The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 1, 1926, Page 4

‘Page Four E DAILY WORKER i Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO, }1113 W. Washington ,Blvd., Chicago, Il. Phone Monroe 4713 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By maii (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months 7H Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ulinofs J, LOUIS ENGDAHL \ WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOBB.. Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Cni- cago, lil., under the act of March 3, 1879, Editors -Business Manager Se 290 Advertising rates on application. ey flies Ve len Be fel But for a long editorial in the Chicago Tribune of July 30, we might have overlooked the fact that last Thursday was the twelfth anniversary of the world war. The 29th of July is. famous because the first shot in colossal struggle was fired on that day, according to war historians. : The Tribune waxes eloquent and speaks frankly about the efforts made by the rival belligerents to line up the United States on one side or the other. But in those days the Tribune did not speak so frankly. Certainly, not after Wilson, who was elected. to “keep us out of war,” conspired successfully to get us into the war. Thousands of American workers paid the price for their frankness and honesty with jail terms, while the Tribune, that can now afford to be cynical, ranted and raved like a mad cur and pregommended the. firing squad for those who would doubt ‘the sinterity or cast reflection on the purity of motive of our “associates® ig the great butchery. » a But listen to this hypocritical sheet editorialize on the hokum that the American people were subjected to by the propagandists of the warring powers: , “Some of the promotion was skillful and some was clumsy. The most adroit was the British, The most blundering was the Ger- man... Absurdities took on the stamp of verity. We even accepted ia of the ezars as ‘one of the great liberal powers of Europe,’ mpion of the cause of democracy.” This will be read with relish by the conservative German read‘ ers of the Tribune. They will say “Hoch!” and give three cheers for the Tribune, the same paper that joined the anvil chorus of “Hun- killers” from 1917 to a safe period after the armistice. The masses have short memories, fortunately for the ruling classes. They allow Mooney, Billings, the I. W. W. ptisofiers, Sacco, Vanzetti and scores of other workers to rot in jail wliile the grafters and corruptionists who incarcerated them are quarreling over the loot from the public like hungry cannibals fighting over the carcass of a fat bishop. \ 4 They are prone to forget what the world war was about, who brought it on, who did the fighting, and who were the gainers. Per- haps they do not even think of the thousands of crippled “heroes” who are doomed to a life of torture and lonelinesg;in ‘the federal hospitals thruout the country. Perhaps they do not ask themselves why the Kaiser, “the Beast of Berlin,” is now living gomfortably. in Holland while the masses of German workers they. were sent over to save are sweating like gajley slaves in German factories in order THE DATEY WORKER. mint SS } to turn millions of dollars into the coffers of Pierpont Morgan who did not go any nearer to the firing ‘line than the Kaiser, Woodrow ‘Wilson or King George. ‘ The best we can do is to keep on-reminding them of those un- pleasant things. We will keep on doing that even when the Tribune and the other venal capitalist sheets are lying like gentlemen, when the bugle calls for the next war; to save democracy, civilization or virtue, burst upon our ears. SUBSCRIBE TO THE DAILY WORKER! ; | They Know Him Not The Milwaukee Leader is as angry as an unrecognized poet with a clean neck, because the republican politicians of Wisconsin have stolen their Jesus from them. This particular Jesus is LaFollette, the late. The worst of it, says the Leader, is tat those who claim him so falsely are not worthy of him. ; The Leader is a socialist paper. Like most socialist papers, it has forsaken sogjalism and when it is not weeping by the political Jordan, or boosting Wisconsin, it amuses itself by poking fun at the class struggle and making war on revolution or any other word in the dictionary that smacks of a break with capitalism. When LaFollette hove in sight as the new Messiah of the small business men, and the declaration of independence, the Leader, which is Victor Berger, promptly hailed him and hopped up behind him on his wagon and kissed good-bye to the red flag. But alas! “Bob” died, and his son knoweth not his old man’s ideals or at. least cherisheth them not. Which leaves the socialist party of Wisconsin in the position of a Magdalen without a carpenter to anoint her feet. SUBSCRIBE TO THE DAILY WORKER! MUSCLE SHOALS LAND BOOM IS “NIPPED IN BUD Business Bureau Hi ts Real Estate Sharks (Special to The Dally, Worker) NEW YORK, July 30. — In a bul- letin issued by the Better Business Bureau it is pointed out that the color- ful pictures of high-powered real estate salesmen of a coming metro- polis near the Muscle Shoals power site is based on their desire to gather in the savings of workers, domestics, and school teachers and not on reality, The report points out that instead of the 18,000 to 20,000 men that the salesmen declare will be employed at the two nitrate plants there will be but 2,000. More than one-half of the workers will be unskilled. The report further points out that these workers will be housed in cheap shacks and that attempts will be made to get Negro unskilled labor, The Wilson dam, when all 18 units are functioning, will only employ sey- eral hundred men, WRITE AS YOU FIGHT! / THE UNITED FRONT---WHY THE COMMUNISTS ARE FOR IT Letters Exchanged Between the California District Committee of the Workers (Communist) Party and the State Executive Committee of the Socialist Party—The Dif- ferences in Principles Between the Workers (Communist) Party and Socialist Party THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION EDITOR'S NOTE:—The. follow- ing letter from the State Executive Committees of the Socialist Party of California to the District Commit tee of the Workers (Communist) Party, in reply to a call to the So-. clalist Party to join in placing a United Labor Ticket in. the field, together with the reply of the Workers (Communist) Party should be carefully studied by every worker interested in the respective position of tha two parties.. The reply of the Workers (Communist) Party draws sharply the difference in principle between the Workers (Communist) Party and the Soclal- ist Party. The Letter fromthe Socialists To the Members and the Executtve, (Communist) Party broke away from Committee of District 13-of The/the Socialist Party in 1919, alleging ‘Workers (Communist) Party, Greeting: ‘The State Executive Committee of the Socialist Party of California| wcknowledges the receipt of a letter from Emanuel] Levin as Organizer of} .your District organization and of a ‘letter apparently sent to our party lo-| ieals by The Workers (Communist) | District Committee proposing that we “issue jointly a call to all labor unions | ‘and workers’ fraternal organizations | for the purpose of placing into the field a united labor ticket.” | Such a “united labor ticket” could} ‘be placed upon the ballot in only three | sways: as “independent” candidates, as candidates of a new party, er as .cab- didates of the Socialist Party. First, as “independent” candidates | it would require the signatures of over | 13,000 registered votérs to place each} momination on the ballot, it would give} the “United Labor Party” no right to} ny designation on the ballot but “In-} dependent”; and it would secure no future right to a piace on the ballot. The Socialist Party could not legally have “independent” candidates ‘on- its ballot so it would lose its present po- litical rights by nat having the neces- “sary candidate to poll the 3 per cent of the gubernatorial vote required to Tetain its standing as an officially recognized political party. Such a course would only result in depriving the working class of any political party with a right to placaqon the of- ficial ballot. We cannot consent to such action. ‘ The second possible way of nomin- “ating a United Labor ticket as candi- dates of a new political party would require a petition of over 40,000 vot- ers registered as affiliated with the new party. This petition would have to be filed with the Secretary of State by June 12th. Since your let- ter was dated June 26th it is mant- festly impossible to file as a new party. We must therefore reject the second possible course of action as impossible at this late date. The third course is for the United Labor ticket to be named upon the official Socialist ballot at the primary @lection. A State conference of the Socialist Party held last February chose Upton Sinclair as our candi- date for Governor and Lena Morrow Lewis as our candidate for Lieuten-| ant Governor. It also requested Wal- ter Thomas Mills to Mn for United States Senator. We are already cir- culating petitions to place these names on the primary ballot. We en- close our state platform, which cov- ers most of the “immediate demands” or palliative measures suggested by your letter. We have no power at this time to withdraw nominations made by the State conference. Neither is there any time to hold a referendum of*the party membership, as nominating petitions must be filed by July 22nd. The most we can do at this time, therefore, is to consider accepting nominations for those offices for which we have thus far made no nom- {nations Persons so nominated would have to register before July 22nd as eMiliated with the Socialist. Party, 80 much for the purely technical side of/a united labor ticket, Othér points are raised by political and tactical considerations. k Tho loaders of the present Workers, that the Socialist Party was “reac- tionary” and “not revolutionary” be- cause it refused to accept the “left wing” program. The, “left wing” pros| gram sought to commit the Socialist Party to “armed mass action to over- throw the bourgeois state.” We can not now accept as a candidate any| ¥°U- one who is pledged by party affilia- tion or personal conviction to the ad- vocacy of armed revolution and dic- tatorship while the ballot remaing open to every citizen. The Left Wing or Communist pro- gram demanded that the Socialist Party reverse its attitude of friendli- ness to organized labor and thét it at- tempt to destroy the American Fed- eration of Labor. We are heartily in favor of amore Padical and partisan political polley by the American Federation of Labor, but we cannot accept as a candidate any one who seeks to disrupt it. The Left Wing or Communist pro- gram objected to the tendency in the Socialist Party to foster @ labor party and promote a campaign for the im- mediate relief of the victims of cap- italism. In this regard, however, we note that the Workers (Communist) Party has reversed their former atti- tude and now proposes a labor party based on “immediate demands.” We regard the extreme opportunism of the | Workers (Communist) Party as un- wise and tending to emother and ob- scure the revolutionary results aimed at by the Socialist Party, but we are willing to discuss and negotiate with you on this point. In the past the Workers (Commu- nist) Party has accused the officers and members of the Socialist Party of being “tools and lackeys of the cap- italist class.” Your proposal of unity with the Socialist Party would imply | that the Workers (Communist) Party is now convinced that such accusa- Uons were not well founded. We do not feel, however, that charges of so serious a character can ba merely for- gotten, They were intended to des- troy our organization by undermin- ing its reputation with the working people. We believe you should issue some statement, consonant with your expressed desire now to co-operate with us, which would acknowledge the sincere devotion to labor and the great services’ rendered by the So- cialist Party, its members and its ot- ficial representatives, One final point, we are uninformed as to the jurisdiction of District 13 Workers. (Communist) Party, We should like assurance first, that it in- cludes all of California; second, that it has authority from your na¥ional or- ganization to take the step contem- plated; third, that your district organ- ization and your national organiza- tion have the requisité authority so that the Executive of the Communist International will not compel repudia- tion of your action in the midst of the campaign, We await your agreement to the foregoing. Respectfully, STATE EXECUTIVE COMMIT- TEE,SOCIALIST PARTY OF CALIFORNIA, CAMERON H, KING, State Chairman. LENA MORROW LEWIS, State Secrotary, Chiteago, Tl, July 21, 1926. State Executive Committee, Socialist Party of California. Dear Comrades: Tho District Ex- ecutive Committea of the Workers }(Communist) Party has considered your reply to its letter urging the Socialist Party to join with the Work- ers (Communist) Party in calling a conference of delegates from trade unions, workers’ political parties, co- operatives and workers’ fraternal and benefit organizations, to take action on the question of placing a united labor ticket in the field in the state and congressional elections, We must make clear at the begin- ning the nature of our proposal to We did not propose unity be- tween the Socialist Party and the Workers (Communist) Party. We did not propose that the Socialist Party and the Workers (Communist) Party agree to support a common slate of candidates in the elections, Our pro- posal was that the Socialist Party and the Workers (Communist) Party join in the calling of a conference of dele- gates from the trade unions, from the workers’ political. parties, including the Socialist Party and the Workers (Communist) Party and any other po- litical organizations claiming to fight for the interests of the workers and the farmers and from co-operatives and workers’ fraternal and benefit or- ganizations. We proposed further that such a |united front conference place candi- jdates on the ballot and conduct a campaign on the basis of a fight for certain immediate interests of the | workers and farmers. Our proposals jfor such a platform were: | (1) The repeal of the State Crim- {inal Syndicalist Law. (2) Fight against the injunctions in labor disputes. * (3) Fight against |laws. (4) Against military training in the | schools. (5) Program of relief for the farm- jers. | (6) Against the adoption of the water power resources of the State and their exploitation for profit by the capitalist interests, (7) Struggle for improvement of the working conditions of the badly ex- ploited Mexicans and Negro, workers and the lumber workers of tie State. The organizations participating in the united front conferences, would be pledged to this program or to such ex- tension of the program as the confer- ence agreed upon, leaving each organ- ization, free at the same time individ- ually to carry on agitation and propa- ganda for such measures and prin- ciples in addition thereto as each or- ganization supports. We did not ask the Socialist, Party to bind itself to give up its program nor could we agree that the Work- ers (Communist) Party bind itself not to carry on a campaign for its prin- ciples and programs. Our proposal is for a united front of all workers’. or- ganizations, ready to fight for a cer- tain definite program of immediate measures representing the workers’ interests, We believe that all work- ers’ organizations can unite on the basis of such a program as outlined above and present a united front to the capitalist parties and the capil- talist interesta, Our proposal of a united front be- tween tha Workers (Communist) Party, the Socialist Party and othor labor organizations does not in the least presuppose that there are no serious political differences between these organizations. But irrespective of such differences there are points of contact. We all profess to be fight- ng for theduterests of the workers. No matter how much we disagree anti-picketing The Reply of the Communists The greater part of the members of the Socialist Party split away from it and joined the Communist Patty in about charaeter and natura of the}|1919, because the Socialist Party re- proletarian revolution we do agreé|fused to learn the historical lessons that the Criminal Syndicalist law is|taught by the workers’ revolution in & menace to the workers; that in-|Russia. The Socialist Party still Junctions and anti-picketing laws are | maintains propagates the idea capitalist weapons in the hands ‘ of|that Socialism’ will be achieved thru the State power against organized la- step by step legislation bringing about bor; that military training of the| municipal ownership and nationaliza- working class youth is hothing but a]tion of industry while the capitalist preparation to use: the; sons of the|system continues and while the capi- workers in uniforms” against their ftalist class and its state bureaucracy fathers in overalls when the latter|remains in control of the government. dare to revolt against unbearable con- ditions in mines, mills, factories or on the land. We proposé the united front not to forget differences but to unite the forces of Labor on questions where no differences exist, thus in- creasing the fighting strength of La- bor and the chances for victory, With this clarification of our pro- posal, which your reply makes neces- sary, we Can consider the objections which you raise to the holding of a united front conferenge, Your first objection is based upon the special interests of the Socialist Party. You fear that the Socialist Party will lose its legal standing as a political party by joining in such a united front conference. We do not believe that the interests of the So- cialist Party should be placed abovejgovernmental power and establish a uniting all of labor’s forces in a united front campaign in the ipterests of the workers and farmersiiof the state. However, since this point is of such great importance to you, we point out that this question could easily be solved by the Socialist’ Party leaving on its state tickets one of the minor candidates for state office and thru the vote polled for such a candidate it would preserve its legal standing, while at the same tima it could join in’ the united front conference and support a united labor ticket nom- inated by such a conference for the re- maining state offices and congression- al candidates thruout the state. The candidates of the united labor con- ference could be placed on the ballot as independent candidates but the campaign would bé carried for these candidates as the united labor ticket. Petitions for independent candi- In other words, the Socialist Party be- lieves that it can “reform” capitalism out of existence. t The left wing of the Socialist Party in 1919 contended and the Workers (Communist) Party today maintains that this reformism is an illusion im- posed upon the workers by false lead- ership, he Workers (Communist) Party declares that in order to abolish capitalism, and to establish Socialism, thg workers must first achieve con- trol of the governmental power as was done in Russia, and must then use the governmental power to #up- press the capitalist class and to abol- ish the capitalist system and build a Socialist economic system in its place. As to the method thru which the workers will achieve control of ‘the workers’ and farmers’ government, that is, a dictatorship of the prole- tariat, all history shows that a ruling, privileged class has never given up its power without resorting to force to maintain its privileged position. That was true in Russia, it was true in Hungary, the struggles in Germany have shown it to be true and the re-! cent developments in connection with the General Strike in Great Britain} show that it is true there, Do you believe that, in the light of American history, the Civil War, a class struggle which, resulted in the use of armed force, §na in the light of the repeated use of armed forces against the workers even in strikes, as in West Virginia, that the develop- ment of the class struggle between the workers and capitalists will take another course here? The whole his- tory of the American capitalist class dates would be circulated according to the law from August 29, to Sep- tember 23. As to your objection to the placing of the labor party on the ballot at this time, wendid nat raise this issue, Li Whila necessarily we could not pledge the united conference to such action, as the decision would have to be made not by the “Workers (Com- munist) Party or the Socialist Party, but by all the delegates in the confer- ence, at the same time) we point out that the technical’ objections you ralse could be met thm the proced- ure outlined above, The other objection#raised in your letter are of a more serious nature. We have already pointed out, in the opening of this letter, that our pro- posal does not requix@*oft the Social- ist Party that it sacrifice any pro- gram which it stands for. All we ask of the Socialist Party is that it unite with other organizations ih support of a certain definite program. We must declare just as emphatically, as we concede the right of the / Socialist Party to maintain ite identity and program, we also will insist upon the right of the Workers (Communist) Party to maintain its identity and program while joining in the united shows that it will as quickly resort to force to maintain its privileged posi- tion as the capitalist class of any jther country, The Workers (Communist) Party herefore makes it clear to the work- | ing class that the final form of the; class struggle thru which the work- ers will set up the proletarian dicta- torship will be an open revolutionary struggle against the capitalist @lass and the capitalist government. THE AMERICAN FEDERATI OF LABOR Neither the left wing, the Commu- nist Party or the Workers (Commu- | nist) Party at any time proposed the destruction of the American Federa- | tion of Labor, but on the contrary the program of the Workers (Commu- | nist) Party declares emphatically for | the organization of the workers into the labor unions, for the entry of these unions into the American Fed- eration of Labor. Party is not satisfied that the Ameri- can Federation of Labor maintain its present policy of organizing the work- ers into craft unions, but urges that; the existing craft unions be amalga- mated into powerful industrial unions so as to strengthen the workers in However, the Workers (Communist) i front struggle for the immediate in-|their struggle against the capitalist terests of the workers, employers, It urges further that the Since you have rajsed. the issue of | American Federation of Labor drop | the principles of the Workers (Com-| its policy of supporting candidates of munist) Party we are compelled to|the republican Ai gocrai tick: answef upon these polfits and to state |ets and aid in the fornMtion of @ la- clearly the principles. which the Work-|bor party, and further urges that, the ers (Communist) Party supports as|American Federation of Labor: carry against the distortions: contained. in }on a militant class struggle in thé organization of the unorganized work- ers in place of its present policies which are class collaboration and ne- glect of the unorganized workers. ‘These policies stand for a stronger, more powerful organized labor move- ment and not for the destruction of the American Federation of Labor. We ask whether the Socialist Party is opposed to these proposals? “IMMEDIATE DEMANDS” W have made clear thru discussing the question of the differences in pro- gram of the Socialist Party and the Workers (Communist) Party why we are opposed to certain forms of im- mediate demands. The left wing of the Socialist’ Party opposed these de- mands in 1919 and the Workers (Com- munist) Party opposes them today. The Workers (Communist) Party does not and will not support immedi- ate demands which create the illus- ion in the minds of the workers that Socialism can be established thru step by step legislation. Opposition to im- mediate demands which create the il- lusion that capitalism can be reformed into Socialism is something different from support of the struggle of thes workers for their immediate interesté and for measures which weaken the power of the capitalists and strengt! en the workers. The fight against the Criminal Syn- dicalist law, the fight against injune- tions, anti-picketing laws, the fight for better wages and working condi- tions for the Mexican and Negro workers and the lumber workers of the state are not partial demands which look to the reforming of cap- italism into Socialism. These are measures in the immediate interest of the workers which the workers en- deavor to wrest from the capitalist class and the capitalist government, It is to organize the power of the workers and farmers in support ‘of these demands that we are proposing a united front conference. We de clare further that it is in the process of the struggle for such immediate in- terests thatetk&e. workers will learn the nature of the class struggle and the need of revolutionary « action capitalist government, SOCIALIST BETRAYALS You also raise the issue of the role which the, Socialists have played in the class struggle and the character- ization of this role by the Commu- nists. We ask of you in reply: do you defend the role of Scheideman ‘and Noske in the German Revolutionary struggles? They ate Socialists, mem- bers of the Social-Democratic Party of Germany,-—yet they shot-down the your letter, terests of the workers and for ele mene Dye Workers Continue Energetic Fight workers who were endeavoring to establish a workers’ government and to abolish capitalism. Your Party is now affiliated with the Second Inter- national—tha International of Schei- deman and Noske. The threat of the MacDonald government in Great Brit- ain to use the Lloyd George govern- ment emergency act against the work- ers, the recent vote of the Socialists to give the king of Belgium dictator- ial powers, are actions of a similar character. These are but a few of a large number of examples which go to prove that in a period of revolu- tionary struggle the Socialist leaders have aligned themselves on the side of the capitalist class. We did not raise this question in proposing the united front conference to you but since you have raised it we must openly declare the facts. If it is your contention that the Socialist | Party in California is in earnest in | the struggle against the capitalist |class, then you should endeavor to show this to the workers of California by joining in a united front struggle in the interests of the workers of the state. We do not know why you raise the question of the authority of the dis- trict committee of the Workers (Communist) Party to speak on the question ofthe united front confer- ence. We can only answer tliat in proposing such a united front confer- ence to fight for the workers and farmers’ interests we are following the policy not only of the Workers (Communist) Party in the United States but the policy of the Commu- nist International which advocates a# united front of all workers against the capitalists, It may be that! your raise this ques- tion because your national convention has rejected such a united front. If this is the reason we trust you will have the courage, if you finally are earnest in the desire to fight for the workers’ interests, to join in such a united-front in spite of the action of your national convention, In conclusion we urge that you ap- point a committee to meet: with a against the capitalist class an@ the|committee of the Workers (Commu- nist) Party who will jointly make the call for the United Front conference. We request that the State Executive Committee rely to this communica- tion within ten days, District Executive Committee : “District No. 13, Workers (Communist) Party Five dollars will renew your sub for a year, if you send it in before August 15, ROS ae Strike pickets organizing their forces at headquarters for a drive on the lant of the American Dye Works at Los Angeles, Callf,