The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 23, 1926, Page 6

ps Page Six ji edhe ae > i 1 ‘THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 4113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. Phone Monroe 4712 a | SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mali (in Chicago only): By mall (outs'de of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months —<$<—<————_—. . Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, IIlInols J, LOUIS ENGDAHL \ By V. F, CALVERTON, 'N an article called The Confused Mr. Calverton, Comrade Dunne points jout an error in a conclusion that I nade in my yeview of Saposs’ book, |Left Wing Unionism, The statements in my review,.which Comrade Dunne objected to, are: “The Socialist Labor Party of to- day, with its firm faith in dual | unionism as the only solution, is as absurd as the Workers’ Party when it. declares itself inflexibly opposed to dual unionism.” jand | “At the present time, for instance, | despite the present stand of the Workers’ Party, Saposs cites several factors that more than likely ‘may lead Communists to support inde- pendent union: The great number of dual unions in many industries in itself is a salient reason why a change in the attitude of the Work- ers’ Party may occur in the near ditors WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB. Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, IIL, under the act of March 3, 1879. jusiness Manager <i> 290 ———— Sacco and Vanzetti Must Be Freed! The confession of Colestino Madeiros, exonerating Sacco and | Vanzetti and placing the blame for the crime for which they have | been sentenced to death upon the Morelli gang, notorious for a long | series of violent crimes in Massachusetts, is good news for the hun- | dreds of thousands of sympathizers who have*made possible the | dogged fight which has saved these two innocent workers from the Advertising rates on application, = electric chair. : i | future.” The International Labor, Defense still has a huge job ahead | .. page 175 of his book, Mr. Saposs of it in maintaining the interest in the case and securing the funds | Aeclaren: needed so badly by the defense to expose finally and indisputably; “The Communists continue staunchly to denounce the philos- ophy of dual unionism. ‘The fight against dual unionism and secession was one of the main features of the meeting of the executive bureau of the Red International of Labor Un- ions .... It was made quite clear that no dual unionism will be tol- erated, as this evil has proved dis- astrous to the labor movement.’ (R. 1, L. U, Hammer Dual Unionism on Solar Plexus, The DAILY WORK- ER, June 5, 1925). In this country the Trade Union Educational League was instrumental in forestalling a number of dual union undertakings. “When the Communists pro- nounced against dual unionism, like a flash the new = sacred principle took hold. Since then not only have attempts at founding dual union- ism ceased in this country, but to advocate dualism is regarded as sacrilege.” APOSS' stand is definite, and in my remark apropos the Workers’ Party and dual unionism I merely wanted to make it clear that any party, be it the S. L. P. or the W. P., that takes a final and dogmatic posi- tion in reference to boring from with- in and dual unionism, always defend- ing the one or always opposing the other, is making @ maneuver that is| unjustified by any facts that we have at present. The whole matter can be more suc- einctly and satisfactorily clarified by the following correspondence between Foster and me which is confined to this issue of Saposs’ article and dual unionism: the gigantic conspiracy organized to take the lives of Sacco and Vanzetti. : The Sacco and Vanzetti case will not be ended merely by their release. It will not and must not end until those responsible for the six years of torture—physical and mental—inflicted upon these workers and their friends are shown up before the American masses in their true light. But before this is done it is necessary to prove so completely the innocence of Sacco and Vanzetti that no doubt will remain-in the mind of any honest worker that they have been the victims of a judicial frame-up in which the whole machinery of the capitalist courts has been utilized to murder them for a crime they did not commit because they were radicals, foreigners and working men. The support of the Sacco-Vanzetti case now of all times must not be allowed to lag. The first job is to get them out. After that we hope and believe the same energy and sacrifice which has saved them so far will be used, by making an example of their persecutors before the world, to prevent similar frame-ups securing working class victims in the future. The German Referendum Fifteen million Germans have voted to confiscate the property of the Hohenzollerns estimated at $600,000,000 and use it for the relief of the unemployed and other purposes, which would serve toalleviate | the distress of millions of German workers and peasants. The confiscation measure failed to carry because under the German law it was necessary to poll a minimum of 19,500,000 votes. The vote polled against the measure was negligible—one press service gives it as 583,353—but the provision for a minimum poll of 19,500,000 made it possible for the opponents of the law to defeat it by simply not voting at all. “We notice that the capitalist-press correapondan s hail the result as indicating that “the ‘revolution of 1919 har, been com- pleted,” but we thing differently. The operation of the so-called democratic machinery in Germany is so patently designed to pro- tect one of the most notorious gangs of parasites in the world. that a stimulus will be given to more effective action. One will overlook entirely the significance of the German referendum if one fails to remember that the 15,000,000 votes for confiscation came from the most important sections of the,eountry and were the expression of the decisive elements of the population, i. e., theworkers in heavy industry in Berlin, Dresden, Essen, Halle, Duesseldorf and the Ruhr generally. The port cities, like Ham- burg and Bremen, also polled heavy votes for the measure. The second important feature of the recent action is the fact that it brought into a united front the Communist and social democratic workers together with large sections of non-party work- ers and even large numbers of workers belonging to the, christian union and the center party. The parties of the right’ nationalists—industrialists and cler- ieals—may take what comfort they can from the technical defeat of the confiscation measure, but the 15,000,000 votes cast to authorize stripping the kaiser and the whole nest of princes of their enormous wealth represent a solid bloc of German workers aligned against reaction in Germany. The kaiserites retain their wealth for a time, but the technical | victory has been obtained at a price German capitalism cannot pay —the reconstitution of the proletarian bloc which the treachery of the social-democrat leaders split up and which it has taken nine years of ceaseless work on the part of the Communists to rebuild. Those who voted for confiscation will back their principles with their lives. Those who stayed at home will not do so. This is the correct way to interpret the results of the German referendum, June 2, 1926. Dear Friend Calverton: In glancing through the Modern} Quarterly, I notice that you take a dig at the policy of the Workers’ Party. That has caused something ‘of a flurry here. From a reading of the criticism one would gather that you have the im- pression that the Workers Party is opposed to independent unions under any and all circumstances. This, of course, is not the casé. The W. P. is militantly opposed to splitting exist- ing mass organizations. That this is in the interest of the labor movement as a whole, as well as of the left wing in particular, is indisputable. Nevertheless, the Workers Party rec- ognizes that under ~- certain cireum- stances splits are bound to occur and that independent unions develop in spite of all efforts'to”keep the main current of the unions united in one body, in those industries and locali- ties where there are no unions, or where the unions are too decrepit, to branch formation of new unions. This we have done time and again. Take for example the Amalgamated Food Workers, Amalgamated © Clothing Workers, and ‘others. I have no hesitancy in saying that the Workers’ Party policy with re- Bard to dual unionism is far and wide the most scientific that any radical organization has yet had in America. While not overlooking the fact that |in cases independent unions are nec- essary, it nevertheless puts tremen- dous emphasis on the necessity for a unified movement. See how it works out in practice, Take the case of the recent split'of Locals 2, 9, 22, of the I. L. G, W. U. of New York. When When it states in simple and forceful terms that the attempt | Prego ecagar aged, ar to compel the Soviet government to prevent the workers from Biv-| situation was created. Had the ing aid to the British workers shows a lack of comprehension of | Workers’ Party not been so strongly the “spirit and existence of the Soviet Power,” the council makes a — cP pa ata oc move- ‘ x who wish to over. ent could easily have resulted in tee gee except by those to over. | spliting that Int ietad iplike Laoaik : aie ¢ | As it was, the left wing fought its way Tt means in effect that the British government must under- | pack into the International and main- stand that the workers of the Soviet Union and nobody else, are | tained unity. Who can deny the cor- the ruling class and that they, and nobody else, have the right to gsi ange ot eg ype a take an- % EAT , other case: during the heat of the tell lg at percent by ne to adhe eo sc ae Howat <ght, {t would have been the portant tact 1s purpose’y ignored by the Heutenants Of | casiest thing in the world to split the capitalism in the ranks of union labor in this country, who con-| Miners’ Union over the issue. The tinue the peddling of fairy tales about how the Russian workers left wing fought militantly against and their unions are “suppressed” by the Soviet government. Even |*#is and saved the unity of this or- the I. W. W. has lately made itself ridiculous by asserting this sort agen hatin mae seat pe ag of thing in an article, published as a result of an anarchist caucus | we are giving our pig paid Py within the organization, to which reply will be made in due time, |the independent union in Passaic, Pushing ahead with reconstruction of industry and the| Possibly I read your article wrongly, ous labor of building a new society, the workers of tee So jet { don’t think it can be maintained have both time and ns left to aid their fellow ie d, and to let the world know that they are the m up | house-and mean to permit no monkey business, | ~ A Message with a Meaning The message of the central council of the labor unions of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics to its membership, concerning | the-attempt made by the British government to stop the support being given by Russian workers to the British miners, is also a ‘Message to the whole world. hat the policy of ers’ Party owards dual wi “Ye = “absurd.” Quite the contrary, is the best-so THE DAILY WORKER ganization, or any other fér that mat- ter. Do write me a line’ about it. Yours as ever, Signed (Wm, Z. Foster) June 7th, 1926. Dear Foster: Apparently my review seems to have been misunderstood. I did not take a dig at the Workers’ Party in my remark, but simply observed that any stand toward the matter of bor- ing within or dual unionism could not be dogmatic at the present time. The S. L. P. is dedicated to the propo- sition of dual unionism despite the failure of its one ambitious attempt in that direction, and is quite definitely convinced that all boring ’from within tactics are as fatuous a they are fu- tile. Accordin# to Sapdss in his de- scription of the stand of!the Workers’ |Party, it seemed quite cléar that the | Workers’ Party not only stood firmly | for the boring from within tactics, | |which at the present timé at least I} | believe is the more feasible approach, but also was quite infléxibly opposed to the project of indépéndent dual union organization, Your letter, however, corrects my impression and modifies somewhat Saposs’ interpretation: ‘I’ agree with you thoroughly that thé’tendency to split existing mass orgahfzations is in practically every instaned, very un- wise. Your statement to, that when conditions are fitting, the Workers’ Party does not hesitate in forming separate organizations,“ clarifies the matter entirely. In simple, as you have stated the stand of the Workers’ Party in your letter, I have not one jota of disagreement. The difficulty was in Saposs’ inter- pretation, namely his statement that the Workers’ Party was definitely op- posed to dual unions and always un- deviatingly. Your letter shows that there are times when the Workers’ Party believes separate unions are necessary, and in fact, as you fn- stance, the practice of the party has also illustrated that fact, I think this makes my attitude clear in sufficient detail.‘ { am sorry if a wrong impression ig’ derived from my review. If you wish!P1 print your letter in the fall issue of the Quarterly with my reply as exprebselt in this let- ter. Yours, Signed (V. F. Calverton) June 10, 1926. Dear Friend Calverton: I was glad to get your letter and to know that you agree wijh the Party policy with regard to the independent unions. I expect to write something of a pamphlet in the near future deal- ing more in detail with this proposi- tion, and I am sure you ,will ‘be in ac- cord with its general trend. I just got back in town,a little while ago after a week in 2 east. You will realize, therefore, that I must make this note a short one and get busy on the work that is piled up ahead of me. With best wishes, I réinain, Fraternally yours, Signed (Wm. Z. Foster) In conclusion, I think’ ft is only fair to add that it is regretibly unfortu- nate that Comrade Dunne should speak of me as one “tryiiig to make a case against the Communists.” Frankly, this is absurd. f was not try- ing to make a case against the Com- munists any more than I was against the S, L. P., but was merely con- cerned with the issue of dogmatism in a situation in which I do not believe dogmatism as yet can be introduced. My stand in the letters to Foster is clear proof of the nature’ of my posi- tion. And therefore, I think it is only reasonable to add that sneering remarks about “the Calverton cult” and its tendency when it “gets within what it believes is striking distance of the Communists” are @ecisively un- warranted and unjudiciotis, e #¢4 Roviarte on the ‘Above. By WILLIAM F. BUNNE,. (COMRADE OALVERTON contends that my remarks edticerning what I called his attempt “to'make a case against the tie hare “ab- surd.” He tries to prove me contention by submitting as evidence the corre- spondence between hiffself and Com- rade Foster—corresp ce which had not yet taken plaéd! when I wrote my article and of wiifch I had no knowledge until my‘riticlsm was published. I am not picnesill clarivoyant powers. I can only by what an individual, with wh I am unac- quainted, says over hig Signature, THAT Comrade Cali m now has modified his position and retracted in ‘private correspondence what he stated publicly as editor of the Mod- ern Quarterly, in no way affects the correctness of my erlticism of his statements. My main criticism was of his ne- glect to ascertain a fact easily ob- Uanable, i. e. the position of the Workers (Communist) Party on “dual unions,” = CALVERTON acknowl- edges the justice qf this criticism when he says in his letter to Comrade Foster (Exhibit Number Two) that: The difficulty wasn Saposs’ in- terpretation, namely Wis statement that the Workers Pi was defi- nitely opposed to unions and always undev' Your letter shows that there times when , the Workers’ I 4 The Case of Mr. Calverto arate unlons necessary, and in fact, as you instance; the practice of the party ha so illustrated that fact. The main trouble of Comrade Cal-|' verton, at least up to the time that his correspondence with Comrade Foster took place, seems to have been that he accepted Saposs as an au- thority on Communist policy and tac- tics. IS second difficulty was the one I pointed out in my criticism, i. e., that he used the term “dual unionism” in an entirely unscientific manner, completely divorced from the realities which confront the workers of Amer- ica, Comrade Calverton saw only the Américan Federation of Labor and “dual unions.” This is nothing less than a concession, very likely an un- conscious one, to the A, F. of L. bu- reaucracy which\even hurls the term “dual union” at such organizations as |the Amalgamated Clothing Workers and whose use of the term in many | instances is of great aid to the capi- talists in crushing atttempts at trade union organization. IOMRADE CALVERTON, doubtless to prove his lack of intent to do evil to the hounded and shivering Communists, states that: | was not trying to make a case against the Communists any more than | was against the S. L. P., but was merely concerned with the is- sue of dogmatism in a situation in which | do not believe that dogma- tism as yet can be introduced. We are, of course, grateful to Com- rade Calverton for holding, with such a beautifully even balance, the scales between the Workers (Communist) Party, q section of the Communist International, the recognized leader of the world’s revolutionary working class, and the 1,500 members of the moribund S. L. P. Bt it was exactly this detached, academic and unrealistic approach to a concrete question to which I ob- jected and of which I considered Com- rade Calyerton’s article a typical ex- ample. I fail to see any recognition of this error in his reply. As to his statement relative to what he characterizes as “sneering remarks about ‘the Calverton cult’,” and his contention that they “are decisively unwaranted and unjudicious,” (I con- clude that he means injudicious—w. F. D.) I am quite ready to admit that I may have erred in adopting too sharp a tone. tg ig the duty of Communists to win for the party the best elements, not only of the working class proper, but of the sympathizing intelligentsia. If Comrade Calverton has been driven farther from our .party by my criti- cism it proves one of two things: (1) Either that my criticism was too sharp and harsh, or (2) That he is not Communist ma- terial. I submit that this question cannot be decided now. Only the future can give the answer and I am willing to await and acknowledge its decision. Farm Vote Fails. WASHINGTON, June 20.—An effort to get an agreement for a vote on the Haugen farm relief bill Saturday or Monday failed. Senator Norris of Nebraska said he was opposed to fix- ing any hour for a vote lest some objectionable amendment be proposed and acted upon without time for de- bate. Killed in Bullding Collapse. RIO DE JANEIRO, June 20.—Elev- en persons were killed and five seri- ously injured when a building in a hillside colapsed, demolishing eight houses below, accérding to dispatches from Bahia. Czech Workers ‘Fight Wage Tax THE rbeased lashes leaders of the Czecho- Slovak unions of railwaymen, the social-democratic and the national- socialist “union” and “Ednota,” have again given proof of the manner in which they “protect” the interests of the Czecho-Slovak railwaymen. Out of the vast material on this question, we shall mention only two facts which have occurred quite recently. Wages Tax. DeExs the last few months the whole of the Czecho-Slovak pro- letariat, and the railwaymen to teria with, have been fighting in the most energetic manner against the govern- mental taxes on wages, The wage tax law was adopted by the Czecho-Slovak coalition government (in which both the Czech social-democrats and the Czech national-socialists take part) several years ago; nevertheless it was not applied in practice until now, owing to the indignation which it caused among the workers, It was only very recently that, with the consent of the reformists, the Czecho-Slovakian government has be- gun to take up the energetic collec- tion of not only the current taxes, but also of all arrears of the tax, which at tim: amounts to the half year's wages of the workers. In collecting the arrears the government does not shrink from sequestrating and selling by auction the most indispensable household effects of the work in which the government officials are met with the unanii olehearted resistance of all of a giv. on locality or bss which com- The. way“Gudok,” the disarmament conference. the Russian Railroad Workers’ Union Journal, views AMERICAN LABOR MUST HELP THE ~ BRITISH-COAL MINERS TO. ‘WIN LONDON. (RP poslong with re- ports of privation“in every mining dis- trict in Britain “come reports of en- thusiastic meetings: sof miners and their wives indorsing the uncompro- mising stand of theirvleaders, Herbert Smith and A. J, Cook: Starvation star- ing them in the’face, the men and their families flock:to:the mass meet- ings by the thousands and reiterate their original stand:of “‘not a penny off the pay, not a-second on the day.” at Strike Relief Needed. Although generous — contributions come from everywhere, the Miners Federation of Great Britain finds it in- creasingly difficult to ;feed the million strikers and their'families. Strike pay has been discontinued, food’ relief is given in some districts, while in oth- ers soup kitchens:.are being estab- lished. British social legislation with its provisions for«the destitute and their children makes strixing easier than in America,’ In many districts the poor commissioners are feeding the children and in some districts even strikers are being fed. The whole labor movement is taxing itself. Unions with dwindling re- sources borrow on their remaining as- sets to help the miners. The interna- tional response is splendid. Russia promised $500,000 in addition to the $1,300,000 sent previously. $10,000 was received from the.Amalgamated Cloth- ing Workers, but little else has come from America. The strike promises to be a long one, Industry is shutting down every- where. Some coal has been purchased in Germany and America, but the im- ports have been insignificant. To Cc. ,P. Supports. Workers, Dagan eat to say that in their fight against the tax on wages the Czecho-Slovakian..workers have met with support and every . assistance only on the of the Communist Party, which has’ mobilized all its funds for this purpose. As a matter of fact, owing to the énergetic resist- ence of the workers in.a@ number of districts, there existed definite hopes that the government would be com- pelled to compromise, and ff not to rescind the law in its entirety, at least to give up the collection of arrears, Saved By Reformists. Howey: at this critical stage, the bourgeois government of Czecho-Siovakia was saved by the reformest leaders. The reformist lead- nd “Ednota,” without consulting the other organizations of the railwaymen or th ntral com- mittee of the railwaymen’s delegates, formed a secret pact with the rep- resentatives of the ministry of fin- ances and treated the railwaymen to the following susprise; “4 The tax on wages shall be cal- * culated and collected not only in the fixed wages, but also on all kinds of earnings, even it the latter be al- ready charged with other taxes, Deductions for the payment of the tax and afrears shall be per- missible to the extent. of two per cent ot the whole earnings. “@ The wage tax shall be collected " from wages even if the amount is below the minimum fixed by rea bs must be-made also counter the danger of scab bai? the British miners appeal to the transport and railwaymen not to handle any coal while the strike is on. ‘In’ view of the pledges to the bosses made. after the general strike, it is “dotbtful whether the leaders of these unfons will commit “wrongful acts against the companies” at this time. \ Hodges Aids Operators, A serious danger to the spitit of the workers is the division within the ranks of labor. The Trades Union Congress general council has been ure’ ing the miners all along to accept a compromise. Secy. Cook's predeces- sor, Frank Hodges, and Frank P. Var: ley of the executive board of the’ Min- ers’ Federation have come out for re- duction of wages. The ‘capitalist press makes the most of this break, yet the Times and othér conseryative papers admit that these two men ‘do a Tep- » resent the miners’ point of : When prime minister ‘Baldwin in- formed the miners that unleas they agree to his terms in a few days the government will withdraw the offer of a $15,000,000 subsidy, Cook .replied that further negotiations with the gov- ernment seem useless, that he had “nothing more to say.”. Herbert Smith invited the prime minister to send the $15,000,000 for strike relief to feed the ’ miners and their families, , Left Wing for Red Fight. To prove that the men are with them Smith and Cook offered to take a ballot of the miners on reduting wages or iftcreasing hours. Officers of the Miners Federation or of any constituent body do not receive sala- Ties while a strike is those railwaymen who have iy Dloyed ven Jess than @ year,’ ‘To Be sealed’ PON ‘the initiative of. ra Sloyak Communists, the-qt about the above quoted “pact” be submitted shortly for exa: by the central committee of rat men’s delegates, who will no ¢ deliver the proper opinion upom “St Chiles epu BUENOS AIRES, June 21. = be Argentine government is silent on the suggestion of a Chilean deputy that Argentina, Brazil or other Latin-Amer- ican nations arbitrate the Tacna-Arica dispute instead of the United States. The dneeence of American imperial- ism is thrown against making way with this suggestion, ~~ This is seen in some newspapers’ scoffing at the proposal. La ‘Prenaa, however, does not share with La Nac- jon this view of the situation, La Prensa declares in effect against the United States position, by saying that it ts impossible to believe that Chile will not assure. free voting, and: fore the plebiscite should be 4 ig still necessary, 4