The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 22, 1926, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blvd, Chicago, Il, SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mali (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make ont checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blivd., Chicago, Ulinols J WILLIAM F. MORITZ J. ..Editors Business Manager Hntcred as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, lil, under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. <a What About It, Mr. Green? The attack by the executive council of the American Federation of Labor upon the strikeof the underpaid textile workers in Passgic has had repercussions in many quarters. The statement of the execu- tive council has been considered, and rightly so, an invitation to the textile barons to do their worst and an assurance that no matter what new atrocities they and their private detective agencies may invent for and inflict upon the struggling men, women and children of Pas- saic, the executive council of the A. F. of L. will look on, remain silent or openly approve. We have stated in these columns from time to time that certain sections of the middle class are more open in their hostility to big capital, as represented by the textile industry, for instance, than are the agents of imperialism in official positions in the ranks of or- ganized labor. The Milwaukee Journal editorially confirms this opinion of ours in its issue for July 14 when, under the title of “What About It, Mr. Green?” it deals with the Passaic strike, the textile barons, the tariff on textiles and sundry other questions. The Journal says: William Green, president of the American Federation of La- bor, condemns the leadership of the tertile strikers at Passaic. For months, under the direction of the “United Front Commit- tee,’ these workers have been protesting against wages that were a disgrace even before the tertile manufacturers imposed a 10 per cent cut. The manufacturers have raised. the cry that they would not deal with the strike organization because the move- ment is Communistic. And now the executive council of the American federation gives them aid by declaring that because the leaders of the United Front Committee are identified with the Communistic movement in the United States, “it is reason- able to conclude that they are interested in advancing the cause of Communism.” rt may be—and the federation officials ought to know—that these leaders are blown-in-the-bottle Communists. But the rank and file of the strikers are interested only in getting decent wages. Tf in their desperation they have turned to leadership that is tainted with Communism, is that so surprising? About a year ago Mr. Green himself denounced the textile manufacturers of New England. He said that altho government had given them special protection agaiyat foreign competition, on the theory that they needed it to pay decent wages, no other industry in the country had made such a record for slashing wages. _ And “Mr. Green threatened that the American Federation would at- tack the tertile tariff in the next congress. The next congress has come and gone. Where was Mr. Green? Delegations of strikers, ministers and leading citizens from textile ‘towns pleaded with congress to investigate the deplorable conditions in the mills. Where was Mr. Green then, and his threat to attack this tariff under which mill labor and consumers, alike, are exploited? An economist retained by the strikers has accumulated figures on wages, the labor cost in goods, and the profits. They show, he says, that the special privileges granted these manufacturers by government are “en- tirely obsorbed by the mill owners in indefensible prices and profits.” With wages such that fathers and mothers have to alternate on day and night jobs to live; with conditions so bad that babies have been born at the looms; with Mr. Green forgetting in December what in August he said his organization would do, is it any wonder that these workmen should turn to any avail- able leadership? That it is unsound and dangerous leadership is only the more reason for labor leaders who understand this to give the right kind of help. And if they do not, who more is to be blamed if these teatile workers go astray than men to whom labor looks for leadership, men who denounce conditions, as Mr. Green did, but fail to do anything about it? Are we to believe that the leaders of American labor have fallen victims to the fleshpots, too? As to the statement of The Journal relative to the “unsound and dangerous leadership” of the strike. The strikers do not think the leadership is “unsound and dangerous” or they would not have followed it for six months in a strike which for organization, solid- arity and militancy has never been excelled in American labor history. The rank and file of organized labor does not believe that the strike leadership is “unsound and dangerous” or they would not have contributed to the strike with a wholehearted generosity which also makes a bright spot in the not too brilliant history of organ- ized labor of the United States. That the strike leadership is “dangerous” we are willing to ad- mit. It is dangerous to the textile barons and to their agents in the labor movement. That is why it has been condemned by the high priests of the American labor movement, the mill owners and the Passaic chamber of commerce. But it is exactly this kind of a “dangerous” leader- ship that the American working class needs—it is this kind of a leadership that will organize the millions of unorgan ized workers in the basic industries while the Greons and Wolls sit “dangerous” close to Wall Street’s Washington lobbyists, denounce the strug- gles of underpaid workers and perfect plans for “worker-employer co-operation” while the bosses yell approvingly. Get a member for the Workers Party and a new subscription for Tur Dairy Work | Phone Monroe 4732 By GREGORY ZINOVIEV. HE more clearly we see the picture of the English strike and the part | played in it by the general council, the | more clearly we realize that this was |the general counctl's “4th of August.” | What was the significance of Au- st 4th, 1914 to the majority of the leaders of the Second International? At the critical, decisive moment, | when so much depended on the gen- eral staff of the labor movement, the eneral staff of the Second Interna- tional, almost in its totality, went over ;to the camp of the enemy, to the camp of the bourgeoisie. The alli- ance of the leaders of the working class with the bourgeoisie against the main mass of the working class,—that |was what the 4th of August meant. The great crisis which had arisen dis- sipated all illusions, phrases, idle talk, show, everything superficial and re- | vealed facts.as they are; the leaders of the Second International proved to be agents of. the bourgeoisie within the labor movement. Secret things were brought to light. When the im- perialist war broke out, the leaders of the social democratic parties and the reformist trade unions revealed them- selves as public purveyors of work- ers as cannon fodder to both groups of imperialists. It is just at such mo- ments that the leaders of masses of workers ought to have done their duty by them. But they “did their duty” by the imperialists and the kings, their real masters, Have the reformist leaders changed since then? How would they behave if a fresh imperialist war were to break out? Would they now do their duty towards the workers? Of course not! We have had some experiences, and they were not without importance: the attitude of the social democratic | | 1 jlution, the part played by such shin- ing lights of social democracy as Scheidemann, Ebert and‘Noske in the alllecisive days of the revolution in Germany (end of 1918, beginning of 1919), the treacherous behaviour of the social democratic leaders during the occupation of the Ruhr, the atti- tude of the social democratic leaders to the events in China, to the wars in Syria and Morocco, etc, The newest and most, important ex- ample is the behaviour of the Eng- lish general council in the days of the great general strike in May, 1926. This was not a foreign war. It was against class. The working class had every prospect of victory, the objec- tive ‘situation was entirely in their favor. The army ,of the workers lung themselves into the fight. But the staff! It waited a few days, chose the most Opportune moment (for the bourgeoisie) and . . , despic- ably betrayed the cause, If a new imperialist war were to break out tomorrow (or let us say a war on the part of England against the Soviet Union), the present gen- eral council under Thomas would un- doubtedly fly to the bourgeoisie and serve the capitalists of their “own country with loyalty and devotion, If they played their “own” working Labor Day Fought Injunctions—Foell By ARNE SWABECK PAPO. Day parades were once ac- } cepted by the American trade union movement as an established tradition, It was a good tradition, It is therefore strange to record the fact that John Fitzpatrick, president of the Chicago Federation of Labor, a few weeks ago tried to do his part to fipally discard this tradition, Ny the meeting on June 28th the Chicago Federation of Labor had before it action upon a letter from President Green of the American Fed- eration of Labor urging that the various central councils organize La- bor Day parades. Considerable discus- sion developed. Progressive delegates including those definitely known as. left wingers, spoke in favor of organ- izing the parade, ee left wing delegates proposed that a great labor day parade be organized as a prelude to fight the in- junction menace, to protest the im- prisonment of over forty members of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, women, mothers, who |were thrown beliind the bars as a \result of an injunction and to strength- ;en labors’ ranks by organizing the thousands of unorganized, They em- Phasized the splendid effect of the |Sreat mass demonstration of: some | 140,000 workers organized by the ini- ‘ tlative of the Chicago Building Trades Publicity Committee in 1922 in the fight against the Landis award. This magnificent demonstration resulted in \siving the “open shop" campaign of the so-called citizens’ committee, of employers and bankers, a severe set- back, T the conclusion of the debate President Fitzpatrick made one of his so-called statements ridiculing the proposals for a labor day parade, He attempted to shift the issue by mak- ing a most) bitter denunctation of the efforts of the left wing to urge | the labor movenrent forward to fight (the attack#-ofeapitalism, filled with The Gene leaders to the Russian October revo-* “only” a war within the country, class! Labor Day Parade Urged by A. F. of L. made, Especially for America is this (soviets). Yellow'socialism (S. P.) States and Great Britain. sets of opportunists. ish way” as oppoSed to the “Russian (soviet) way.” socialism (S. L. iB) has presented in recent time more and:more of an anarchist-pacifist' conception of the revolution as a peaoéful transforma- tion in which the dictatorship of the proletariat (or any form of work- ers’ state) is “unnecessary” and harmful in such countries as the United important. The opportunist Ameri- can socialist party and the opportunist-sectarian socialist labor party— all “revolutionists” seeking excuses for being counter-revolutionary— have confused a certain number of honest workers by representing that the course of revolution in “democratic” countries such as England and the United States does not run in the channel of ditect revolution- ary political struggle against the capitalist state and the establishment i of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of workers’. councils has presented the case of the “Brit- Yellow-sectarian The British General Strike serves as the sharpest and clearest pos- sible refutation in visual, concrete form, of the claims.of both and all A true presentation of the lessons of the British General Strike becomes the foremost task, in the field of propaganda, of the Communist, Party. It is of course te the world organization of the Communist workers that we must look for the true exposition of these lessons, The execu- tive committee of the Communist International has drawn. up “Theses on the Lessons of the British General Strike’ which meet the require- ments, The theses of the Communist International on “The Lessons of the British General Strike” will be published in full in the August number of The Workers Monthly, the theoretical organ of the American section of the Communist International, the Workers (Communist) Party. These theses must be thoroly studied by all workers interested in the emanci- pation of their class. The theses will be made the basis of a discussion of the British General Strike in all Party, and they should likewise be etc, : America, units of the Workers (Communist) used in all workers’ forums, clubs, Beginning today, The DAILY WORKER will print a series of ar- ticles of a popular nature on the same subject by leaders of the world revolutionary movement and of the Workers (Communist) Party of The first of these articles, published below, is by Gregory Zinoviey, president of the Communist International. Advance orders for the Au- gust number of, The Workers Monthly, with the C. I, theses, should be sent in immediately. May, 1926, they would be all the more likely to play the workers*of the So- viet Union and f° other countries false, all the more likely to betray the iEnglish workers in the complicated situation of the beginning of a new imperialist war. ’~ The treachery of the general coun- cil in May, 1926 cat (and should) only be compared with“the treachery of August 4th, 1924. If was all the more infamous firstly because it was not the first but the second time that it Was guilty of betrayal, and secondly because it was done in “peaceful” cir- cumstances, when the ‘guns were not yet firing, when there was nothing of the chauvinist frenzy which always accompanies the béginning of a war with a “foreign” power. Let us examine more closely into the part played by the general coun- cil in the days of May, 1926. ee bets first aim of the conservative government was to challenge the $$$ ere tererament was. go Shallenge, the}. Parades and class false in a fight such as that in, miners alone, to isolate them and to vanquish them completely. The sec- ond task which the, conservative gov- ernment set itself was, as far as pos- sible, to hit the trade union movement and the growing revolutionary spirit with which it was pervaded, with the object of bringing confusion into the movement which was becoming more radical, of disintegrating it, provoking some, encouraging others with words; in short, to demoralize the rising 1la- bor movement. A Both these aims were more or less common to the government and to the bourgeois leaders of the labor movement. Thomas, Clynes, MacDon- ald, Henderson & Co., There can now no longer be any doubt that this group of leaders was, from beginning to end, in the hands of the government, was a partner in its game, some simply as venal agents of the bourgeoisie, the others because of a certain political trend which pursued its own aims. “The general council,” writes Brails- [ita cone eres Sheen nies ere en nrencteeaee TS ral Council’s “4th of August” . pore NOTH: With the exception of the great class struggles in Germany in 1918 and 1919, the British General Strike is the most important event in the history of the working class since the Russian 2 Revolution. Tremendous lessons are to be drawn from the British event a tremendous enrichment of the understanding of the course of revo- lution—if a close Marxian-Leninist analysis of this general strike is The propaganda work of all Communist sections should to a certain extent center in an explanation to the workers of all countries of exactly what happened in England in the great days from May 1 to May 12, 1926, and the days immediately before and after. ford, the English reformist “did not went the general strike. The absence of any preparation. proves this. It hoped and- even believed to the last minute that the government would ul- timately come to terms... The gen- eral council glided automatically into the strike. “Up to the very last moment, none of the leaders actually believed in the possibility of a strike. Thomas and his comrades believed that it would somehow or other be possible to come to an understanding with the government,” writes the Manchester Guardian, The movement of the masses grew beyong the strength of the leaders, The fighting spirit of the masses of English workers .was underestimated both by the government and by the trade union leaders mentioned. They were playing. with fire. Forces came into play which could no longer be re- strained by them. The general strike began and dem- onstrated the enormous, incalculable forces of the English working class. Thomas, MacDonald, Clynes, Hender- son & Co, placed themselves at its head, apparently to the satisfaction of Baldwin. To place dneself at the head in order to behead, is a “meth- od” which has alreafly been tested out more than once, From the first moment it was evi- dent that the chief danger to the strike lay in the leaders of the general souncil—Right as wellsas Left. The first word of the Comintern was: “The leaders of the general council are the chief danger.” The organization shown by the masses was marvelous. In the course of the first week the strike developed continuously onan ascending line. The masses started committegs of ac- tion which actually developed into something resembling district soviets of deputies of workers. Under the influence of the masses, the trade unions began to assume responsibili- bourgeois press, the formation -of a sub-commission for electricity whose task it was to distribute electric pow- er thruout the country, the appoint- ment of commissariats, etc. These were highly important begin- nings of something new. These were already elements of a certain dual power, promising phenomena of revo- lutionary constructive work of the masses. The workers began to fra- te~nize with the troops. The workers began to.drag the genteel bourgeois out of the, motor cars. The workers begdn to, put out of gear the strike- breaking motor buses which made their ,appearance in the London streets...The attitude of the working class..was such that there seemed every reason to hope that events would develop entirely in favor of the proletariat, The proletarian army however had nog staff, or rather it had a staff which harbored treachery in its very heart, Altho the victory of an army need not be exclusively due to its staff, it is at any rate difficult for it to be victor- ious in-opposition to its staff and in the case in question it could only have carried off victory by opposing its own staff. (To be continued tomorrow.) a Injunctions —President Fitzpatrick Shifts the Issue—How He and Friend—‘Friends of Labor"—The Left Wing Program. issue for discussion was the unifica- Hon of the ranks of the workers in a great labor day parade. . RESIDENT FITZPATRICK _ pre- tended that he and others at the judipial elections in 1923 had proposed a method to defeat Judge Dennis B. Sullivan and said that those who now demand a demonstration against the injunction judges (literal statement— Swabeck and his associates) at that time on the floor of. this federation spoke in opposition to that method and therefore got the judge elected. He continued endeavoring to review the history of the labor party move- ment and the support given by the Chicago Federation of Labor to elect governors, senators and congressmen, etc, but accused: the left wing of having destroyed,.everything which had thus been built up. would perhaps be well to refresh the memory of President Fitzpa- trick and those who may agree with his statement preci¥@ly as to what hap- pened in connection with the points set forth by him, At the judicial elec- tions in 1928 thecommittee on in- junctions of the Chi¢ago Federation of Labor under the pretense of defeating Judge Sullivan recommended a full slate of candidates picked from among the republican and democratic entries. Hi anes left wing delegates then stated unequivocally that this is no way to defeat injunctions and injunction judges, that the candidates appearing on the democratic and republican tick- ets are pledged to the program of these parties and are the candidates of the employers and the bankers al- ways ready to do the bidding of their masters, The left wing delegates proposed support of labor candidates and mass violation of injungtions. HE correctness“of this contention by the left wimm was subsequently proven when Judge Dennis EK. Sul- livan, tired of \dgpuing injunctions against the trade™unions, left for a vacation and Judgdaioel, one of those | lithy attacks at a moment when thg] who had been raqymmended by the | doa tor the ior movemapt te travel Chicago Federation of Labor, took up the task of enforcing injunctions and persecuting the members of the Inter- national Ladies’ Garment Workers. Just recently it was further reported in the Chicago Federation that Judge Hugo M. Friend also one of the so- called “good judges” recommended by the Chicago Federation, issue a sweep- ing injunction prohibiting picketing by the Cooks and Waiters’ Union on strike against about 150 restaurants. fa need of labor rallying its forces in mass demonstration against in- junctions and not to rely upon any capitalist judges, no matter what friendliness they may profess is suf- ficiently proven. te As far as the labor party movement is concerned whatever support has been given in the past by the Chicago Federation of Labor, its officials or by any trade unions is ‘distinctly to their credit. Deeds:always speak for themselves. } However, while the left wing is not immune from mistakes it definitely showed its willingness to further strengthen and build the movement for a labor party, While the officials of the Chicago Federation of Labor refused to go along and have since repeatedly registered themselves in opposition to this movement, Bag issues facing the Chicago trade trade union movement today are clear. No denunciations, no attacks of the left wing will shift these issues and will certainly not contribute to the solution of the problems, The left wing delegates in the Chicago Federation of Labor have taken their stand proposing that the organized trade union movement demonstrate and rally its forces to defeat the In- junction menace, to keep labor's mili- tant fighters out of jail, to organize the unorganized and the polit- ical fleld independe: the old cap- italist parties, ‘There n plenty of experiences to show to the trade unions that this is the@rrect direc. Vosmaniens Labor Union Meet Shows Class Solidarity NEW YORK, July 20. — A new trial for Sacco and Vanzetti was de- manded in a telegram sent to the gov- ernor of Massachysetts by the Vene- zuelan Labor Union at their annual meeting. The union ts composed of several hundred Venezuelan workers living in New York City, Fights Dictator. M. Flores Cabrera, after his elec- tion as president, called on all the members -to assist the workers in Venezuela in their struggle against the dictator Juan Vicente Gomez, who is suppored by United States capital- ists. Gomez has prevented organization by the workers of Venezuela for 18 years, imprisoning and exiling their leaders. Cabrera himself was im prisoned for years by dictator Gomez. Greets British Miners, As first president of the Pan-Amer- ican Federation of Labor, with which the Venezuelan Labor Union is affi- liated, a rising tribute was paid to Samuel Gompers. A protest ayainst the jailing of Juan de Garcia, Juan Tbero Santiago and R. A. Martinez in Porto Rico was approved, The union sent a cable to Herbert Smith and A. J. Cook of the Dritish Miners’ Federation, Wishing the min- ers @ complete victory in their strug- gle. Besides Cabrerar, the officers elected are; Ricardo A, Martinez, vice-president; B. Suarez, secretary. Plead Not Guilty, BOSTON, July 20, — Arraigned in superior court here today on criminal charges growing out of the death of Edith Louise Greeng, 18, victim of the Mattapan Box tragedy, Dr. Tho- mas KE, Walsh, and his wife, M Marion A, Walsh, 28 ,entered pleas of not guilty. Dr, Walsh was ae by a special grand jury for alle ‘al surgery on the girl, whose dis id body was found in two boxes and a gunny sack, and whose wife was charged with being accessory” before the ties, such as the control of the “free” | WITH THE STAFF Being Things From Here and | There Which Have Inspired \ Us to Folly or Frenzy HIS SECOND COMING FORT WORTH, Texas, July 20. — Preaching but a few steps away from the office in which he shot and killed D, &. Chipps, wealthy tumberman, the Rev, J. Frank Norris today filled his pulpit as usual at the First Baptist church. He chose for his text: : “There is therefore no condemnation to them which are in Christ Jesus,” from the first verse, eighth chapter of Ro- mans. The last we heard of Christ Je sus he was associating with some kidnappers in the Mexican des- ert, according to a certain Jady friend of his in Los Angeles. Now he’s progressed as far east as Tex- as where he’s mixed up in a mur- der. If he gets as far east as Kan- sas City, we’re going to lock up, our female preachers and buy our- selves that bullet proof yest. see GENERAL BOURGEOIS, - Self-determination may be all right, but when the territory is already staked out by an imperial- ist power, such as France in Al- sace-Lorraine, it’s quite another matter. The districts in question want to have autonomy, so say some who signed a manifesto to that effect, and an additional ef- feet was the discharge from: serv- ice of all government employes who signed it. And the charge that the movement was instigated by “German gold” was made by none other than our old friend— General Bourgeois. x =e 8 John D. will give quar- ters away on his neat birthday instead of dimes. DOUBTFUL DEPUTIES “Tam only following the dictates of my conscience,” said Premier Briand a few minutes before he became ex- premier, Did they doubt that he had a conscience or that he was following it? Or perhaps it was suspected of being in bad order? All for Bill “Mildred’s terribly in love, isn’t she? “Tl say she is, Why, she’s stopped smoking, and she stop- ped drinking; all for Bill’s sake.” —Detroit Free Press, sa 8 PANGS OF POVERTY. “The harsh truth,” says H. @. Wells, “is that there is now an overproduction of willing bean- ties and heroines; the market is more than glutted. Every pros- perous man, every successful ad- venturer, finds there are charm: ing, cultivated, unscrupulous young women alert for him at every turn.” | This proves our former conten- tion that H. G, Wells is a bour- geois economist, and a vulgar economist at that (look up your Mare, boys) ; for the slightest ob- servation has convinced us, who are exploited by our bosses and our wives, that the problem is not one of over-production, but wnder- consumption ... We were going to say some more about monopolization of nat- ural resources and labor being en- titled to what it produces, but our program of immediate demands calls only for nationalization of the mines. Anyhow, our fe (speaking editorially in the plu- ral) won't let us. eee Our Candidate For French Premier DANVILLE, ML, July 20.—William B, Dodds, private citizen, today Pro- tested the stand of William B, Dodds, receiver for the Dodds Coal company ond won his point in federal court, Both Dodds are the same Dodds. Dodds is singular and so is the attn- ation, As reveiver, he couldn't refuse a $4,000 bid tor the coal co) 5 which, however, as a citizen, he told the court he knew to*be worth at least $14,000. The court authorized tel Rieke we to tell Dodds, the receiver, that it was too do low and reject the bid, even ah whe the highest recel! « oe ~ i — Subamrabecce ae l|