The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 17, 1926, Page 6

SSRs He aR ewe HK ew seen FPerzerses: BA BESSHs : Page Six THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ill. Phone Monroe 4732 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By maii (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ilinols J. LOUIS BNGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE f°" MORITZ J. LOEB. Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, lil., under the act of March 3, 1879, Editors .. Business Manager Advertising rates on application. eS <> 290 The Unholy Trinity Against Passaic The trio for which intelligent workers have come to look when- ever some especially dastardly assault is made on some section of the workers—the government, the bosses and the American Federa- tion of Labor officialdom—is now complete and functioning in the drive against the Passaic textile strikers. First came the denunciation of the strike by the executive coun- cil of the A. F. of L. Then came the statement of the citizens’ committee of Passaic and vicinity, organized under the joint auspices of the chamber of commerce and the textile mill owners, and composed of the middle class elements dependent upon the bounty of the\big capitalists. Now comes the third member of the pnholy trinity—the United States government speaking thru the department of labor in the person of John A. Moffat, federal conciliator assigned to the textile sector, who, without mentioning Weisbord by name, “accuses” him of being a Communist. “Why,” asks Mr. Moffat, echoing the mill owners’ committee and the A. F. of L. executive, “did the strike leader go to Chicago for instructions from the leaders of the Communist Party before starting the strike?” The mill barons are trying very hard to make the issue in the strike “100 per cent Americanism versus Communism” and they have | set powerful forces in motion. They have been astounded and frightened by the wide support given by all sections of the working class, class groups to the strike. They and their police and gunmen have been exposed before ‘millions of American workers. Their starvation wages, their speed- up system and worst df all, the huge profits of the industry, are now matters of common knowledge. A victory for the Passaic strikers means a union in Passaic. A union in Passaic means organization of the textile industry. To prevent this the textile barons are making one last desperate effort. They have had to use, and thereby openly expose, the highest officials of the American labor movement as their allies. They have had to show openly that they, and not the so-called free business and professional groups in Passaic are the real rulers of that commun- ity. They have shown also that they hate and fear the Communist ‘Party because it organizes and fights with and for the working class. Never before have such powerful forces been mobilized against a strike of this size—for after all what are 15,000 workers in the army of 30,000,000 American toilers? The drive against Passaic is a drive against all American workers. If this attempt of textile workers to organize and force recognition from the bosses is crushed it is a setback for the whole Jabor movement. It cannot be otherwise because the united front of reaction is in effect an ultimatum to the unorganized workers in all basic industries. Win the Passaic strike by money and moral support! Defeat the textile barons, the government and their agents in the labor movement. The Answer to the I. R. T. Injunction The Interborough Rapid Transit company applied for an in- junction against the striking motormen and switchmen so vicious in its open shop demands, and implication, that it involves the interests of the whole labor movement just as did the infamous court order, on which it is based, which allowed the sale of the homes of the striking Danbury hatters to satisfy the avaricious corporation they were fighting. The atotrney for the I. R. T. has even stated to newspapermen that the company is considering ways and means of instituting pro- ceedings against the strikers in the criminal courts. If there were not signs that the strike of the I. R. T. workers is | only a symptom of the deep discontent of large numbers of their fellow workers with the company “brotherhood,” if the strike had eecurred in some small town instead of the largest city in the coun- try, if it did not affect a basic industry, the action of the company in trying to impoverish utterly the workers who had the courage to strike, still should be enough to attract the sympathetic attention and support of American Federation of Labor officials. There is evidently a good chance to build a powerful union on the I. R. T. system and there are men who have shown that they have the courage to lead such an organization in what will be neces- sarily, because of the power and arrogance of the I. R. T., a long and bitter struggle. We repeat that unless the Amalgamated Association of Street and Electrie Railway Employes, and the executive council of the American Federation of Labor make every effort to organize these men and give them all the aid possible in their fight they have failed in their duty to the trade union movement. The leaders of the independent union which has been formed during the strike have likewise the responsibility of leaving no avenue unexplored which will bring their union into the Amal- yzamated Association. This is especially obvious when they confront 4 corporation which hesitates at nothing to keep its grip on the workers it exploits, Detroit “Ford Worker” Goes Over Big 1X THOUSAND copies of the fourth issue of the Ford Worker have already been printed and most of these distributed; preparations are complete to print 10,000 more copies, The Ford Worker is the organ of the shop nuclei of the Workers (Communist) Party of America in the Ford shops of Detroit and Hamtramck, Mich. The paper is being received by the workers of these two sweat- shops with the greatest enthusiasm and most favorable effects. , The Ford private police, well as the official police of the De- troit capitalist. cl. attempted several times to molest the “newsies” selling this workers’ paper, but apparently have found out that arrests and jails do not affect the spirit or the work of the Communist “news- jes,” 60 that -the paper is being sold with little interference at present, organized and unorganized, and even by some lower middle} (Translated from the Hungarian.) B JT of what did they find me guilty? Am I struggling here for the Truth of Humanity or from the error of judges? “Not a bit of fright, that the latter who brought me here, where I am im- prisoned for twenty-six years-———” Thus speaks, grey-haired, sad and broken-hearted Waniel Murty, convict of the Georgia Penitentiary, to those men, who went to him with the joy- ous news, that a pardon had been granted him, and he was to leave the penitentiary immediately, ” O, friends, it is not to me this bsolution,” this so-called “par- don” should be granted, but to the judge who decided upon the case— an entirely innocent man, with the law condemning me “guilty,” yes, he, who has ruined my life completely, and imprisoned me for life in the work-house. “Yes, friends, I condemn them for a quarter of a century with the fact that they have made an “error”—they imprisoned an innocent man. I am the one who has the right and privi- ege to forgive and not they. They 1ave ruined a family home, they have orn me away from my wife, they have taken me from my children, and all I have left to my people is that which every convict usually leaves, sorrow, grief, poverty and misery. “T DIDN'T kill anyone nor did I steal anything. THEY STOLE! THEY KILLED! They stole that which is the dearest in every-man’s life FREE- DOM! They killed because they de- |.prived me of my rights as a citizen \for the years past. I was a “living | corpse” dragging my number, as a con- |vict, in my memory. Now that I am old, I have no family, no friends, no |home, no money, no strength, why {should I want freedom now? (WHY!!! “Injustice or Error?” “My days are drawing to a close, and why should I want my freedom. My freedom is here between these four walls, here’are my friends, those who have been imprisoned for life. My hopes and my future are lost, to die quickly and to rest in an unfin- ished coffin, thus is the life and hope of every convict, i HY should I want freedom? I have left the world of freedom, they have closed the doors upon me twenty-six years ago. Since, the world has advanced, it is richer, and I, I had to spend my best years of lite here, shut out from the rest of the world like a leper. “Many years ago, when I was only six months in prison, into my ears rang “truth”, “patriotism”, and “free- dom”, as well as the call of my broth- ers. I thought of my imprisonment for life—UNJUSTLY—and one night I visualized my escape. “WT is very, very dark, nothing can be seen, in my cel it is pitch dark, while outside reigns the joy of man, “freedom”, God helps the inno- cent, thought I, and ‘with this I de- scended from my cell, the bed-sheet, my blatiket and a braided rope aided me and luck being with me my escape was successful, “Like a man whovescapes from the shadows of the scaffold so did I es- cape from the penitentiary. Soon I reached a deserted house. Here I stopped for a few minutes, hecause I heard the cry of a dog as if in dis- tress. Groping mg fiway, I finally found the poor afimial, also calling for his freedom. Arg you one of the victims of the unjust?, I asked." Then T loosened and untied the rope with which it was bound, and immediately with the greatest of joy it jumped upon me again and again.. I had given him back his freedom and be- fore long it ran away rapidly as it had ing that I regret my kind heartedness. “Then, I too, ran-away from my penitentiary. ‘7 RAN all night and in the morning I had reached a little villaga where town guards are stationed. Glancing upon the armory I espied the flag of my country. I continued and ran to my home town thinking that the national emblem would save ‘me from the judges because they impris- oned me without cause, “I made no error because three days later I was on strange land with those forces, that my officials said wanted civilization, democracy and justice in a nation, I fought many burning and decisive battles, being honored by my officials often, “The expedition ended and I was going to my station where my free- dom was granted for good. “T THOUGHT of my “PATRIOTISM” —my “BRAVERY” and _ the chances I had so often taken. With uplifted, head I went back to my birthplace and when I was only a few steps away from my door, they recog- nized me and hke a criminal bandit they chained me and took me back to my prison-cell. “Since years have passed and I have heard nothing of the where- abouts of my wife and my children. “Did they die? “Have they forgotten me? “OH! It is all the same! THEN I ASK AGAIN? Why do I need this freedom, which you come to offer me? This is good—but what have you to say? “A LL looked up at John White, a furrier, who said, I Murfy, am one of those who swore with these four comrades who are now present here, the other seven are no longer living. “What?” said Murfy, “You are the ones who decided upon my ‘freedom of life in a shameful way, and done a few hours ago, perhaps think- today twenty-six years later you come | 166 eads-- | picieeot | (Steel Trust Politics in Gary.) i By B. BORISOFF. OW to describe conditions Gary? | I spoke to small business men. I |spoke to professional men. I spoke |to workers. They all agree. “This {town is run by, tke Steel Trust,” is | their unanimous verdict. | “Worse than the feudal system,” said a professional man. I agreed with him. The comparison is a good one. Only in place of the castle of the lord or baron of the feudal times we have here the steel mills, sur- rounded with water as the feudal cas- tle was. Instead of the serfs, work- ing for their lord, we have the work- ers working for the steel barons. The difference is this: The feudal lords still had some concern for the lives of its serfs. The Steel Trust has none for its, “MN\HE Steel Trust can make you or bréak you,,” men and the professional men. They talk almost in whispers when they speak of the trust. The workers cannot find a trust- worthy lawyer to defend their com- pensation cases for injuries received in the mills. They cannot induce doc- tors who sympathize with them to testify for them before the industrial board, Whoever goes against the Steel Trust will lose his credit with the banks, if he is a business man; will lose his job in the schools, if he is a teacher; will lose his practicé in the |leading hospitals, if he is a doctor; will be disbarred, if he is a lawyer; will be thrown out of the mills, if he is a worker, HE Steel Trust runs the schools; it controls the social life of the people; it controls their politics. Pri- maries come, candidates are nomi- nated; there ts a contest and a fight. Then election day comes, and no mat- ter who is elected from any of the two major parties—the elected is in- variably with the Steel Trust. It can't be otherwise, Let us cite a recent example: FEW days ago the local news- ‘papers carried the news of the death of Clem Hentges, one of the deputy sheriffs of Lake county. It was up to the high sheriff of Lake county—Ben Strong—to appoint a successor, It did not take him long to make the appointment. His choice was Jim Hoffman, This appointment caused quite a stir among those close to the political circles in Gary, and especially among the Negro residents. For two years ago Ben Strong and | Jim Hoffman were rival candidates |for the office of the high sheriff of Lake eounty. The campaign was a bitter one, and |Jim Hoffman denounced his “oppon* ent” as a klansman. Mr, Hoffman , himself was very evidently the candi- late of the steel company, since he served for fourteen years with the company, taking charge of its police department. When the last primaries were held (in May of this year) a sud- den change took place. Mr, Hoffman gave his open support to the candi- dacy of Ben Strong (for a nomina- tion) and served as his campaign manager, He has now received his reward for this by being appointed a deputy sheriff. He allied himself with a man whom he denounced aga klans- man, A ha is a strikifig demonstration of “Heads--I win, Talls—-You Lose,” polities of the Steel Trust in Gary, Weare supposed to have anti-steel jul administration and the 1 mill in say the business | man is appointed fot! the job. An al- jleged opponent ofethe klan makes peace with his rival whom he de- nounced as a klafsman and is ap- pointed by him to office. The K. K. K. issue is just a subtemfuge. The politi- cal power in Garysahd in the entire state of Indiana, Hes not with the | klan—it lies with t§@ Steel Trust. In Gary the worl 8 are in the ma- jority. If they weré united politically Win, Tails--You Lose” labor movement had a promising be- ginning here, but died out. It is the need of the hour for the workers of Gary, to raise the standard of tmde- pendent political action, and to put up a wnited labor ticket in the fall elec- | tions, | Perrone Wenner naa 1 The American Worker Correspond- ent is out. Did you get your copy? |Hurry up! Send In your sub! It's they would rule thecity. The tarmer- only 50, cents. . | eb A True Story of Prison Life, by ELLA R. KRISS. with your offer, your good deed? Beasts!” “YES, Murfy, but it is not our fault,” replied another. When the government found the real murderer of Mr, Grapper, we with life in us came to ask forgiveness and thus bring to you your freedom and lib- erty.” “T\REEDOM AND LIBERTY! What wonderful words on your part, you are false because you were happy, you had things and I, I suffered here, on account of your untruthfulness and sinned for a crime I never com- mitted.” “Not Injustice’—answered one— ‘perhaps an error?” “Injustice or an error,” repeated Murfy, “call it as you will, it is not necessary that I know the meaning of your words, Take this paper with you also, the contents of which grant me freedom. -Yes, I forgive all who, unjustly and unfairly ruined and killed my straightforwardness, my freedom, my life.” Murfy stands up and is about to leave the room when the judge speaks to him thus: , Murfy, you cannot stay here longer—you are free.” “But where shall I go, now, when I have no one in this wide world? WHERE? WHERE?” “I do not know,” replies the judge, “but you must leave the penitentiary because the law so commands you.” Broken down in body and soul, he slowly Igaves the place. He recalled the monotony of life of the past and the uncertainty of the future, and slowly he ascended the window of the prison cell, and from the fifth story he threw himself into the open space below. A few min- utes later the bruised and bleeding body, like a living corpse, called out: “Is it on account of man’s untruth- fulness or from judges’ errors—or both?” Probe of McPherson ‘Kidnapping’ to End y Friday Evening LOS ANGELES, July 15,—Investi- gation into the “kidnapping” of Aimee Semple McPherson is being continued by the Los Angeles county grand jury with indications pointing to completion of the hearing Friday. Your uefghbor will appreciate the favor—gtve him this copy of the DAILY WORKER. | | : y Hyman Is Introduced By William Gropper. Great enthusiasm among striking members of International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union * in New York as prominent official begins to talk. The Patriotic Mr. Smith John Smith was a patriotic Yankee He voted the republican ticket, fre- quently lectured on patriotism, and did many other “ndble” things. He worked nowhere but in an open shop concern. He believed it was unpatriotic to belong to an organization as “Com- munistic” as a union, He bore a rep- utation ag a haterof these “bloody bolsheviks.” The political leaders of the community sent, him letters prais- ing his antfRed activities, and prom- ised. to supper him if he ran for pub- Ne office. He ran she next year for mayor, But, unfortunately, Mr. Mon- eybags ran, at the same time, Mr. Smith ran to the leaders and reminded them of their promise. “What promise?” the leaders asked him. Moneybags ig a fine, patriotic man, He is interseted in the welfare of our fine city. Mr, Smith did not lose his faith in the party that refused to elect him, ‘ Smith quietly left the office, He saw how things were in this govern- ment of crooks, The next day Smith appeared at the office of the union, The man in charge expected him to fish out a warrant or something. Mr. Smith greets him rtily and said, “IT wanta’ join the) unlom. Gimme some literature.” The poor secretary nearly fainted when he heard those words, ry WITH THE STAFF Being Things From Here and There Which Have Inspired Us to Folly or Frenzy Dobele or Dumbell? The following is one of those news items that is always welcome to the harrassed editors of The DAILY WORKER as the discovery of little Moses in the bullrushes was to the lonely daughter of Pharoah. Moses came unsolicited and so did this, It is a gem, without comment, yet to refrain from spoiling it would reqwire \Jalmost divine powers of resistance, Read the headilne carefully three or four times and then write your own Limerick about it. The winner will be handsomely rewarded with the pic- ture of a coal digger freezing to death on the fourth of July. . eae ‘ BETHLEHEM STEEL CORP- ORATION 25 Broadway, New York, N. Y. Paul Dobele, a coal loader em- ployed by the Bethlehem Steel Corporation, has just been award- ed a gold medal by the company ‘or leading 588 tons of coal in 12 vorking day The coal was load- ‘d with a hand shovel in the Da- sota Mine of the Bethlehem Mines Corporation in West Virginia. Dobele’s average daily loading of 45 tons was the equivalent of the amount of coal carried in a full sized railroad coal car. In France, Dobele’s native country, the average production per miner is 150 tons of coal a year. In Germany and the Unit- ed Kingdom, the average output of coal is 225 tons per year. The average output in the United States is 700 tons. Dobele thus loaded in 12 days, almost a year’s production of an American miner, more than two years’ production of a British or German miner, and over three years’ production of a French miner, ie CALL BILL JOHNSTON, Foreman: “Are you one of them blokes wot drops ’is tools and scoots as soon as the whistle blows?” Worker: “Not me. I often ‘as to wait five minutes after I put me tools away, before the bloomin’ whisile blows.” —Exchange. se ECONOMIC DETERMINISM. Restaurant manager (to orches- tra conductor): “I wish you'd dis- play a little more tact in choosing the music. We've got the National Association of Umbrella Manufac- turers here this evening, and you've just played ‘It Ain’t Gonna Rain No More!” ae Cruelty to Animals. The brave carrier-pigeon struggled against the heavy wind. Already he had flown many miles. He was so exhausted that it seemed his sturdy wings would collapse and he would drop to the earth, a helpless bundle of feathers, But the homing instinct drove him on—that and perhaps a consciousness of an important mess- age in a cylinder, a heavy weight on one leg. Somehow he made it. As he flut- tered into his loft, excited hamds re- moved his message and it was rushed to an orator waiting on a platform. The man pompously declaimed: “E am happy to announce the thrill- ing news we have just received from the mayor of our neighbor town by carrier-pigeon. It says, ‘Fourth of July greetings to the 100 per cent Americans of Podunk!’” Up in the loft, a weary carrier- pigeon gurgled weakly and fainted. —From Life. , One Handred and Sixty National Forests Dot U.S. Today Today there are 160 national forests in this country. totalling more than 158,000,000 acres according to a book recently issued by the American Tree Association. These forests are maintained by the government for general welfare purposes since the trees mean a great material wealth in wood, water and land for fora ms i Playgrounds for pleasure seekers, The above map shows location of the forests. 1 Pro ae eincRaeniamant aaa