The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 20, 1926, Page 6

t { 1 ' { f 1 Page Six THE DAILY WORKE THE DAILY WORKER Dan Published by the DAILY ORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, I). Phone Monroe 4712 ———$$— $$ SUBSCRIPTION RATES By maii (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per voar $8.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Iinols J, LOUIS RNGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J, LOEE Editors Business Manager oilice at Cnhi- Envered as second-class mail September £1, 1923, at the p cago, lil, under the act of March 3, 1879. Se 190 Advertising rates on application. The Straggle in China There are a number of indications that the mercenary armies of Chang Tso-lin and Wu Pei-fu, backed by Japan and Britain, respectively, have fallen upon evil days, that their offensive against the peoples armies, long heralded by the capitalist press as marking | the end of “sovietism” in China, has entered a period of decline} which technical victories such as the oceupation of Pekin do not prevent. Some of these indications are: 1. The advance from the south of Cantonese troops necessitat- ; ing the hurried departure of Wu Pei-fu to protect his rear. 2. The terrific losses sustained by Chang Tso-lin’s army before | Nankow Pass from which the peoples’ army withdrew with slight! losses to stronger positions after a 112-day siege. “A five-mile ar before Nankow Pass is littered with Manchurian dead,” cables Charles E. Dailey, China correspondent for the Chicago Tribune. “Thruout the siege the Kuominchun losses were comparatively slight because of their sheltered positions,” says Dailey. 3. The Chicago Daily News correspondent, cabling from Tokyo, reports serious difficulties between Chang and the Japanese gov- ernment due to differences over financial matters. He reports also that the forces of Wu Pei-fu are demoralized and that the appoint ment of the white guard cossack leader, Semenoff, as adviser to Wu Pei-fu is taken to mean that “the allied cause (Wu Pei-fu—Chang Tso-lin) is hopeless.” 4. The capitalist press services now are carrying detailed stories of the\bhlood-curdling atrocities committed by Chang Ts jin’s mercenaries in the occupied districts—stories that would never see the light of day if his army were victorious or gave promise of it. 5. The continued unification of the Chinese nationalist forces and the growth of the belief that only when military adventurers backed by foreign powers are crushed can China really begin to solve its internal problems. This view finds increasingly strong expression in such articles} as those entitled, “Letters from the Interior,” appearing in The Peking | and Tientsin Times, which are commented on by The Peoples Trib- une, a Pekin nationalist daily, and which have attracted wide at-) tention thruout China. | The writer stresses the need for unity against imperialism. He says: For the unity of a country in obvious internal discord there is nothing like an aggressive foreign policy. The Revolu- tion in France was consolidated by a crusading policy abroad and. the Bolshevik power in Russia by wars against the foreign- supported white armies. If the Republic of China is ever going ! to be achieved .... it will be by a coalescence of the provinces facing outugrds from the interior. The propaganda value of the attack on foreign treaty privileges will be of cardinal im- portance in making the coalition secure. The writer then deals with the struggles of the Kuominchun and it is evident that the military military defeats suffered by the peoples armies earlier in the summer have not shaken their prestige as the leader of the fight against. foreign domination. We quote: .... the Kuominchun are the most successful champions of the first, or militant stage of the growth of liberal institu- tions in China... . . Not only are they in many ways the most efficient and unified administration in China, but the most con- scious of what they want to and how they want to do it. If their supply of politicians and administrators were in proportion to their military strength, they might by now have seized the power in metropolitan China permanently. They would be govern- ing, not in the best way that China could.be governed, but in the best way it can be governed until the Chinese have struck a workable balance between their old and new civilization . The Peoples Tribune adds the following comment on this ar- ticle: We regard it as a striking vindicstion of the position of the militant nationalists. It proves them to be an clement destrue- tive of that which is obsolete, reactionary, obscurantist, and hampering to the unification and liberation of the country and constructive of that we call the New China. It is a striking vindication of the view held by the nationalists that the New China cannot be built until the fight for liberation of the coun- try from foreign domination is carried on to @ successful con- clusion, The inner consolidation of China is continuing, not only “out ward from the interior,” but inward from Canton, which is the rea) revolutionary center of China, The spread of the national liberation movement and the con- tinual rise of the militant labor movement, together with the nar- rowing of the base of the mercenary armies which this forces, is the best of all indications that the imperialist forees are being slowly made to relinquish their hold on this nation rich in natural resourees of every kind and with a population of 440.000,000 people. Whose Military Training Camps Are They? Close linking of the war department with finance-capital by the appointment of direct representatives of this dominant group to de- partment positions gives a key to the connection between the chief beneficiaries of American imperialism and the militarist propaganda and activity carried on under the auspices of the war department. F, T. Davison, recently appointed assistant secretary of war, is the son of H. P. Davison, before his death one of the firm of J, P. Morgan and company. Dwight W. Morrow, appointed by Coolidge as head of the air- craft commission, is also one of the Morgan crowd, The Morgan interests are among the most ardent advocates of military training, and the war department, with its reserve officers’ training camps and its citizens’ military training camps, is under their control with Hanford MacNider, banker and former head of the American Legion, acting as the ballyhoo artist.” . Whom does military training benefit? Workers who will be led out to suppress strik robbed with se nls or the House of Morgan? | Samuel intervention in -inating\ public attack on the miners NOTE: The following article by the editor of the Labor Monthly (British) tells of the significance of the “churchmen's proposals” for set- tling the strike of the miners. Since the article was written the proposals were put to vote of the membership by the Miners’ Federation execu- tive after a delegate conference had discussed and approved them. But the miners voted the proposals down by a vote of 367,660 to 333,036. An- other delegate conference is now be- ing held, The importance of this will be seen by the article below, which should settle all the capitalist press propaganda that the miners do not want to continue the strike. It proves, indeed, their heroic deter- mination to fight to a finish in spite of all their suffering—which can be relieved by more funds from Ameri- can labor. Ca ed By R. PALME DUTT (London) NEW situation has arisen in the miners’ fight, which is serious for the future. This situation has arisen! Danish MacDonald, “oeialist Politician Ramsay: “Sorry old thing, but those easie-oosie miners refuse to dig coal for His Majesty's owners despite my efforts. exeftitive of proposals, nominally aris- ingfrom a church committee, for a settlement on the lines of the Samuel report and an eventual reduction in wages. These proposals, as they stand, are unacceptable to the gov ernment; but they open the way to a compromise in complete contradict!or to every decision and .xpression of he miners; and the mere fect, of hese proposals being accepted by the niners’ exccutive has aro} used new On July 14th, a church c mmit ‘ontaining seven bishops and iv Free’ Chyrch réeprésentatives, and rep- ‘esenting ihe “Industrial Christian Fellowship,” met the miners’ officials. This meeting might appear as a sim ple philanthropic peaco venture of th: innocent men of god, but its rea character was sufficientiy plain fron the surrounding cireumstances, whict, showed it to be closely parallel to the the geaerai strike. According to the Manchester Guardian, the committee was acting under the guidance of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was in ciose touch with the government. Tho situation at this date is impor- tant to note. On July i2th, just two days before, the government and coal owners had made taeir supreme at empt to break the miners. The pits were reopened on che basis of an 8-hour day, and no immediate redue- tion in wages, tho heavy reductions were shortly to follow, It was hoped that the miners, exhausied by priva tion and tue distress of their families would straggle back to work indi- vidually, and the federation would be smashed. The attempt completely failed, with the solitary exception of the special district of Warwickshire, where a few thousand re.urned. ‘Yhe miners stood solid by Uke.r federation, ind the government's move made not 4 pennyworth of differonce to the situation, EANWHILE the gensral council and parliamentary labor party were exerting heavy pressure on the Miners’ Executive to break their re- sistance, Ever since June 28, when the miners’ executive made the dan serous mistake of signing the pac. with the general council to postpone the special conference and silence all criticism for the past, that pressure was increasing in force. Despite this pact, the general council did not hesi- let be issued a report whien ed of a shameful and calum- for refuging to surrender, and an in- sistent dpmandy that they should ac- cept a ti ote . The de- mand for ‘an’ coal and a ‘ovy of the yhole movement in sup port of the by the, from the acceptance by the : es in the bourgeoisie, and alarn. ‘nd protests in the miners’ ranks. R ger Signals for the British. ‘ general council. 'The miners’ leaders including Cook, were now making statements which concentrated on hours rather than on wages, amd which talked of the necessity of re suming work on the old conditions as a preliminary to negotiations. The general council deemed the momen ripe to invite the miners’ executive to a conference, which took place on July 15. The calculation of the gen eral council and the parliamentary la bor party was expressed in the fol- lowing terms by the Times of July 15: “The general council, presumably, are anxious to urge upon the execu tive of the Miners’. Féderation the need of stating that at dast they are prepared to accept the report of the royal commission with all that it im- plies... . t “As long as the miners, to use the words of the general conncil, are pre- pared to face starvation for a slogan, labor members of parliament realize that little can be done, but there is a growing feeling that, properly han dled, the miners would not now prove quite so adamant as they were at the beginning of the dispute,” In this can be seen expressed the cold-blooded calculation of the re- formist labor leaders on the weapon of Starvation to break the miners. N July 16th the chureh committee sent to the prime minister a basis of negotiations, to which they had se- cured the agreement. of the miners leaders. The terms of. the bishops’ men orandum cover the following PO%wrc: 1. Resumption wages and hours: sidy. 2. New national agreement within four months, Both reorganization ana “the reference to wages in the report” to be worked out by the royal com mission, and embodied in legislation. 3. In the event of disagreement at the end of the four months, a joint board with an independent chairman to make an award binding on botn parties, These terms, it will be seen, repre- sent (1) acceptance of an eventual reduction of wages (2) compulsory ar- | bitration. Nevertheless they were ot- ficially agreed to by the. miners’ exe- cutive: and the church committee was able to add triumphantly, in their let- ter to the prime minister the following declaration signed by-the four of- |ficials of the miners, Smith, Richards, Richardson and Cook::r “The suggested terms of settlement , lave now been submitted to the full executive committee of,.the Miners’ Federation, and we are instructed to inform you that if a settlement can be arrived at upon the terms set out, the committee arg, prepared to recommend their acceptance by the miners,” ; is was the first new declaration of policy of the miners’ executive since the beginning of the dispute. It was an abandonment of, the old policy of work on old Government sub- conference of April 9, and the change was made without consulting » the ARTICLE Til Rubber and Philippine Land Laws, By WILLIAM F. DUNNE HE advocates of the division of the Philippines have discovered suddenly that the United States has a sacred duty to perform i. e. to lib- erate some 800,000 Moros who are Mo- hammedans from the oppressive grip of 10,000,000 Christian Filipinos. . ; The acceptance of this holy mission is coincident with the discovery that the islands inhabited by the Moros (named in the introduction of the Ba- con bill) are the only snitable terri- tory for rubber-growing in the Philip- pines. It is likewise coincident with the increase in the activity of the movement for Filipino independence. The area included. in the ter- ritory to be known as “Moro Province,” under the provisions of the Bacon bill comprises 60,,per cent of the public lands of the, Philippines and the description of .its resources given by Representative, Bacon prev- jously quoted show thatiit is one of the richest in the world. * i “The Philippine Republic” says of this territory: ... embraces ap- proximately 40,000 square mil 35.3 per cent of the total land area of the Philippine Islands. The Moro provinces contain 200 iiilands in an area extending approximately 700 miles east and west and 475 miles north and south, Doe rc especially the Amer- ican and British brand, is always saving some backward people from themselves or from some other men- ace. Its public reasons for grabbing territory are rarely other than pure. So we get the following choice ex- tract from the speech of Representa- tive Bacon in defense of his bill and in defense of the Moros: Action along the linge of this bill ++. Would ol ‘ People of the one bi. Philippine administrat redeem our ¢ tection to these = American in their It would of of no reductions as decided by the} [seen At the same fime Cook announced a new slogan: in place of the old “Not a cent off the pay, not a second on the day,” the new slogan ran “To work we will go on the status quo.” ig The reaction of the miners to this new and unexpected move of their executive was immediate. From two of the most important coal fields, South Wales and Durham, came at once official protests. The executive committee of the South Wales Miners’ Federation, as soon as the news came, passed the following resolution late on July 17th: “After having before us an intime- tion that the national executive have empowered a deputation of church leaders to approach the government in order to put before it terms which are in opposition to the conference's decisions, this council instructs the ‘secretary to communicate with the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain| committee, urging that the authority to present the proposed terms of set- tlement be withdrawn, pending the calling of a national conference to dis- cuss the matter.” On July 21st the executive commit- tee of the Durham Miners’ Federation passed a public protest at the action of the national executive, which they declared to be “subversive of federa- tion policy,” HE government of course, immedi- ately rejewted the church terms, which involved a subsidy. On these grounds Cook has defended the move as a tactical move, exposing the “fight to finish” policy of the government and the vanity of hopes of settlement on lines of the report, and therefore serving to confirm waverers and strengthen support in the working class movement. He declared in an interview to the Daily Herald: “My friends in South Wales need not be alarmed ... Well-wishers and sympathizers who believed the gov- ernment was amenable to reason now know definitely that the government does not want a peaceful settlement , by negotiation. What they want is} surrender by the miners’ leaders to the terms they have put forward. They were never prepared to accept either the Samuel report or the Sam- uel memorandum. It would now be wise for those labor leaders who have been prating about the report to rec- ognize the facts and declare where they stand, either to support the min- ers’ policy against reduction of wages or longer hours, or support the gov- ernment and the mine owners in their opposite policy.” HIS is a very dangerous line of ar- gument. It did not need a surren- der and new policy by the miners’ ex- ecutive to prove that the government has abandoned the whole sham of the Samuel report, an abandonment that the government itself has publicly de- clared. Nor will concessions win over to a fight those labor leaders who are | behaving as the bitterest enemies of *the miners, and who will only use con- eS The Fight on Filipino Freedom—The Vanished: “Little Brown Brother Period” —“Divide and Con- quer’’—Philippine Rubber Possibilities—The Philippines as a Strategic Base for Amer- ican Imperialism in the Pacific Area~—Natural Resources Other Than Rubber—Mobilizing “‘Public Sentiment’’"—-Some Defects of the ‘Miners’ F ight cessions to demand more. that the government has present terms, and is no to accept them than the old Samuel memorandum. But this very fact means that the only net effect of the move is a concession by the miners on the two capital issues of a reduction in wages and of compulsory arbitra- tion, Once the executive has declared its readiness to accept a settlement involving ‘a reduction of wages, how can they continue the fight for no reductions? The bourgeoisie have at once seized hold of the concessions made in order to press them further; and debates have been fixed in both houses of parliament to call attention to “the recent public expression of willingness on the part of the miners’ leaders to recommend the men under certain conditions to accept both wage reductions and arbitration.” The general council and labor party leaders will certainly also take the opportunity to press the advantage. The situation is thus a critical one, and a path of slippéry negotiations and formulas, similar to the Samuel memorandum, has been begun. |A national delegate conference, repre- It is true refused the more likely STAFF | ‘WITH THE ' | Being Things From Here and | There Which Have Inspired Us to Folly or Frenzy Sugar Coated Rebels. The leaders. of the Amsterdam International are nothing if not polite. In fact they are nearly both. At any rate they believe in sweet reasonableness when yentur- ing so far as to infer that the naughty capitalists might be un- kind to labor. An example of this is seen in the following opening sentence of the words of the Amsterdam news. service story about the Sacco and Vanzetti case and the sentence of death against sentative of the miners thruout the country, is urgently necessary to clear the position, Stanley Baldwin, Capitalist Premier n “Ketp cool old dear, Only for those jolly old Russians the min- ers would be eating cinders by now. Howevah,' your nice labor leaders are helping .His Majesty keep the impe- rial firés “burning with coal. from abroad. | * Independence Movement. the Moros accepted American sov- ereignty in 1899 .... The Moro problem is an American responsi- bility... their loyalty is to us and not to the Filipinos. . . "hy is true that Moros and Filipinos do not get along together very well. They never have. But the reason for it is to be found in the fact that christianity in the Philippines has been used to create dissension be- tween these two sections of the popu- lation and that the Mohammedan Moros are fishermen and seamen, more warlike than the peasant Filip- inos. The Moros were never con- quered by Spain and have resisted all attempts made to get them to desert their traditional religion. rae heart of Representative Bacon bleeds for the Moros. He says: “The political state of the Moros is nothing short of pitiful and its solution should commend itself to the natural instincts of fair play held by every-American, Their so- called representation in the Philip- pine legislature is a farce and a mockery, They are deliberately de- nied any share or participation in the government, es the situation 1s as bad as Bacon states, the oppressed Moros could be given an autonomous government within the Philippines and such causes of friction as those mentioned above eliminated. But while the suf- ferings of the Moros arouse Baco indignation, there are, so far as he is concerned, great obstacles in the road to Moro freedom. It is a sad state of affairs but the well: of hope and charity in the breasts of imper- jalism’s spokesman flow abundantly and there is hope even for the Moros altho, as he says, they are not yet remotely prepared to intelligently. participate in a self- the Filipinos. The administration of their affairs should be restored TO A SANE, HUMANE AND FOR- WARD-LOOKING AMERICAN AD- MINISTRATION, (Emphasis mine) So much as the misery of the Mo- hammedan Moros may arouse pity and altho their. “proud’ and self-respecting” attitude may challenge the “natural instincts of fair play held by every American,” it is not quite enuf to in- fluence business judgment sufficiently to grant independence to the Moros. Pees of independence the Moros are to be handed a dictatorship which will know how to deal with an unconquered people, “proud and self- respecting,” but who live in islands rich in iron and coal and suitable for rubber-growing on a large scale. There is an additional reason for the solicitude for the Moros which ex- presses itself in the proposal to place them directly under a government which will substitute the little repre- sentation they have now in the Philip- pine legislature by none at all. It is that the Philippine legislature limits the amount of public land that may be held by any private corporation to 2,500 acres. The rubber barons be- lieved with good reason. that the establishment of “Moro Province” will make it easy to secure for their purposes as much land as they desire, The threat of division of the Philip- pines is being used as a club to force revision of the land laws. N August 3, Harvey Firestorfe, Jr., had a conference with President Coolidge at Paul Smith's, the summer resort where Coolidge is taking a va- cation, at the request of the presi- dent, According to the New York Times, Herbert Hoover, secretary of com- merce, has been working on com- prehensive plans... and American italists are now ready to go into the enterprise if the PHILIPPINE LAND LAWS ARE AMENDED TO them: “There has never been any very great confidence in the im- partiality ‘of American. judges, especially when it is a question affecting the labor movement.” A KLANSMAN’S FAMILY ROW, “Gap, | hate to have you scalliwag- gin’ out "most every night, the good Lawd only knows whur and with what sort of company!” chided Mrs. John- son, “Well, anyhow, the lynching | was. at last night wasn’t—” returned Gap Johnson of Rumpus Ridge. “You can’t tell me a lynching wae a pious affair!” “Aw, | d’know!l Anyhow, the presid- ing elder was present and made a Prayer before we booted offfm the stump the feller we hung.”—Kansas City Star. “Never has Italy been as prosperous as she is today, and never was she 40 well administered.”— Cavaliere Antonio Cotto- vavia, secretary of the Italian embassy at Tokio. Firestone as follows in an interview given after his conference with Coo- lidge: In fifteen years the United States should become independent of the British rubber monopoly, provided THE LAND LAWS OF THE PHIL-° IPPINE ISLANDS ARE REVISED* TO ENCOURAGE AMERICAN IN- VESTMENTS #N A LARGE WAY. (Emphasis mine). ‘ JHE patriotic Mr, Firestone puts the whole-scheme on the basis of the need for American control of rubber supply sufficient for the needs of In- dustry: At the present time Great Britaln controls 77 per cent of the world’s rubber production, while the United States produces about 2 per cent It takes five years to grow a producing | rubber plant and | estimate that in fifteen years sufficient area could be planted to break down the British control, The Bacon bill, with its proposal for division of the islands on humanitar ian grounds, the drive for the repeal of the Philippine land laws under the guise of patriotism, for the benefit of the rubber capitalists, are a double- edged sword directed at the liberties of the great majority of the population of the islands, (To be Continued) WCFEL Radio Program Chicago Federation of Labor radio broadcasting station WCFL is on the air with regular programs, It is broadcasting on a 491.5 wave length from the Municipal Pier. 7:00 to 7:30-—-The dinner music. 7:30 to 6:30— Fred Villeni, Jim Jordan, | RI Hyman, ac in songs; Marian an semble; Clinton A. Alman, in some Tad Cae =