The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 21, 1926, Page 4

Page Four Workers (Communist) Party SECURITY LEAGUE SPEAKER FINDS NEW YORK WORKERS TOO WISE TO FALL FOR HIS DEMOCRACY BUNK By J. O. BENTALL (Special to The Dally Worker) NEW YORK, July 19.—‘“The best that I can say for the revolution of 1776 is that it laid a basis for the social revolution in America,” was the first sentence spoken by Jay Lovestone in his debate with George Hiram Mann in the Central Opera House. The vast mass that had packed the auditorium cheered and shouted in a burst of enthusiasm that shook the huge building. 1. R. T. Striker Speaks, This high pitch to which the audience was brot was to be over-reached only when at the close of the debate the chairman read a credential of the I. R. T. strike committee, carried by Jz the subway strikers appeared to ad dress the assembly. The m and with one voice greeted th low worker. The debate was held under the joint auspices of the Workers § of New York and the National Secur- ity League. Mr. Mann spoke for the National Security League and Jay Lovestone for the Workers (Com ist) Party. Scott Nearing was an. Mann began by relating that his father had worked for supporting a wife and s¢ and that the s years had to bills that accumul next sentence ga’ god a rather se- vere jolt as he continued, “Of co it isn’t perfect and there are many imperfections to be found.” Stupid Contradictions. The speaker rambled along falling into such stupid contradictions that the audience was kept in an unroar much of the time. “We have representa- tive government,” he said, “and we return our representatives to congress every two years no matter how bad they are,” and another roar went thru the auditorium, which set the flustered gentleman on another track saying: “I am glad you don’t all agree with me. What a stupid world we would have if you did.” Deplores I. R. T. Strike. He enlightened his audience with stating that he deplored that the I R. T. strikers should be so misled as to have lawyers from the American Civil Liberties Union defend them when a “hundred Wall Street lawyers ‘would be ready to serve for nothin Then he stumbled along and said that “the constitution was full of mis- takes, because it was drafted by fal- ble men.” But still it was so good that “a shoemaker who earned only $4 a day could be compelled to hire a bookkeeper to keep track of his in- come so that he might not cheat the income tax collector.” The speaker informed his hearers that he had worked himself up from @ newspaper boy to a Wall Street lawyer and that this country has an opportunity for all to do likewise. Lovestone was simply up against it. For nothing so staggers a debater as @ stupid opponent, and here was a sample of the worst kind. It was a shame to slaughter this specimen o: combined sincerity 4nd _ stupidity, ‘There was nothing else to do and Lovestone proceeded with the slaugh- ter. He showed how Lincoln had been compelled to raise an army to do way with one of the gross injustic Protected by the constitution. H showed how the constitution was put over by @ select few in secret, and pointed out that if it had been sub- mitted to the people they would have turned it down. “Hamilton was the Mellon of 1771,” declared Lovestone. Rule by Injunction, Levestone went on to show how rigid the constitution is, how hard it is to amend it, how the government uses the injunction against the work- ers, the cabinet system, the power of the president who “while uncrowned still rules with the dollar mark on his forehead.” He showed up the gov- ernment as strikebreaker and oppres- sor of the workers, while it protects the wealthy and the big thieves such as Mellon and Pepper and Doheny and Sinclair. “State and fed¥ral government now cost us Over $10,000,000,000 a year @nd the workers and farmers get nothing out of it,” he concluded, In rebuttal Mr. Mann declared that all this did not bother him, “for in a THE MENACE OF OPPORTUNISM. By Max Bedacht. ‘The revolutionary movement has its dangers from within, This booklet is a timely warning against them, and a gulde to correct principlésau.1S Cents READ ALS “Principles of Communism,” the orlg- inal draft of the Communist Mani- festo ... seomtacesomamnnss so 10 Cents eee r reco rcone YOU CAN EAT WELL IN LOS ANGELES at GINSBERG'S VEGETARIAN RESTAURANT 2324-26 BROOKLYN AVENUE, LOS ANGELES, CAL. y ames Walsh ard the representative of : Pesunte of hours I will be at a big able and will eat a $3 steak and for- all this stuff.” And again the ers smiled and some roared. His solution for all ills was in magic and ere is no magic like the magic of hard work.” Lovestone’s reply was keen and showed that justice was not as rosy 3 opponent had painted it. He ed out that in Washington there still over 30 Communists out un- indictment for assembling to dis- s the question of better conditions for the working class. “The workersedo not go to the courts for justice,” continued Love- stone. “They come to the workers, as the I. R. T. strikers come to us,” he concluded amid great cheering. In the last rebuttal Mr. Mann de- lared openly that he was in favor of a ten cen fare for the transit com- panies of New York. “That will give the men on the trains wages so they do not need to strike,” he said, and the big crowd booed him till the chair- man had to rap for order, At the close of the debate James Walsh was introduced. He told of the determination of the boys to stiek to- gether. “I did not know anything about this movement three weeks ago. It seems I have just been born,” he de- clared Spirit of Labor Movement. “I am just learning the spirit of the labor movement,” he went on, “and it 3 great to be met with the welcome you have given me here tonight.” The men who worked in the power station have gone out and the com- jes find it impossible to run the m with the scabs. “The com- pany union violated their constitution get *|to keep us from calling a meeting to discuss our grievances, so we had to Zo on strike,” he said. Then the money began to come in. The first ten dollar bill was given by the Passaic strikers who have now been out 25 weeks.. The next ten dol- lar bill was from the Young Workers (Communist) League. Hundreds of dollar bills came in and the hats used to collect the coins were heavy be- fore they could be brot to the table. By BERT MILLER, Organizer District No. 1. URING the past few months Dis- trict No. 1 has held a number of functionaries’ conferences. These con- ferences were very much worth while, in so far as they furnished an oppor- tunity to reach’ the leading comrades f the various units on the broad gen- ‘al questions of party work. How- ever, they had one serious shortcom- ing. This was that they did not fur- h an opportunity for the detailed cussion of organization problems ch is necessary. For this reason veekly conferences have been ar- nged to which are invited only the tion and city organizers of Boston and vicinity. Of course, such confer- ences should and will be arranged for other parts of the district, but at the present time they are arranged only for Boston and vicinity, These confer- ences are attended by about 10 com- rades only. I will try to give some idea of what work such a conference does. Discuss C. |. Decision, . First of all we take up the Commun- ist International decision on organiza- in the greatest detail. Each para- sraph is read and discussed in the light of the situation in our district. In this way it is possible for the city and section organizers to cover in a definite and systematic manner all the chief points on organization in the Communist International decisions. The discussion centers around how t points made in the Communist In- ‘ Exchange of Experience, Following the discussion on the Communist International decisions, we have an exchange of experience; In some cases the discussion centers around one particular topic, like “How can we increase attendance at meet- ings,” “How can we secure greater ac- tivity on the part of comrades,” etc, Organizers tell the latest wrinkles in organization that they have put across, For instance, one organizer hag just reorganized his section in the follow- ing way. He found that he had 3 nuclei which contained comrades who were not strong enough politically to establish these units on a functioning basis. On the other hand he had 3 concentration groups which previous. Getting Down to Brass Tacks THE DAILY WORKER SUMMER SCHOOL OPENS GLASSES IN NEW YORK Announce Full Course of Studies NEW YORK, July 19.—The national summer training school now in session has worked out a complete list of references for the seven courses that it will give. These references will in- clude 18 main text books and 80 books or magazines to which specific refer- ence will, at various times, be made. | The 18 main text books are the fol- | lowing: Lenin on Organization; Party Organ- ization, Jay Lovestone; Social Forces in | American History, A. M. Simons; State |and Revolution, Lenin; Infantile Sick- ness of Leftism, Lenin; imperialism, Lenin; Communist Manifesto, Marx; Class Struggles in France, 1848, Marx; 18th Brumaire, Marx; Revolution and Counter- Revolution, Marx; Critique of the Gotha Program, Marx; Wage Labor and Capital, Value, Price and Profit, Marx; m, Utopian and Scientific, En- gels; Historical Materialism, Bukharin; Peoples Marx, Borchardt; Theory and Practice of Leninism, Stalin; History of the Russian Communist Party, Zinoviev (Workers Monthly). The full course of studies, determined, are: July 19 to 26—America Today; instruc. tor, Jay Lovestone. One week. July 19 to 26—American (Communist) Party and Problems, W. W. Weinstone. One week. ¥ July 26 to 31—Theory and Practice in American Trade Unions, William F. Dunne. One week. July 26 to 31—American (Communist) Organization Structure and Problems, Jack Stachel. One week. July 19 to 31—American Economic and Social History, A. Trachtenberg. Two weeks. July 19 to 31—History of the American Working Class, Anton Bimba. Two weeks. July 19 to 31—Application of Marxism- Leninism to American Problems, Bert Wolfe. Two weeks. In addition to these, an elective course will be given, that can be taken by all students desirous of attending, a special course in Methods of Teach- ing in Communist and Workers’ Schools, instructor D, Benjamin, Furthermore, special trips to and lectures on such subjects as the Pas- sale strike, the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union strike, visit to Wall Street, Stock Exchange, big factories in the New York district, also special functionaries’ meetings and speakers’ conferences, that will be called during the two weeks of the course, will all be given, as finally Industrial Organizers of Section 4 Meet Fri. N. Green, industrial organizer ‘of Section No. 4 of the Workers (Com- munist) Party of Chicago, announces that a conference of all industrial or- ganizers of nuclei in that section will be held on Friday, July 23, at 19 S. Lincoln St., 8:00 p. m. ly had little or no contact with these 3 nuclei. He has now formed 3 con- centration groups, each one centering around one of these weak nuclei. The purpose of these concentration groups will be to increase the strength of these nuclei, to aid them in every pos- sible way until they have grown to maturity, and are established on a functioning basis. The merits of this scheme were discussed and the ex- periment will be watched with great interest by the other organizers, Redistribution of Forces, The sessions are also used for the redistribution of forces. For instance, an election campaign is coming, when considerable work will have to be d@ne in the residential district, This organization conference will serve as a clearing house for the placing of our forces in such a way that we can best carry out the campaign, One organizer made a_ serious criticism, because she felt her dis- trict had been organized on an im- proper basis, She felt that there should be a consolidation of 2 sec- tions and the separation of one very distant unit from her section. At this conference we were able to have a discussion between the organizers of the localities concerned as to whether the consolidation would weaken or strengthen their units and whether it would help matters generally, Hold Meetings Frequently. These organization discussions will be held every two Weems from now on, They offer a basis for serious examin- ation and study of organization prob- lems which we have never carried on in the party before, and which hold gut the hope that we will soon over- @ome some of the major difficulties of organization in the district. Soviet Scientists Start on Trip to Explore Polar Isles VLADIVOSTOCK, U, S. 8. R., July 19.—A group of Soviet meteorologists and geologists have left for Wrangel Island, where they will remain for three years. The scientists are to be accompanied by @ number of families that intend to colonize the Cape Doubt region. It is planned to make this re- gion a Soviet governmental center in the Polar islands, of a fascist official. Charles Evans Hughes is here seen walking in Rome under the guidance It is reported that the former secretary of state is about to throw his hat in the!ring for the G, O. P. presidential nomination. Perhaps he is studying fascism, with an eye to future contingencies! | Where Is Russia Going? EVOLUTIONARY workers will give full credit to the Industrial Workers of the World for the past struggles it led against the bosses, and will regret that, aside from minor and desultory conflicts, it is not living up to its old tradition and at present leads no great numbers in wage bat- tles against capitalism. This cessation of active struggle against capitalism, together with the fact that the I. W. W. has allowed an anarchist element within it to push it into a position of hostility to the So- viet government and all it means to labor, has repelled the workers even in those industries where it has little or no rivalry and where it could, if it wished, build up powerful unions of real value to the working class. We do not think all members of the I. W. W. share the ideas of their an- archist fellow-workers against Soviet Russia. The majority are industrial unionists and not anarchists. Neither do all aharchists belong to the I. W. W. A large section ‘of this element, which, being anarchists, care more for sectarianism than forthe masses they chatter about, who care nothing for in- dustrial unionism and its necessary corollary of centralization, who wor- ship their own ego ag™ political prin- ciple and who advoeate.the dispersion of class power (decentralization) as an organizational practice, split-away in 1924 and frankly proclaimed them- selves anarchists by applying to the Berlin (anarchist) international for affiliation, UT a considerable’ number of an- archiéts, and unconsciously an- archist ideas, remained in the organi- zation, and while other elements who, tho somewhat confused and without courageous leadership, really desire to organize and unify the workers for battle against capitalism, have simply drifted along—unable or unwilling to assert themselves positively for or against the Soviet power or any other large issue agitating the masses—un- able also to formulate and enforce concrete programs for building the industrial unions they visualize, the remaining anarchists, with an organi- zational base in the committee con- trolling the marine transport workers and in the general executive board, have sought to turn the organization more decidedly away from struggle with the bosses to a renewed cam- paign against the Soviet government. It is worthy of note that while in the cases of subordinate sections, such as the M. T. W., the anarchists are fiercely opposed to centralization within the organization, when they at- tain central posts thémselves, as in the present.G, E. B., they become cen- tralizers even to the point of open dictatorship within the organization, their decentralization policy being di- rected externally to decentralization within the working class, to placing the organization in a position hostile to all other labor groupings. Queer manifestations ensue; such as the present chairman of:the G, EB, B.— after an utter surrender to the an- archistic autonomists of the M. T, W. —writes a page and a half article in favor of centralization, meanwhile authorizing as an official statement, An anarchistic attack on Soviet Russ! published in the “Industrial Solidar® ity” of June 9, entitled “After Bight Years.” ILE technically that article ac- quired by this means the fmpor- tance of an official document and we can ignore the name of its nondeseript writer, it is actually the work of only one element fh the I. W. W., the an- archists. But since the other ele- ments, tho they object to such things, make no effective objection, the neces- sity arises to take up the issues raised by the article and show its anti-labor character, The article is far too long to reprint here, but the writer aims to give its essential points and‘show how con- trary they are to anyvinterest of the working class, how they ald capital- ism by imposing capitalist ideas upon the minds of workersp and really are contrary to the purposes of the I, W. ‘W. What are the estential assertions of the article “AfterteHight Years’? ARTICLE I, By HARRISON GEORGE, —$— —— They are, stripped of’ verbiage, as fol- lows: 1. That the workers’ revolution in Russia has “been betrayed by politi- cal bureaucrats,” 2, That the Russian Communist Party has “delayed capitalist eco- nomic development in Russia eight years.” 38. That Soviet Russia is back to capitalism.” 4. That a dictatorship suppresses the “rights” of free speech and press and the right to strike is “taken away.” What the article proposes should be done about it is the folowing: “The thing for the workers of Russia and everywhere to do is to leave off chas- ing the political will-’o-the-wisp and establish the industrial state with its workers’ self-government.” Express- ing the intention behind this better than the anarchists themselves do,.we see that the meaning inherent in it presents us with another assertion, as follows: 5. That, given the present situa- tion, the Russia workers should abol- ish government in all its coercive and forceful forms, and limit their social machinery to the production and dis- tribution of commodities. HE same article appearing in lan- guage papers of the I. W. W. also carried other assertions, such as that there was “graft in Russia.” We may grant that in a nation of 142,000,000 there may be some grafters yet un- caught. But these do not reflect any general situation or any policy of gov- ernment and certainly prove nothing. That a chairman of the I. W. W. exec- utive board should think it worth while dragging this in is, however, to be wondered at. We can leave this, too, out of reck- oning as proving nothing about the policy’ of the organization, and take up the above points in articles that are to follow and show them to be purely capitalist propaganda, do not say that all who call themselves anarchists are delib- erate traitors. Many in the I. W. W. are quite honest in their beliefs. Some do not recognize their beliefs as an- archistic and deny that they are an- “going archists. But this does not alter the fact. When, however, such elements build up a group inside the organiza- tion, drive out of office the secretary elected by overwhelming vote of the members, as was done in the M. T. W. by the Pettersson-De Chaniogny clique, when they pass the office around among themselves like a play- thing, when they are joined by Roger Francezon, who, as M. T. W. delegate to the last general convention, pledged that the M. T. W. would not withdraw from the I. W. W., yet who sits in the executive of the M. T. W. when it did withdraw and permitted its branches to print their own due stamps, then anarchism is becoming a menace to the unity of the I, W. W. ORE. When Peo Monoldi, as chairman of the G, E. B., surren- ders to such a group—or, better said, joints their group, when he suppresses an issue of the general office bulle- tin which officially denounced them as splitters, when he legalizes their printing of their own due stamps, for- gives them their debts to the general organization, takes them unto his bosom and organizes a similar group in Chicago with Homish, Gahan, Le- haney and company, and when the whole tribe throws up a smoke screen ot “Beware of Communists!” and “Down with Soviet Russia!”—then it is no longer a question of honest con- viction, for this is the mark of anarch- ism. This is the brand of “Emergency Program” split. And if it is not “EB. P.” organization within the I. W. W. it is at least a threat to its very exist- ence, In the United States there is a capi- talist government, It is to the inter- est of workers to Oppose it. In Rus- sia there is a workers’ government. Workers should support it. But an- archists in the I, W. W. oppose it. How this happens and what dt means will be told in articles to follow, (To be fh Former Secyetary of State Traveling in Italy |BRITISH GENERAL STRIKE GIVES LESSONS TO LABOR MOVEMENT, IS VIEW OF COMINTERN EXECUTIVE The executive committee of the Communist International, after the Brit- ish general strike, held a session im Moscow for the purpose of considering the lessons to be learned by the workers of the whole world from that tre- mendous experience. The importance of that great event cannot be over- estimated. Except for the sharp class struggles in Germany in 1918-19, nothing so important as the British general strike has faced the working class since the Russian revolution which established the Soviet government. It is imperative that the workers of the whole world receive the true estimate of the British general strike. It is of course beyond question that all revolutionary workers must and will look to the Communist International for the clear presentation of the Brit ish general strike, Lesson of the Strike. This presentation has been given in the “Theses on the Lessons of the British Genera] Strike,” passed unani- mously by the recent session of the executive committee of the Comin- tern. The August number of the Workers Monthly, soon to be out, will publish these remarkable theses in full. This is an opportunity for all revolutionary workers to do their cause a service by seeing that the August Workers Monthly gets into the hands of all workers in shops and mills and in their residential neighborhood, who are capable of serious study of the biggest event of recent years in work- ing class life. The theses will be published in the Workers Monthly. But here we pub- lish an article from the Pravda of Moscow which analyzes the Comin- tern theses: The Communist International on the British Strike ‘VERY conscious Bolshevik must not only carefully read but also thoroly study the theses on the lessons of the British strike adopted unanimous- ly by the executive committee of the Communist International, In the theses of the executive of the Comintern is given, in a concise and compact form, an analysis of the Brit- ish events in May. The theses contain an exposition of the social and eco- nomic basis and the fundamental mov- ing forces of this class conflict. They lay bare the strategy of the capital- ists, the Baldwin government, the right and “left” “leaders,” and of the Communist Party. They define the position of the British strike in the international situation, derive the chief lessons therefrom, outline the future perspectives and developments and accordingly point out the result- ing tasks of the Comintern and its sections. Dialectics the Guide. The approach by which the Comin- tern was guided was the tried and proven point-of-view of Leninist dia- lectics. To understand the meaning of a certain phenomena or social event in a Leninist way, means to search for and to find its particular characteris- tic features, to understand their main symptoms, to show the connection be- tween these basic elements and the emerging features of subsequent links, and to point out concretely the possible and most probable transitory stage to further developments, The British general strike has its own peculiar nature, from it flows peculiar lessons, and it confronts the British Communist Party and the whole Comintern with peculiar specific tasks. Role of the Unions. The British class conflict in May has underscored with numerous lines the completely singular role of the British trade unions, Thig peculiar role of the trade unions in England, which is forcing itself to the fore- front, is founded on deep social and historic conditions. Comrade Lenin had many times emphasized the fact that the trade unions are the funda- mental organization base of the labor movement in England. It is charac- _|teristic that the remarkable historical process to the left of the British workers proceeded before all and first of all thru the trade unions. Hence, it was not an accident but a fully le- gitimate and politically correct step of the British Communist Party to issue the slogan: “All power to the general council of the trade unions.” The lo- cal committees and the committees of action, which were organized by and around the trade unions, had begun spontaneously to develop into organ- izations analagous to our soviets, With the further growth and rise of the struggle, and in the case of its political expansion, the slogan, “All Power to the General Council!” would inevitably have become the chief po- litical slogan of the British working class, Win the Unions, This characteristic shock role of the trade union movement in England puts before the British revolutionists the task of strengthening their influence in the trade unions and among the masses organized by them. The Brit- ish Communists must orientate them- selves, not on leaving the trade un- jons, but on winning a majority with- in them. Not in any country is it pos- sible to win the masses disregarding the trade unions, And this is par- ticularly true with regard to England, Not by disregarding the trade unions but thru the trade unions, increasing the trade union emphasis in its everyday work, by all means strength- ening its authority in the trade un- ions; thus will the British Communist Party lead the working class to vic- tory, In connection with this, the im- portance of the so-called ‘Minority Movement” increases acta sali eA THNO Ad Efe Abie To this movement in England belongs a splendid future. A Categoric Condition in England, The general strike as a form of pro letarian class struggle was found suf- ficient in the historic May test. It was not the method of the general strike that failed in England but the general strike was made a failure by the “leaders” who were in deadly fear of it. The method of the general strike is of international importance. Its ap plicability is world wide, but in Eng- land this method is applicable in a particularly high degree. Here the general strike possesses the quality of being a categoric condition for the victory of the proletariat. It is im- portant however that in its subse- quent stages of development this form should be combined with other, higher forms of struggle, British Party Correct, The Communist International points out the political line pursued by the British Communist Party was, on the whole, correct. The young Commu- nist Party of England, far from being an element of “retarding” revolution- ary developments, was able to become the biggest conscious factor for the revolutionization of the masses, The party was able to orientate itself suf- ficiently in the complicated and pe- culiar combination of events and was able to issue to the masses correct political slogans. This constitutes a guarantee that the British Communist Party will utilize all opportunities to become in the near future the mass revolutionary party of the British pro- letariat. Unity More fmportant Than Ever, It would be the greatest absurdity to say that after the May strike and the surrender of the general council the question of strengthening the movement for world trade union unity, and the questions of the united front are taken off the order of the day or shoved to the background. It would only be a demonstration of irresolu- tion and political nearsightedness for us to take the initiative to break with the British trade unions atid leave the Anglo-Soviet committee. It must not be forgotten for a minute that It was only under pressure of the masses moving to the left that the British trade unions entered into official con- tact with the Soviet trade unions, Left Leaders Chiefly to Blame, A harsh, merciless criticism of the right leaders, and no less of the “left” leaders who bear the chief responsi- bility for the defeat of the general strike, does not at all necessitate a “beautiful’ but politically cheap “gesture” of our leaving the commit- tee. The existence and strengthening of an organized connection between the Soviet proletariat and the English trade unions will do the British pro- letariat only good. And, conversely, our “voluntary” exit from the Anglo- Soviet committee would only encour- age and intensify the very tendency of leaving the trade unions on the Part of the English revolutionary workers, Two Possibilities, There are various possible develop- ments confronting England at pres- ent. There is the possibility of a vic- torious reaction, There is the possi- bility and probability of a revolution- ary struggle unfolding itself despite the loss of the May battle. Preparing the reverses for the eventuality of the first perspective, the Leninist Commu- nist International must actively orlen- tate itself and its sections on the sec- ond, the revolutionary perspective of development. This perspective is now represented in England by the tenac- ious and heroic strike of the coal min- ers. ‘The miners’ strike is at present the decisive link in the international class struggle, The, miners’ strike may become the starting point for the further uncoy- ering of class antagonisms, the start. ing point for a new movement on a new basis. Hence, the Communist In- ternational has rightly declared that | the cause of the British miners is the. cause of the world proletariat. “The ;cause of the miners is our cause,” dee clared the Communist International, To active assistance of our brothers the miners—is the call of the Comin- tern to the workers of the whole world, Court Martial Clears Officer Who Did Not Salute Hated Haitian NEW YORK, July 19.—It took less ° than five minutes for brother army of- ficers to accept the excuses of Col, James T. Watson in the court-martial for his failure to salute Haiti's Negro president, Louis Borno, properly upon the latter's arrival in New York hai bor. Borno came to pay his pris to the real rulers of his homeland—