The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 10, 1926, Page 5

The Shady Record of Frank Farrington HE following sketch of Frank Farrington’s career in the United Mine Workers of America is a summary of a series of articles that appeared in The DAILY WORKER in October 1924, under the title, “On a Labor Faker’s Trail.” Farrington’s latest exploit In accepting a $25,000 a year salary from the Peabody Coal company, while still president of the Illinols Miners’ Union, makes It impossible for even his closest friends to condone his action. He scw stands suspended from office by action of the district executive board. . * © 8 Union Strikebreakers, treasurer Nesbit admitted to. the exe- ARTICLE 4, cutive board in Indianapolis, that “I It is not surprising that Farrington |'2ink we had on the payroll at the would consistently sell the miners’ |t!me between four and six hundred votes to the government of the state |™€2 who were going around denying of Illinois, During the stormy days |St@tements those other men were of 1919, hundreds of special deputy |™#KIng and persuading men to stay| Peo sheriffs similar to those appointed at | ®t ‘work, the request of Gary in the steel strike, | When the itemized report was final- Were appointed by the state and coun-|ly dragged from Farrington, at was | ty officials at Farrington’s request.|Shown that the Peabody Coal com- | These deputies were union strike-|Pany boss, Jack Brown, received breakers and not paid by the county | $320.50, in payment for slugging the ‘which appointed. them. These depu-| Collinsville committee on the streets ties were paid out of the $27,000 fund | Of Springfield in front of Farrington’s of which Farrington refused to give | hotel. an itemized report until compelled to] That slugger Jack Brown continued do so by the International conven-jon intimate terms with Farrington tion. and Fishwick, vice-president of Dis- Here was the edifying spectacle of | trict 12, is shown by a letter and note Farrington, president of a great la-|for $150.00, dated Sept. 1, 1922, which bor organization paying officers of aj coincides with the time district offi- capitalist government to put the mem-|cers were nominated for the ensuing bers of his own union in jail, Wives |two year term. of miners were thrown in jail, some} farrington’s about-face in the case of them with babies at their breasts./of Alexander Howat is one of the The coal operators got busy and hun-| most disgraceful incidents in his car- dreds were indicted and held on heavy eer, The Howat case is well known bail. to the coal miners in general and to Then Join L. Lewis came to the|the Illinois miners in particular. assistance of Farrington. According | While Howat was in jail for defying to the International Constitution of | (ne notorious Kansas Industrial Court the United Mine Workers of America| Law, the most useful ally of the Kan- the International president only has} sas coal operators who were fighting the right to revoke the charters of | Howat was John L. Lewis who had districts, sub-districts and locals, but | Howat and his district committeo ex- Lewis delegated this right to Farring-| pelied for fighting Governor Allen, ton in the state of Illinois with the! Parrington was fighting Lewis at this result that the latter revoked the |time and took advantage of ithe Howat charters of 24 locals and made @n}case to make things harder for his agreement with the coal operetorsffoe. He afterwards proved that he that none of these who took leading | never had any interest in the Howat part in the insurgent movement |fight for the sake of principle, should be employed in the mines, To| it is interesting in view of the rela- use Farrington’s own words: “It is|ttons between Farrington and John our understanding thet the operators| 1. Lewis today, to read what the for- will not pick the ringleaders in the|mer had to say of the latter as re- strike, which has crippled the mines | cently as the year 1922. At a special : if any do get positions and}convention of District 2, Oklahonia, are admitted to a local we intend to|neld in Muskogee, on May 15, 1922, file charges against them and oust| Farrington defended Howat and made them from the union.” a most bitter attack on John L. Lewis. What does Farrington mean by|Space prohibits more than a few the paragraph: “It is our under-|choice excerpts from this speech. Standing that the operators will not | President Wilkinson of the Oklahoma Dick the ringleaders in the strike, | district, charged Farrington with .be- which has crippled the mines - "ling a disrupter, a charge so frequent- It simply means the application of|ly levelled today. by the labor. fakers the dreaded blacklist, not only at the against the progressives in all the un- instigation of the boss but by the |ions, Here is Farrington’s reply: “My friends I confess here now, before in harmony with the coal operators. Farrington and the operators had a common ground for action against the militants in the union. The bosses knew that the latter would interfere with their ability to violate contracts at will and Farrington saw in them a standing menace to his position as head of the union which enabled him to draft and sell the miners to the enemy. The breaking of the 1919 strike cost the district treasury the sum of $27,- 000 for which Farrington refused to give an account until forced to do so by the International convention. At this time Lewis and Farrington were enemies, so (the International Execu- tive Board appointed a committee to inquire into the spending of the $27,- 000 and this committee recommended after making an investigation that Farrington be compelled to show what he did with the money, Tho Farrington denied having add- ed a single man to the payroll on ac- count of the 1919 strike, secretary- president of the miners’ union acting you that if John L. Lewis is the In- Workers of America, then the charge made by Wilkinson is true!” Again Farrington said: “I am not trying to destroy the International Union, but am trying to destroy John L. Lewis, the man who is doing more: to destroy the United Mine Workers of America, than any other man I know of . . and he will not have my support as long as he is using the power of his position to crucify men who won’t jump thru the hoop every time he snaps his fingers and tells them tto do it.” Forgot His Pledge. Farrington no doubt had forgotten this pledge when he aided Lewis at the 1924 convention in Indianapolis in erucifying Howat even tho every dele- gate from District 12, except the pay- roll brigade were solidly behind the Kansas miner. Farrington was ap- Dointed by Lewis, chairman of the scale committee, Even at that How- at thot he could not sink so low as Worker Corres difficult and gave less results. The following figures were given in the report of the Second District Work- er Correspondents’ Conference (No- vember, 1925) as to the condition of the organization after a year's work: Wail Newspapers—21 (this figure is considerably lower than the actual number), Worker and Farmer Correspondent Cireles—9 (with an active’ member- ship of 70 to 80). Total number of worker and village correspondents about 200. The number of notes of our corre- spondents. appearing in the local press (Simferopol and Sevastopol) is 80 to 100 a month, The percentage inserted is°35 to 40 per cent. Another 20 to 25 per cent is utilized by the editors in other ways, The idea itself, hitherto not widely known to the broad masses of work- ers and trade union members, quick- ly became popular. The wall newspa- pers grew both in quantity and quali- ty. In order to quality members for editorial boards a college was start- ed. In one club a “Worker Corre- spondents’ Corner” was formed. Abolition of Town Bureau. At the Second Worker and Peasant Correspondent Conference, in connec- tion with the adoption of new organ- {zational forms thruout ‘the whole un- fon, It was decided’ to liquidate the Seneral town bureau and transfer the center of gravity to worker corre- Note.—Here ia a one of the first contributions in the exchange of cor- Tespondence between the worker- writers of the Pravda, the Russian Communist daily at Moscow, and The DAILY WORKER. It {s from Yalta, in Soviet Crimea. Contribu- tions of American worker cor- respondents are published in the Soviet press. Detailed announce- ment in the current issue of the American Worker. Correspondent just off the press. es @ By L. GENDIN, Member of Bureau of the Worker Cor- respondent Circle Provincial Institute, ay worker correspondents in Yal- ta first became organized in the autumn of 1924, Prior to this date about 10 wall newspapers existed thruout the whole district in the large enterprises. There ‘were also indl- vidual workers’ correspondents of various printéd papers, but there was absolutely no common center, and the work was very unsystematic owing to the youth and inexperience of the whole movement. There was no ac- curate record. The approximate esti- mate was 60 to 70 worker correspond- ents (with a few peasant correspond- ents), Creation of Town Bureau, November, 1924, the first attempt was made to. get together. A gen- eral town bureau of worker corre- \ pote circles. with the spondents was formed, It endeavored | wall newspapers, were to be to cover the whole district, This was the ternational Union, of the United Mine;| to go back on him after his many promises, but he; did, The retraction !made by Farrington of statements he made against J. L. Lewis in 1910, was used by John L. Lewis to show that Farrington’s word did not mean anything, Referring to this, Farrington said that he knew ‘| the retraction was not true, but that his original statements were true, and that he signed the retraction for par- ticular reasons, Farrington and Lester, During the 1922 strike, several sitrikebreakers lost their Hves in Williamson county. These scabs were employed by -WilMam J. Lester, who secured a permit from Farrington to remove dirt off his strip mine, Lester was not satisfied ‘with digging dirt; he began digging coal and the scabs armed to the teeth defied the miners end went around the county insulting people. What happened to them is history. John L, Lewis, president of the U. M. W. of A, charged Farrington with having received a@ round sum of money from Lester for the permit. He made other charges against Farring- ton according to a statement by board member Dobbins to Farrington. The cesult of these charges was an inter- esting correspondence between Lewis and Farrington, Only the substance of this correspondence can be given here, Under date of Nov. 2, 1922, Far- rington wrote to Lewis, stating that he was informed by board member Dobbins, that Lewis informed ithe ex- ecutive board that things in Illinois were corrupt and that a compact had been entered into between Farring- ton and Fishwick and William J, Les- ter for the operation of the letter’s strip mine during the strike, Lewis also charged according to Farring- ton’s letter that the go-between in the deal was Robert M, Medill, director of the department of mines and min- erals in Hlinois, and that the money was split three ways, In reply Lewis states “that Mr. Dob- bins’ memory is somewhat inaccu- rate” and expressed his willingness to discuss the matter at issue personally with Farrington. Serlous Charges. This evasive reply netitled the latter who replied at great length, winding up by saying that Lewis “had de- scended to the level of a louse.” Among the charges made by Farring- ton against Lewis, which he qualified to protect himself are: First: That Lewis got money from the Kansas operators for his fight against Alexander Howat. Second: That Lewis had agreed with the coal operators for a reduc- tion in wages and that in order to es- cape responsibility, he decided to call a strike, which should continue until the members of the union called for @ settlement even at a reduction in wages. Third: That Lewis and others col- lected $100,000 trom the operators in Kentucky for permission to operate during the strike. Fourth: That instead of borrowing $100,000 from the Harriman Bank of New York, Lewis got $750,000 and that three members of the directorate of that bank are operating non-union mines in the Pennsylvania fields and that the $650,000 which the public never heard of was kept by Lewis and his ‘associates on the understanding that the support of the union would be withdrawn from the striking mine- workers in the non-union coal fields of Pennsylvania. Farrington concludes: “Furthermore, considering the fact that you waited until October before levying a special assessment, which could not be collected until the month of November, and this in face of the fact that the striking mine workers in Pennsylvania had been sending out pitable nation-wide appeals for finan- cial assistance even since the general strike was settled during the month means of letters of instruction to the circles, But it should be said that at first, after the new organization, work be. gan to decline and the worker and village correspondent organization be- gan to be weakened and split up, The circles received no answers to their frequent appeals to the papers, There was no guidance whatsoever. In general Yalta has specific diffi- culties for the development of the worker and farmer correspondents’ movement. It has not its own print- ed newspaper which in itself holds up the development of worker corre- spondents, but what is still worse, there is also a struggle for circula- tion on the part of two printed news- papers each competing for first place (Simferopol and Sevastopol), This struggle also implicates the worker correspondents, eyen to the extent of dividing them into “ours” and the “others” and ican the whole movement, Fortunately, during the ‘last few months this question has become con- siderably less acute, A special in- structor was appointed by the dis- trict committee of the All-Soviet Un- jon Communist Party for worker and farmer correspondent work, Now circles were organized, the old ones strengthened, and the workers’ correspondent movement regained test, ier Present’ Position, At the present time*the position of these men into ¢ubmission.” The two labor fakers realized that A STORY ABOUT YOUR JOB or any WORKER CORRESPONDENCE sent In this week may win one of these prizes (winners announced In Issue of Friday, Sept, 10), —KING COAL—A splendid novel by Upton Sinclair, In a cloth- bound edition, \ og WING UNIONISM—By D, J. Saposs, A new book every worker should read. BARS AND SHADOWS—By Ralph Chaplin. A beautiful book of poetry written by the noted working class: poet. of August, and’taking into account the fact that ‘Wall Street Banks are not noted for their union sympathies, the average individual would conclude (taking circumstantial evidence {nto consideration), that there must be some truth in the story and that you were deliberately conspiring to starve they were not in a position to con- tinue this game of exposing each oth- er any longer eo they decided to bury the hatchet. The personal feud between Frank Farrington and John L. Lewis was a source of danger to the reign of the reactionaries in the United Mine Workers of America. Thru interme- diaries, both agreed ito fight the radi- vals and conveniently forget the nasty things they had been saying about each other. Farrington suddenly discovered that the progressives were enemies of the union despite a letter he wrote under date of May 5, 1923, complimenting the progressives on the work they were doing in cleaning up the corrup- tion in the union, In that letter he also praised Alexander Howat as a loyal union man, saying that his as- sociation with the Progressive Min- ers’ Committee was because he saw in (that effort “the only way he can secure justice for himself and the Kansas mine workers.” Yet sixteen days after Farrington wrote this letter we find him writing to John L. Lewis proposing a confer- ence to smooth out the differences between them so halt both could put ap a united front.against the so-called enemies of the union. Farrington’s long letter brought a reply from Lewis and the two got together. When thieves fall out it’s “not so bad” for ‘honest people, but when crooks get together those who have watches had better keep a tight hold on them. The result of the deal between the two fakers was, that both stopped calling each other fancy names and settled down to cleaning upon the pro- gressive movement inside the union. Farrington was willing that Lewis should have Howat’s head, and Lewis lost all interest in compelling Farring- ton to account for the $2,000,000 Her- rin assessment and his many gross violations of the union law. On June second of the same year Farrington wrote a letter to a mem- der of the union in which he washed his hands off Howat and declared that Alex had “joined forces with the ene- mies of the union,” and at the Indian- apolis convention of the U. M. W. of A. in January, 1924, Farrington joined with Lewis in refusing Howat a hear- ing, tho the convention by a two- thirds vote went on record for the Kansas mine leader, Wall newspapers—60 to 70 (30 in- vestigated and studied). Worker correspondents—about 300. Farmer correspondents—70. Worker-Farmer correspondent cir- cles—22 (with about 100 active mem- bens). ¥ The circles meet regularly and study according to a definite program. They also receive periodical litera- ture. Methodical guidance is conduct- ed thru the seminary for the editorial boards and activé workers (study cir- cles twice a ith). There is also monthly general town meeting of worker correspond- ents and periodieal instruction of cir- cles by an instructor. There is also qa remarkable increase of young correspondents, and their newspapers (no figures available). Now main attention is being devot- ed to ensuring that questions dmme- diately concerning the construction of our country are fully responded to in time, For instance, the campaign ‘for economy” now being conducted was brought up at the general town con- ference, This question was treated in the circle where reports were given by the directors of the enterprises in which the circles are at work. The wall newspapers devote a good deal of space to defects in production, At the present © energetic pre- parations are being made for the cele- bration of “Press Day.” ‘The worker Taine correspond: ent movement of our district has now JOHN t, LEWIS TOOL SOLD OUT TO OPERATORS Tumulty’s Statement to Membership (Continued from page 1) gressive of the Springfield district and one of the most consistent enemies of Farrington and the coal operator lead- ership of the Illinois miners, appealed to the coal diggers of District 12 for support in the elections which will be held next December, The statement reads in full: “In announcing myself as a candi- date for the office of president of Dis- trict No, 12, United Mine Workers of America, I do this with the knowledge of the great responsibility that is at- tached to this office. “If I am elected to the office of dis- trict president I will oppose any pro- gram submitted by the coal operators of Illinois that requests one cent of ¢ reduction of wages off the Illinois min; ers. Opposes Unjust Methods, “TI will oppose in every way I know how the unjust methods of settling disagreed cases based upon Joint Board decisions rendered in any pe- riod other than the Iife of the con- tract. I will work to have all dis- agreed cases settled upon the merits of the case, and all decisions to expire on the game day as the contract. “That the mining industry of Illi- nois is in decay owing to inefficient management is to say the least, and I am in favor of nationalization of the coal mines with democratic manage- ment as a means of elimination of the great waste in this basic industry. “I prefer the living radicalism in the miners’ union to the dry rot that ig now prevalent in our organization, and I am opposed to the expulsion pol- icy of our present administration, and will work to have every man now ex- pelled contrary to the laws reinstated to full membership in our organiza- tion, a Operators’ Business. “I believe that the questions such as super-power plants, lower freight rates and the elimination of, the sur- plus mines and miners are a concern of the coal operators and not of the miners, for our salvation lies in the organizing of the unorganized. The above questions are of a political na- ture and not economsc, and to cope with this deplorable condition I am in favor of a labor party with ‘its base and receiving its moral and ‘financial support from all branches’ of the trades union movement. Organize Unorganized. “I am in favor of District No. 12 employing all means at its’ command (with the co-operation of the interna- tional union) to organize mines out- side the boundary lines of District No, 12 as a means of keeping pace with the moving industry in the coal fields of Illinois. “When it is taken into consideration that there is only one-third of the coal miners of this country in our union and our membership is decreasing on every hand, it should be a warning to everyone that our union is in danger. So let the slogan of the organized min- ers from now on be: ‘Save the Union!’ Organize the unorganized until every man working in and around the coal mines of the United States of America are enrolled under the banner of the United Mine Workers of America.” Jumps From Car; Killed. CANTON, Ill, Sept. 8.—Mistaking heat from the exhaust for flames be- neath the car and believing the ma- chine afire, Mrs. Charles Asbell, 52, suffered fatal injuries today when she, jeaped from the automobile in which she was riding. She died soon after she had been taken to a hospital. and uncertainty. The wall newspa- pers are commencing fully to picture the life and ways of our production and have rejected general themes. Despite certain fluidity amongst the masses of worker and farmer corre- spondents, a strong nucleus has been moulded which has grown up with the movement and become incorporat- ed in it. The correspondent movement is molding comrades before our very eyes, turning them into active social workers, vigilantly examining all phenomena of our life. The worker correspondents are developing at work which ds one of the most valu- able factors of the movement. International Connections. ‘We must talk of our international connections separately, ‘We commenced this work at the end of 1924. To our first letter which the Agitprop of the Executive Com- mittee of Communist International sent to a German paper, we at once received six replies from various parts of Germany. The general town bureau of worker correspondents drew various clubs of the town and district into correspond- ence, having given them various ad- dresses, Besides this a member of the bureau was appointed to guide this work. Besides correspondence with individualeomrades, we demand- ed thru them to get.into touch with various organizations, tho this was was not always successful, For in- stance, we succeeded in linking up work, worker correspondents’ cir- cles, we are endeavoring to hand this Demand End of School Board: Blacklist Upon Civil Liberties Union NEW YORK, Sept. 8, — The Ameri- can Civil Liberties Union asks Frank- lin P, Graves, state commissioner of education, to-reverse the decision of the New York city board of educa- tion barring the union from holding a free speech meeting in Stuyvesant High School. The union asks reversal “on the ground of substantial damage te our reputation and to the service we are rendering to the American peo- ple by protecting minority and indi- vidual rights.” It charges that the board of educa- tion maintains a blacklist of organiza- tions and declares that citizens of New York City have a fundamental right to hold meetings in their own school buildings where their objects and personnel are reputable, MELLON TRUST IN ALUMINUM SHOWN BY SUIT Double - Crossed Rival Sues for $45,000,000 NEW YORK, Sept. 8. — George D. Haskell, president of the Bausch Ma- chine and Tool company, has entered a suit against the Aluminum Company of America, in which Andrew Mellon, secretary of the U. S. Treasury and others of the Mellon family and finan- cial group hold dominating control, for damages in the sum of $45,000,- 000 under the Sherman anti-trust law. Duke Double-Crossed Him. Haskell charges that he had con- fided certain plans for aluminum man- ufacture, in competition with the Mel- lon trust, to the late James B. Duke, who double-crossed him by conspir- ing with the Mellon trust to shut out Haskell from carrying out his plans. Duke, it is charged, was in 1924, constructing a $40,000,000 power plant on the Saguenay river in Quebec, Has- kell entered into negotiations with Duke in barganing for the use of part of the 600,000 horse power to be gen- erated by the plant, in order to use it in a competitive manufacturing scheme against the American Alumin- um company. Haskell confided his plans 'to Duke.. Air-Tight Trust, “Thereupon,” the complaint says, “the defendant company, entered into a combination and conspiracy to mo- nopolize the aluminum trade and com- merce in the United States and for- elgh.countries and induced Mr. Duke actively to join the Aluminum Com- pany of America.” Haskell charges that the Mel- lon aluminum trust has grabbed prac- tically all.the deposits of bauxite ore, trom which aluminum is made, in both the United States and foreign céun- tries: and controls a virtual world monoply in both crude and finished aluminum; NEW MASSES HAS POSTGATE STORY ON MINE STRIKE By SENDER GARLIN. If there still remains the slightest doubt that the workers involved in the much-muddled recent eral strike were shamelessly betrayed, the “Diary of the British Strike,” by Raymond W. Postgate, which appears in the current number of The New Masses ought to dispel it. The author, who is at present the assistant editor of Lansbury’s Labor Weekly and the author of several books on labor economics, presents a lucid, concise and illuminating pic- ture from May 1, when it became dent that the strike was pra a certainty to May 14 when the ‘ ers” of the movement which had frightened them by its immensity, came sheepishly to Baldwin to an- nounce the surrender, Council, Not Movement. Postgate insists that it was the council, and not the movement, which failed. Permitting its fears to over- whelm it, that body of timid parlia- mentarians called off the strike un- conditionally, and temporarily, at least, wrecked the unity and courage of the workers, Says the writer: “Nothing was done for the miners. No effort was made to help the thousands who are in prison suffering spiteful sentences for carrying out the council’s orders. All —Right and Left—of the council are in it.” For the first time the inside story of the leaders’ surrender is given. One is appalled at the impudence and cow- ardice of the men who were charged with the success of the powerful weapon of the British strikers, The Surrender, “The council,” relates Postgate, “brought the Samuel memorandum to the miners, expecting an ecstatic wel- come. . , , At this time there was some sort of an undertaking that the government would accept the memo- randum, if the miners did—not other- wise. The miners bluntly refused it and the memorandum, of course, was void. Some natural pique followed, and the council, meeting for only half an hour, decided there was no point in continuing the struggle, and, with incredible levity, called the strike off A deputation went to the Downing street to convey the message to the premier, Baldwin sent down to say, ‘He did not desire to converse with them.’ The delegation replied that they had not come to converse, only to announce their surrender. So they were admitted. And that was the end.” “The Brass Knuckles Santa Claus,” by Robert Dunn, is a vivid account of the company unionism of the New York Interborough, with its yellow- dog agreements, revealed by the re/ cent strike of the subway workers. Dunn applies his shrewd, incisive method to the situation and the “American Labor Movement” comes {n for some comments that are ex- tremely enlightening. ally sad- Number Five Just Off the Press! (We as you Figlt 7 ‘AMERICAN WORKER. . CORRESPONDENT Magazine By and For Workers in the Factories, the. Mines, the Mills and on the Land Subscribe! Only 50 Cents Per Year Price § cents 3 1 Become a Worker Correspondent! AMERICAN WORKER CORRESPONDENT, 1118 W. WASHINGTON BLVD., men’s group of the Communist Party of Germany in Weisbaden. Our two- fold attempt to get into contact with the Mannheim workers’ paper ended in failure. Besides letters we sometimes sent notes to the foreign press on themes provided by the Agitprop of the Exe- cutive Committee of the Communist International. There. is mo accurate account of work done, as many comrades in the district on receiving an address write directly to their correspondents and not thru our foreign section of the Agitprop of the Executive Council of the Communist International. The approximate figures are as fol. lows Correspondents (foreign) 10, of whom 5 write regularly. According to countries they are distributed—7 in Germany and 1 each in Great Bri- tain, America and Holland We also send comrades photographs of our celebrations, conferences, and also literature, while we receive from them large quantities of all kinds of Postcards, bums. In changing over to the new forms newspaper. cuttings, al- correspondence over to the circles. At the present time three circles are conducting work quite satisfactorily. There is no doubt the worker correspondent ¢ireles can develop this work still more. dificulties to be riAe In or- CHICAGO, ILL. pondents in Yalta, U. S. S. R. ity, the various circles should be at- tached to foreign newspapers, but I have already mentioned that our at- tempts at this have so far been with- out result. It is @ question of general central- ization and guidance undoubtedly here in the locality also. Experience has shown that in the localities alsa, there must be some kind of center uniting the work. Formerly, our gen- eral town bureau was such a center. Spe’ it was abolished—in order not to abandon the work—(I was a mem- ber of the bureau appointed to the foreign section) I had to transfer work to my circle (Provincial Insti- tute) and gradually to draw in other circles, giving them addresses, The great interest which this cor- respondence evokes both in our coun- try and abroad demands that the pres- ent amateurishness of our work be overcome, The Yalta workers’ corre- spondent movement, therefore, thoro- ly approves the decision of the con- ference of delegates of the Sixth Plen- um of the Executive Council of the Communist International and the workers’ correspondents of Yalta to work out this question carefully and concentrate the guidance of interna- tional communications in the hands of the Agitprop of the Executive Coun- cil of the Communist International. Before we were aware that such a con- ference would be convened, we re- {quested the “Worker and Farmer Cor. But there are many} respondent” to bring this question up © on the agenda of the Third ae ogee. Cane