists res) to the united front appeal, their te to give the Communists a « trea. This should be a good testing the relative merits of fom and re- | sition, in part outside of the plenum in connettion with the work of the plenum, or appearing in the utterance of other oppositional writers, journal- ists, theoreticians, and political econo- CURRENT EVENTS formism. But only in very rare cases do the reformists grab the opportunity trating the progressive, if for no other |to try their wares on the workers, ee HE progressive is between ‘two thorns, He is no rose but he pre- tends to see things thru the rose<ol- ored glasses of gradualness. He gets stung by the revolutionary elements and by the reactionaries. There are times when a progressive is Hable to be mistaken for a revolutionist but when a crisis comes, he trots meekly into the reactionary camp, hangs up his hat and calls it his home. Read Leon Trotsky's article on the British strike in number 22 of the Commu- nist International. ee ) ASIONALLY we get criticised | tor dealing harshly with progres- sives. But what we are concerned with is not @ label but deeds. Every- body who appears before the masses in the role of a leader, must be ready to find his views subjected to a de- lousing process. Revolutionists can- not afford to stand on etiquette. ing the truth is still the main of business. Progressives must forward or be resigned to logo. the! Utes. The first thesis advanced by the opposition is the assertion that our in- dustry is retrogressing, and that the disproportion between agriculture and city industry is increasing, to the det- riment of city industry... I settled with this thesis to a, great extent in my introductory remarks. It is char- acteristic of an opposition to paint the situation in exaggeratedly dark col- ors, but there should be limits to this process. However, the comrades of the opposition maintain that our in- dustry is falling. -behind , agriculture, that it is not developing so rapidly as agriculture, and that the policy pur- sued by our party and the policy of the majority of the ©, C. are to blame for this, ‘ S early as 1923, during the discus- ‘sion on the. price policy, our cen- tral committee was accused of so act- ing that industry remained backward as compared with agriculture, and in particular, it waa accused of a price policy detracting from the necessary growth of our industry, But you will remember, comrades, that facts have confuted these accusations. During the first economic year following the discussion of 1923, our industry made a spring forward of 60 per cent. In the following year there was another advance of 40 per cent, Our industry developed with amazing rapidity, This thesis of retrogression in industry is based in the first place on incorrect figures, At the beginning of this re- port I put the question in a positive form, and you have seen that the to- tal balance is undoubtedly in favor of the growth of industry as compared lar protists, we pass directly to the similar phenomenon in the ovum, the unicellular starting-point of the indi- vidual life from which the complex multicellular frame of all the his- tona, or tissue-forming animals and plants, is developed. Even the human organism is at first a simple nucleated globule of plasm, about 1-125 inch in diameter, barely visible to the naked eye as a tiny point. This stem-cell (cytula) is formed at ‘the moment when the ovum is fertilized, or min- gled with the small male spermato- zoon. The ovum transmits to the child by heredity the personal traite of the mother, the sperm-cell those of the father; and this hereditary trans- mission extends to the finest charac- teristics of the soul as well as of the body. The modern research as to heredity, which occupies so much space now in biological literature, but was only started by Darwin in 1859, is directed immediately to the visible material processes of impregnation. (Continued Tomorrow) Teachers Protest Fund * rar Quiz by Commission The public school teachers’ pension organization, notified Mayor Dever's pension commission, that they were opposed to any new legislation that would alter their fund. The commis sion was appointed to investigate all the annuity and benefit funds in the city, The teachers claim that Dever had given them assurances that their fund would not be included within the of the investigation, ,