The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 30, 1926, Page 6

nS Page Six ~~ & = THE DAILY WOR THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. Phone Monroe 4712; SUBSCRIPTION RATES By maii (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months 1113 W. Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, IIlInols Editors Business Manager WILLIAM DUNNE MORITZ J, LOEB... Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Cni- cago, Iil., under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. ———— (rn Insull, Smith, Brennan and Some Labor Leaders Samuel Insull, the benevolent gentleman who subsidizes opera for his amusement and glory and public utilities for profit is al- most as non-partisan politically as John Fitzpatrick, John H. Walker and Victor Olander. Insull does not hesitate to contribute to the campaign funds of both republican and democratic parties. The labor leaders above mentioned did not give money. We do not say they even received money. What they did is tell the workers who may still have faith in their political honesty that their in- terests would be better served by supporting that political office seeker who promises to do most for them, regardless what party ticket he ran on. It is an old saying that politics makes strange bedfellows and when one sees Fitzpatrick, president of the Chicago Federation of Labor sleeping under the same blanket with Samuel Insull, million- aire owner of public utilities and union-hater to boot, we must ad- mit that the old saying said a mouthful. Lifting up another corner of the sheet, we find Oscar Carlstrom, who did not do the right thing by Len Small, and drew down on himself the wrath of the conservative labor leaders. At the last; meeting of the Chicago Federation of Labor, Fitzpatrick exonerated Small from all blame for his failure to pardon the jailed garment | pickets. It was Carlstrom’s fault, he said. Yet Frank L. Smith, to whose campaign fund Insnll contributed $125,000, admitted on the witness stand that this same Carlstrom helped him in his fight. Strange bedfellows, indeed. | And George E. Brennan! The Fitzpatrick-Nockels politicians | hated George E. Brennan more than anybody else, with the possible exception of Robert E. Crowe. Yet Mr. Brennan is subsidized by the same man who filled Frank L. Smith’s coffers. And lo and be- hold! The once hated Robert E. Crowe and his political machine helped to give Smith the G. O. P. nomination, Here, we have a fine crew: Insull the millionaire, Smith and Brennan, his humble lackeys, Crowe and Carlstrom, his prosecutors and the erstwhile leaders of the working class, Fitzpatrick, Nockels, Olander and Walker—all in the same bunk. J. LOUIS ENGDAHL f. E> 290 Poincare Survives That the destinies of France, for the moment, are held in the hollow of American imperialism’s hand, is indicated by the fact that for the first time in many moons, a French government has survived an appearance before the chamber of deputies and further- more received a large majority on a vote of confidence. The chamber has confidence in Poincare because he is Wall Street’s favorite. In less critical times a “weeping Willy” like Herriot might do, but France is in an awful mess and it takes a hard-boiled fascist like Poincare to serve the purpose of the interna- tional bankers. Tn all probability the franc will soon be stabilized at the ex- pense of the French workers and peasants. “It is also likely that a Dawes plan is in the offing, tho the bankers will move warily lest they arouse the French masses to action. Mellon is in France and Morgan is somewhere in Europe. Be- tween them they should be able to pour enough gold on the troubled political waters of France to smooth things over while they are get- ting ready to slap the barcelets of another nation. Of course, things don’t all happen as planned. Poincare may not live thru what is in store for him when he appears before the chamber with his finance bill. Morgan’s dough did not save his political hide once before. But there is a possibility that he will jockey his way over the hurdles that are bound to be placed in his way by the bank that owns Caillaux, and by other opponents in his own class. The only real opposition presented to the schemes of the international bankers and their French political puppets is that of the Communist Party, which calls for the organization of a work- ers’ and peasants’ government and the solution of the financial crisis at the expense of the capitalists. Freedom and the Philippines ,The Philippine legislature passed a bill providing for a plebis cite on the question of freedom for the Filipinos. Freedom from the American imperialists. Governor General Wood is expected to veto ule measure. Then, after the legislature overrides his veto, off it goes to Calvin Coolidge in Washington. Cal will wrinkle his brow, look wise and say nothing until his owners tell him what to say. The silence will be taken as an indica- tion of wisdom by the type of human that makes an organizer of an Elk lodge thank god for being alive. In one respect silence is golden. While the Filipinos are wait- ing for ¢ to say something, Cal’s owners will be getting their machinery ready to hamstring the Filipinos. Perhaps the machinery may not spit fire or drop bombs, at first. But if all other methods fail the guns will be unlimbered and those beautiful flying birds | that Art Brisbane crows about will sail away over the clouds and EDITOR'S NOTEToday's article on the British general strike by Max Bedacht is one of a series intended to clarify in a popular way the sig- nificance of that big event which shook Great Britain for nine days in May. Other articles will follow in The DAILY WORKER. In the August number of the Workers’ Monthly will be published the theses of the executive commit- tee of the Communist International on the “Lessons of the British Gen- eral Strike,” which will serve as the basis for a discussion in the Workers (Communist) Party—and it is to be hoped also in workers’ clubs, forums, etc, Advance orders for the August number of the Workers’ Monthly should be sent in promptly, as the demand will be large. By MAX BEDACHT. Ppa pritisn general strike is now a matter of past history.. While the working clas future history, yet it is the experience gained out of the battles of the past that eventually enables the working class to win those of the future. It is from this point of view that it be- comes indispensable for the workers of the world to evaluate the British general strike, Lessons of Strike. The general strike in Great Britain drives home to the workers of the world with unmistakable clearness three great lessons: First, continuity of the class strug- gle. Second, the political character of the class struggle. Third, the indispensability of class- conscious revolutionary leadership in the class struggle. For the first point we could just as well say the existence of the class struggle in place of the continuity of it. But since we speak of experiences gained out of the general strike we must base our consideration on pre- vailing conceptions, not yet revised by these experiences, The prevailing idea in the circles of organized labor in the United States is that the class struggle is a myth; that the interests of capital and labor are identical, and that strikes or other forms of struggle between the work- ers and the capitalists are merely un- fortunate isolated incidents caused by temporary misunderstandings between the parties involved. In other words, strikes are not manifestations of an inevitable and continuous struggle be- tween the capitalist class and the working class, but are merely lovers’ quarrels. We know that a great proportion of the official leaders of the American labor movement are neither able nor willing to learn otherwise. But we also know that the reak and file of or is engaged in making | KER tinuity, nay, the very faxieleuce. of [ence of the class struggle the British the class struggle, , An authority on military science declared that war is merely the continuance of a government's policy by means of force. ‘The English strike furnishes | proof that this theory applies also to the class war, For years the govern- ment of Great Britain has been on the warpatch against the mine workers. Its apparently conciliatory attitude |last August, when it decided to avoid the clash by granting a subsidy to the mine operators, was by no means in- fluenced by a desire to maintain peace, but was dictated by its determination to have the war when the government was thoroly prepared. This becomes clear when we follow the activities of the government during the period from August to May. “The government inspired and directed the organization | of the O. M. S., an official strike-break- |ing agency. In the eoal commission lit created the necessary propaganda | apparatus which had to prepare the mind of the public fpr the coming |clash, The government knows full well the value of.propaganda. It | knows that half of aawar is fought by the skillful and most. lying propa- ganda. The emergency power act was a weapon created by the government for its use against the,miners and the working class in general. Every move of the government from August till May, and even before that period, was designed to be ready for battle. As far as the government was concerned, it was not a question of a lovers’ quar- vel, the struggle was carefully pre- pared for, the bullets were cast, the guns made ready, and all forces for the war were mobilized. The struggle did not start for the government on the first of May, but the first of May merely furnished the date on which the government changed its method of fight against the workers from so called peaceful to forceful means, Workers at Disadvantage. The fact that the general council of the Trade Union Congress of Britain proceeded on an opposite theory did not change the character of the con- flict. It merely put the workers of Great Britain into a disadvantagedus position. While the government pro- ceeded for’ War, carefully preparing for it, it was prepared for struggle on the first of May. The’ general council proceeded with the} theory of peace and on the first of May was confronted with a war it was quite unprepared to meet. The success of war lies much in the preparation for it. Thus the government had the, advantage over he working class. With this we do not desire to create the impression that the workers of Great Britain were helpless. Oh, no! Their fighting strength was quite formidable and in spite of the government's prepara- tions, victory was within reach ot the workers. But the very theory of the | absence of a class struggle, of the iso- | lated character of. gonflicts between accepted | general ganized labor and the working class in | the working class and the capitalist general is ready to discard prejudices | class created the “ideological back- for genuine knowledge, taught by ex- | ground on which the colossal betrayal perience, Government Prepares to Fight. The general strike in Great Britain is an unmistakable proof of the con- of the general strike by the general council could be perpetrated. Political Character. } Aside from the continuity or exist- By LELAND OLD‘ Railroad stockholders are well s' by the railroads’ crease over a year ago is maintained billion and a quarter dollars, a gain of 11.6% over the same period last year when the 12-month total was $1,136,000,000. The return so far this year is at the rate of 5%% on the enormous valuation of $21,175,000,000 placed on the railroads for rate mak- | ing, Wall Street Knows, A check of 32 different carriers, tabulated by the Wall Street Journal, shows that 1926 gains are well dis- tributed. Out of this group 20 rail- roads showed large increases in profits compared with a year ago while only five show profits below 1925. The re- }maining seven report profits about equaling the same period in 1925. Three of the five showing decreased | profits were affected by the anthra- cite strike, The 20 roads reporting material | gains in profits, together with their shower ‘christian civilization on the Filipinos who seem to think that any other master would be just as tolerable as the one they got. Even if they must have a master, And they do not think they must. The Philippines is one of the spots that American imperialism will hold until it is compelled to give it up by force. It is rich in mineral wealth. Our finance capitalists gloat over the prospect of making the natives give up their sweat turning out profits so that they and their parasite women can live in luxury, Unless all signs fail things are coming to a head in those islands. That the situation is critical is indicated by the fact that a special representative of American imperialism wags sent there to investigat He is discovering “savages” who wear B. V. D.’s and Boston garters! | He is not out to help the Filipinos. But he will try to fool them with promises, We doubt if he succeeds. Our enslaved brothers appear to be all there between the ears. They will eventually win their freedom, but they cannot éXpect to win it unaided, They must have the support of the American working class and the cooperation of all the other victims of American imperialism in South America as well as Asia, : ’ ‘ tat 5-month net incomes in 1925 and 1926 jare: | Net Incomes 1st 5 months Pennsylvania New York Central . Southern Pacific .. Baltimore & Ohio . Santa Fe Union Pace! Southern... Burlington St. Paul .. Chicago & Northwestern Louisville & Nashville ...... New Haven Missouri Pacific Chesapeake & Ohio ... Norfolk & Western . Northern Paeific Boston & Maine .. Seaboard Air Line ., Wabash Pere Matbaviét RAILROADS SHOW GROWING GAIN IN PROFITS, SAYS WALL STREET JOURNAL; BANKRUPTCY THE BUNK ¢ ' S, Federated Press. ‘tarted toward another most profitable year in'the history of the carriers, according to May income figures issued bureau of railway economics. If the present rate of in- railroad profits for 1926 should top a May profits totaled $88,120,501, an increase of 15.6% over May, 1925. This brings the total profits for the first five months of 1926 to $387,546,624. + Profits Greater Than Last Year. These 20 railroads show a combined gain of about $40,000,000 or 22% over the profits of the first five months of 1925. Roads wiht profits practically unchanged since 1925 include Illinois Central, Atlantic Coat Line, Reading, | Big Four, Frisco, Texas & Pacific and St. Louis-Southwestern. The Erie, Rock Island, Lehigh Valley, Katy and Delaware & Hudson reported consid- erable decreases, bd Many of the roads, reporting bie gains over a year ago made very favorable returns to their stockholders in 1925. For Pennsylvania stockhold- ers the rate was 12.4%, New York Central 12.7%, Southern. Pacific 10.2%, Baltimore & Ohio 121%, Santa Fe 17.2%, Union Pacific 15.4%, Southern 16.2%, Louisville &, Nashville 16%, Norfolk & Western 48.7% and Pere Marquette 11.7%. This year will un- doubtedly see these excessive returns exceeded, p ———————_————1————————_—_———- 1925 11926 $29,726,954 $34,545,471 23,405,154 25,519,243 10,471,680 14,192,042 12,379,808 15,542,430 12,261,833 15,146,206 9,029,914 9,906,533 12,092,154 12,674,577 . 7,167,436 9,725,241 2,951,593 4,490,644 4,659,979 6,708,171 9,013,268 10,728,157 8,459,855 $8,836,347 5,903,133 7,268,993 » 10,131,642 12,278,232 9,626,652 14,248,013 4,069,456 5,760,986 BATA ATA 5,008,749 4,098,552 4,660,040 3,485,308 3,913,722 2,583,529 8,407,906 strike proved more clearly than any other event of late years the political character of the class strug- gle.’ While conflicts between ruling and ruled classes are all essentially political conflicts, this is not always clear, In the early period of capitalist development, before the age of con- centration and monopolies, the iden- tity of government and ruling class is not yet clearly recognizable, The in- dividual capitalist is very much left to fight his own battles. The govern- ment creates favorable conditions for him, thru laws and other measures which handicap the workers in their struggles for the betterment of their economic conditions, But it is pri- marity the capitalist that the strug- gling and striking worker is dealing with in the conflict. But today, in the age of concentration and monopoly, a clear vision of labor has taken place. The capitalist is merely concerned in the organization of the production of profit. Wherever he finds a hitch— because of resistance of the workers— he leaves that entirely to the govern- ment. In his economic function of organizing production (for profit) the capitalist is completely independent of the state. , But in its political fune- tions the state is completely depend: ont on the capitalist class. The gov- ernment mobilizes not only its laws. but its. military, police and other forces in order to fight the battle against the workers for the capitalists. | lt is clear that when the workers are confronted in their struggles no longer with their employers, but with the state and the government, that the veapon of strike, the weapon of re- usal to work is no longer sufficient. With the strike, the workers succeed n temporarily halting the machinery. f production, but they do not succeed n preventing the state from operating ts police and military forces, its laws, ate., against the striking workers. The struggle against the government by means of strike only is a struggle with unequal weapons, with all advantages on the side of the government. There- fore, it becomes necessary for the workers to mobilize their political power against the most effective and most powerful weapon of the capital- ist class, the state power and the gov- ernment. The British general strike failed partly because of this contradiction. Here was the government mobilizing all its resources against the workers, using its political powers to the ut- most limit, while the general council of the Trade Union Congress insisted that the strike was not a political | struggle, but merely an economic one, and that the only weapon to be em- ployed on the side of the workers is that of folding arms. But here again it must be emphasized that the final failure of the strike was not an in- evitable result of the non-recognition of the political character of the strike, but this non-recognition was rather preparatory for the final betrayal of the strike by the general council, Principles of War. Here we come to the third great experience of the British general strike, A war can only be won if car- Lessons of the British General Strike ried on on the principles of war. A battle fought on the principle of not aurting the enemy leads inevitably to defeat. The crushing of the enemy is the necessary prerequisite of victory. If we accept this principle—ap@ its correctness can hardly be disputed— it follows logically that the struggle of the workers can be successfully led only by leaders who recognize the class struggle. Among the leaders of the strike in Great Britain we have two groups, The one led b yThomas and MacDonald, which not only does not believe in the class struggle, but oven acts on the theory that any con? flict arising between the workers and the capitalists should be settled, if not on the terms of the capitalists directly, then at least as nearly on these terms as possible, Agents of Bourgeoisie. Thomas and MacDonald are. con: scious agents of the bourgeoisie, of the capitalist class. They did not be- tray the general strike by open treach- ery. They were consistent in their policy of no struggle and, after the struggle had become inevitable, of ending it as quickly as possible under wny condition. The second group in the general ouncil, led by Purcell and Hicks, the so-called left wing, were objectively he real traitors in this drama. While hey, too, do not recognize the con- inuity of the class struggle, nor its po- iitical character, they at least recog- nize the necessity of fighting for the jimmediate interests of the workers. This left wing committed its first crime by submitting to the leadership of Thomas in the general council. By this submission they abandoned their own theory of struggle and at the very start accepted the theory of Thomas, »£ compromise at all costs. The sec- md and biggest betrayal of that sroup, that of compromising the gen- oral strike on May, 12, was merely ‘he inevitable result of the first step. Left-Wing Leadership. The workers of Great Britainewould never have entrusted Thomas with the leadership of the strike. They had faith in the general council be- cause of the left leadership of the Pur- cells and Hicks. The minute the Pur- cells and Hicks abrogated their leadership to Thomas they. betrayed the trust of the workers. From these experiences it follows clearly that even left-wing leadership is no guar- antee against betrayal and compro- mise. The forces of the working class can be organized and brought into play only by a leadership which not only wants to win the battle of the hour, but which sets out with the aim of completely defeating and crushing the enemy in the war. Since the war is one between, the two classes, which |can only end with the utter defeat of one class, the aim of the leadership of the working class must.be a revolu- tionary aim or the leadership will be ineffective. If the workers will learn these great lessons of the genera] strike in Great Britain then this struggle ‘will not have been fought in vain. And even out of the great betrayal there can grow new strength and new hope for future vic- tories. The Frank Little Memorial Number of the Labor Defender The August number of the Labor Defender is a Frank Little memorial number, Little is one of the heroes of the class struggle in America and a prominent member of the I. W. W. during the heyday of its militancy. The Labor Defender, official organ of the International Labor Defense is not only acting as the mouthpiece of the present victims of capitalist per- secution but it is also building up a revolutionary tradition in the Ameri- can labor movement. Despite the pres- ent bootlicking on the part of the American trade union officialdom, the story of the struggle of the American workers for the right to organize teems with deeds of heroism and the I. L, D. has made it its business to record this story and incorporate it into written history, The. Frank Lit- tle murder is one of the outstanding events in the history of the American labor movement. Dunne Tells Story, No one is in a better position to tell the story of Frank Little’s murder and the circumstances surrounding it that William F. Dunne, for several years the leader of the revolt in Mon- tana against the mighty power of the Anaconda Copper Mining Company. Dunne escaped Little’s fate by acci- dent in addition to the magic, charm of a big chunk of steel which usually bulged from his hip pocket, Following Disaster, Frank Little came to Butte 4s an I, W. W. organizer following a disas- ter in one of the Anaconda mines. One hundred and sixty-four miners lost their lives, This holocaust, the result of the company’s criminal neg- ligence set fire to the discontent that had been mouldering in the miners’ breasts for a long time. Racial dis- agreements among the slaves of the Anaconda were forgotten—even the Finns and the Irish buried their |hatchets and began to give and take each other in marriage. | Murder Was Planned, That the murder of Frank Little was planned is not even doubtful, | This is what Dunne says: “The day that Little was hung—his, body was found at five o'clock in the morning— Papers appearing in a4 4 is of & the state, printed laudatory editorial comment on the murder which could have been written only before the murder was committed.” The strike against the copper com- pany was so complete that the Ana- conda decided to make an example of some outstanding strike leader. That either Dunne or Campbell, two other strike leaders, would be equal- ly acceptable to the Anaconda com- pany in a morgue was proved by the vigilante note found on Little’s body. It read: “Others take notice! First and last warning. 3-27-77, L-D-C- S-S-W.” The three first letters stand for Lit- tle, Dunne and Campbell, ¥ Other Interesting Articles. Other articles on Frank Little are by James P. Cannon, Ralph Chaplin, and a gem from the facile pen of Arturo Giovannitti, who himself stood in the shadow of death when he was framed by the Lawrence mill barons with Joseph Ettor during the great mill strike of 1911. “When the Cock Crows: To the Memory of Frank Lit- tle, Hanged at Midnight” is the title of Giovanitti’s contribution, The Defender also carries an article hy Sacco and Vanzetti which breathes the spirit of souls that cannot be con- quered, Those two Italian workers have suffered in jail for five years on a frame-up murder charge, The August issue contains the usual features, such as “Voices From Prison” and organization notes, Russian Branch I. L. D. Meets Friday, July 30 at Workers’ House The meeting ofthe Russian Interna- tional Labor Defense branch will be held Friday, July 30, at 8 p, m, at the Workers’ House, 1902 W. Division St. ‘The branch 1s arranging a picnic for Sunday, August 8. Final preparations for the picnic will be made at this All are requested to come meeting, in time, SEND IN A SUB Fooay, TO THE DAILY WORKER iv WITH THE STAFF Being Things From Here and There Which Have Inspired Us to Folly or Frenzy Little Lessons on Success By George M. Reynolds. (Chairman of the Board of Direc- tors of the Continental and Commercial Bank) T was a 14-year-old boy in the store at Panora, Iowa. The farm- ers’ wives would drive in with but- ter and eggs. First they would want necessities like sugar and flour; ‘then if they had sufficient credit left, they would go in for luxuries; they would want calico for a dress. “Would it fade?” they would ask. ny “Pl test it,” I would say, and would snip off a piece, put it be- tween my. teeth and masticate it thoroly. If- the colors didn’t run \they would take it. At the end of nine months I quit. I said J couldn’t wear out my teeth chew- ing calico. My next job was with a local bank. I.got $12.50 a month. From that I became a millionaire. My advice to all young men is to stop chewing the rag and be bankers. Politics has never ap- pealed to me as it does to Sam In- sull. I can be of more service as a banker. Ce ie: A Good Pome from a Bum Pote The DAILY WORKER staff offers a Gideon Bible (as soon as we stop at a ho! for the best limeri on event. Put me down for one, whatever my rhyme lacks as a limerick’ being off- set by its insight to the occasion: When J. H. Thomas did the Joyce Hawley act, He might*have looked foolish, but he wasn’t quite cracked. There was method in his madness, and I’m willing to guess, ’Twas his well-known liking for correct court dress. ;And his eqnal fondness for the social swim, So going nude was Cepeagir new to Jim. —J. 8. Wallace, in The Worker, Toronto, see THE BRITISH PUNSTER,. An Englishman in a recent speech sald that he was interested In demon- strating to Mr. Mellon, that what the Europeans are suffering from is melancholia. Who, Indeed? Oh, mine Aimee, mine no more, Oh, the dreary, dreary desert, Oh, the sandy, sandy shore, (Apologies to Tennyson.) Who started out to save souls, Of Hindus, Chinamen and Poles? Who hypnotized them aa they sat And never failed to pass the hat? You KNOW Who had the devil on a limb? Who went to Ocean Park to swim? Who woke up in a Cactus bed? All who. believe stand on your head. SAME PARTY Who peddles the tale of the phantom shack? Of the Wevil’s disciples who left no track? That the Mexican desert blooms like a rose? You walk twenty miles and no dust on your clothes? DITTO Who flays one and all who disbelieve The mythical story of Rosie and Steve? Who rails at the fate that caused her to roam To that haven of rest, a saloon keep- er’s home? YOU'RE RIGHT Envoi Both Daniel and Jonah did their stunts the wrong tim: Their honest endeavors iiekne not a thin dime, Had they staged their sain from a mythical shack . A few hallelujahs would have brought them some jack, sPContriputed by J. C. WwW, Now You Tell One “The twenty-five detee- tives who are accused of beating up the 1. R. 1. strikers had. to resort to their clubs to ort , themaclven, —N. Y. Po- ‘lice Offeiat,