The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 19, 1926, Page 11

LENIN (7) THE WORLD WAR. \ must admit that the world war came as a rise, even to many radicals, who had dea ly quoted the decisions of the Second In- rational, in which its coming was predicted. ) INMany had lulled themselves into the belief that 6 labor movement could prevent war. In any wwe, the parties were unprepared for the war, id yielded to the terrorism of the governments. he imperialists had matters organized so clev- ‘ly that they could in every ‘country ‘claim that wy were “defending the country,” and that the remy was “imperialistic.” Lenin had not ex- acted much from the reformists. But even to im'ybeir open betrayal was a surprise. They had zc} the. décision: of the International So- alig} Congress in which the vote for the war redits was forbidden and the method of fighting gainst the war alluded to the Paris Commune nd the Russian revolution of 1905, which could ean only a revolutionary fight against war. But when the betrayal of the war socialists be- ame certain, Lenin did not delay. He showed ow the international decisions condemned the caitors. “When opportunism and chauvinism ained the upper hand in the biggest parties, then he Second International ceased to exist. There *pust be a new international.” And Lenin began Nreparations for it. The war found him in Galicia, Austria, and he ras arrested as an enemy—especially since the endarmes suspected his agrarian statistics to e spy reports. He-was, however, released on the ecommendation of Victor Adler, and settled in iwitzerland. There followed difficult times. The utchery went on and lowes and more despicable ecame the betrayal of the “socialists.” It took ome time before the proletarian opposition to the varty leaders could be organized. But Lenin was ot disheartened. With Zinoviey and other com- ades, he started a fight. Their war-time articles re. published, Cant of. them in English, in the ofletion: ¢ ‘Against the'Current.” Lenin himself has sai Chat ry me ae knowing these ar- icles the revolutionary workers cannot under- tand the development of the international revo- utionary ideas before 1917. Lenin also wrote ti] book, “Imperialism, the Latest Stage of Cap- t §sm.” The Russian central committee pub- ix a manifesto and theses about the war and he§attitude of the various parties. The Bol- sheik Duma fraction fulfilled its duty and was 10) uently sent to Siberia. With them went Jomrade Kamenev, who was sent from abroad to lo party work in ‘Russia as the representative of che central committee. In the publications of che Lenin institute in Moscow, the letters. of Lenin to comrades abroad are published. Com- rades Kollontai and Shlyapniakov were at that time in the Scandinavian countries and transmit- ted correspondence from Switzerland to Russia. Lenin also sought connections with the opposition movement in all countries in order to organize them. In 1915, there was held the Intérnational Women’s Conference in Berne and the Zimmer- wald conference in September. rom Switzerland, with the searchlight of his icism he viewed the various tendencies in the world. He analyzed social-imperialists, social- patriots, social-chauvinists, and especially the Kautskian centrists. To the statement of Kaut- sky, that one question is concrete: the victory or defeat of one’s own country, Lenin answers: “That is true, if socialism and the class struggle are not taken into consideration. But if they are, it is not true. Another question is also prac- tical: either to perish in the slave-owners’ war as a helpless slave, or to perish in attempts to fraternize with the slaves with the purpose of abolishing slavery. This is the really practical ion,” Comrade Krupskaya tells in her memoirs, how they lived in a workers’ family in an old house in Zurich. The neighborhood was really inter- national: in one room there was the wife of a Ger- man baker at the front, in another an Austrian actor family, There was no chauvinism and the ae the admiration of Lenin by stating soldiers could turn their weapons their own governments.” — appeared in the world, Karl Lieb- who in a 1914, had not voted the war credits, although in the fraction demanded it, gave his vote in December, i nent ttn oo against the credits (he did this alone, although in the fraction he had had some following). The “Spartacists”’—Liebknecht, Rosa Luxembourg, Mehring, Clara Zetkin, etc.—began to distribute illegal leaflets and write letters to the front. “The world war must be transformed into civil war,” had become their slogan. Similar signs appeared in other countries. Many of them were very indefinite and confused. In the Zimmerwald conference, the centrist- ‘pacifist elements were in a majority. Lenin organized the Zimmerwald left and presented in its name a different mani- festo and resolution as amendments to the decis- ions of the conference. He published these reso- lutions and explained, how he could accept them, but in what respects they were insufficient. And he published the left-wing proposals i in the same issue. This was a good lesson in tactics, show- ing how to use the opposition movements, but at the same time criticizing their inadequacy. The same thing happened in Kienthal, 1916. At the third Zimmerwald conference in Stockholm, 1917, the slogan was accepted; A general strike against the war. But at that time the Russian revolu- tion was already in an advanced state and Lenin had. already, in the spring, explained that it is necessary to start the new international, because Zimmerwald was too shaky. “Let the dead bury their dead.” Whoever wants to help the waver- ing elements must himself cease to waver.” * * * The February (March) Revolution. HEN the message came about the overthrow + of czarism, Lenin responded immediately. He wrote letters to Comrade Kollantai, who was ready to leave Norway for Russia. In his letter, Lenin explains the character of events with amaz- ing clearness and gives the first instructions: no confidence in. the provisional government—inde- pendent policy of the proletariat! Then he starts to plan how to get to Russia. He proposes Swed- ish passports for himself and Zinoviev and their wives. But how about the language? Somebody asks—We must trayel as deaf-mutes, Lenin ans- wered. It was not possible, of conthé, SBithow? The “Allied” countries don’t grant visas. How about Germany? Everybody understands that this might be misinterpreted. Like a cautious man, Lenin takes precautions. He gets unchal- lengable persons to bear witness that they had not made any improper agreements with the Ger- man government. Ludendorff tells in his me- moirs that they let the Russian revolutionaries (there were not only Bolsheviks) go to Russia, hoping that they would weaken the war sgenti- ment, and that_every war-faring nation acts in this way. But he regretted it afterwards, for the disastrous resuNs to German imperialism. One Swedish comrade tells how the emigrants came to Sweden. They were hungry and cleared off the dinner. But Lenin did not touch food. He ‘at once started to ask questions of the Russian comrades about the situation in Russia. Radek tells in a humorous way how they compelled Len- in to buy new trousers and shoes in Stockholm. The rest of his funds—about twenty dollars— Lenin left to the comrades in Stockholm, who could not come to Russia. And when they crossed the Finnish border, Lerfin at once started 4 discus- sion with the Russian soldiers. These soldiers, and those whom they met on the train, were “de- fenders,” and Lenin listened attentively to their arguments. Zinoviey tells how they expected to be arrested. But on the Finnish-Russian border they were met by the workers of the munitions factory in Sestroretsk, many of them cathealashic Bolsheviks. On the train, Lenin at once started to argue with Kamenev, whose views he did not accept. In the Petersburg station, they were met bya patriotic officer, who made a speech express- ing the wish that Lenin join the provisional gov- ernment. “He will show you the provisional gov- ernment,” the comrades commented among them- selves, And Lenin “showed” them even more than many comrades had expected. To the masses of workers and sol gathered on the square be- fore the station, he made his famous speech from the roof of an armored car, and raised the slogan “Socialist revolution.” He explained it in oe detail in his speech in the palace of the tress of the Czar), now the headquarters of Bolsheviks, The reformist Suchanoy, acci- entally present, describes the situation: “Never wil I forget that lightning-like speech, the blows of which did not hit only me, the heretic, but even all the orthodox, I am sure that nobody ex- heed beth ante d Short Stories of His Life pected it. You felt as if all elements were con- jured and the spirit of destruction which knows no obstacles had hovered over the crowd.” Lenin arrived on April 3, and on the next day he presented his thesis, which contained the fol- lowing: the war will be revolutionary only when the power is in the hands of thé-workers and peas- ants. The provisional government is imperial- ist. You cannot support its war. Our slogan must be: All power to the Soviets! A Soviet Republic! Police, army and bureaucracy must be abolished. The land must be put at the dis- posal of the soviets. Workers’ control in the industry, food provision, nationalization of the banks, under the control of the soviets. A new party program and new international. Lenin criticizes the attitude taken by the com- rades, who made concessions to the “revolution- ary defense.” When Kameney argues that the Bolsheviks had always had the slogan: Workers’ and peasants’ democratic dictatorship, and asks: Will the slogan of Socialist Revolution not be premature? Lenin answers that the essence of Marxism is that we must act on the basis of actual conditions, not our previous estimations. The estimations of the Bolsheviks have proved correct in general. But there are always unex- pected things in details. The democratic: dicta- torship of the workers and peasants has been real- . ized, although in an unforeseen form. This dic- tatorship, the sdviets, tolerates, beside itself, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie in the form of the provisional government. This dual power cannot last long. And Lenin explains, we will not demand the immediate realization of .gocial- ism. The power to the soviets and the social revolution is a slogan to be presented to the soviets and must be accepted by a majority. The waves of the popular movement rise high. When the foreign minister, Miliukov; sends a note to the allied governments with an assurance of war “to the end,” he is compelled to resign. The popular movement toward peace comes to expres- sion in many mass demonstrations. But there is a very strong sentiment against the Bolsheviks, who have a very small minority in the soviets. But Lenin and the comrades work persistently. Jomrade Zinoviev tells how they wee met by of- ficers in the Semenoy armory, when they went to make speeches there. It was apparent that the of- ficers were ready to kill them. And the sentiment of the soldiers was against Lenin when he started to speak. But after a time he had gained their confidence. In the early summer the problem arose, of how to prevent a premature upheaval. The masses in Petersburg, and especially in Kronstadt, were very much excited, and ready to start things. As the situation in the army and i in the provinces was not ripe, the Bolsheviks opposed _ the fight for , power. But the masses went out. and the Bolsheviks had to go with them in order to prevent a calamity. They succeeded in draw- ing the masses back as it was becoming clear to them that they would be defeated. - At the same time, the front ‘tieniahis of Kren- sky collapsed. Many leading Bolsheviks were now arrested. Lenin and Zinoviey were ready to yield to court hearings, but when it became clear that they would be murdered by the counter-reyo- lutionaries, the central committee decided that | they should hide. They worked in a shack ‘of brush -wood in the forest close to the Finnish bor- der. * They were furnished with the daily papers and wrote articles and letters. Later on, Lenin moved to Finland, where he wrote “The State and Revolution.” In a brochure in July, “The Les- sons of the Revolution,” he had explained how the mere slogan “Power to the Soviets” would now mean betrayal. The slogan must be: Fight for the Power of the Soviets! Up to this time, the power could have been taken over peacefully. But now it was impossible. The masses must be prepared for the open peniehasmesaanbealinissaet eS ancl