The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 8, 1926, Page 6

ial? | regs SIx* THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WCRKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il. Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mali (in Chicago only): By mail (outsides of Chicag>): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per vear $3.50 six montha $2.50 three months | $2.00 three months Address all mat! and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, lilinols $e J. LOUIS B iL one Et r WILLIAM F, DUNNE Editors MORITZ J, LOEB... ..Business Manager Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Ch! cago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. eer Britain’s New Colonial Crisis igain for British impérialism in Egypt. innulment of two decisions of the Egyptian the note dispatched to the Egyptian govern- uble is brewing ment by the Briti reign office. ghloul Pasha, leader of the movement for Egyptian indepen- dence, after being elected by an overwhelming majority, is de-| prived of even a position in the new Egyptian cabinet, and the ac- quit »f the six nationalists accused of complicity in the killing of Sir in November, 1924, also is to be overruled. are ordered to positions’ from which they cities. ee Stack Br itish battleships ean shell E All of the above is the result of the imperialist reaction to the growing strength of the nationalist liberation movement shown by the election of Zaghloul Pasha in the face of the opposition of the Britis puppets—King Fuad and Premier Ziwar Pasha. Britain seems willing to repeat the murderous bonabardment by which she levelled Alexandria in 1882 and established herself on Egyptian soil. But the situation, both in Egypt and in the Mediterranean area, has changed since then, Not only has the nationalist movement gained the support of the masses of the Egyptian people but France and Italy are no longer willing to allow Great Britain to hold the Mediterranean as a British lake thru a system of naval bases beginning at Gibraltar and extending to Suez. A colonial war in-Egypt might easily set all Europe aflame. The Egyptians are Mohammedans. So are the Turks and a huge percentage of the population of India. Asia as well as Europe is in- terested in the outcome of the struggle in Egypt. In such a war Britain will have no friends. Two Views of the British Betrayal The New Leader, socialist party organ of New York, in its edi- torial comment upon the miserable action of the British Trade Union Congress in calling off the general strike says: “* ® ® It appears fairly clear that the trade union leaders placed too much rellance upon the agreement for ending the strike, which was negotiated with Sir Herbert Samuel.” Not one word of criticism of the rank traitors and agents, of the capitalist class, J. R. MacDonald and J. H. Thomas, who, from the yery first conspired with Baldwin to shamelessly betray the strike. The-—scs—st organ tries to conceal the monstrous treachery of their fellow members of the Second International by apologetic- ally stating that “they placed too much reliance” upon Samuels, whose record as agent of British imperialism is too well known be- cause of his services to the empire in Palestine to need any elabora- tion. , How different from this puny apology is the clear-headed state- ment of the workers of the Red Railway Depot at Moscow, many of whom had fought thru two revolutions and who know how properly to estimate the role of the MacDonalds. These workers told the British strikers in the early days of the strike what to ex- pect from their traitorous leaders: “Do not believe the traitors, satellites and servants of the bour- geolsie—Thomas and MacDonald. Kick these leaders out of the leading posts.” How different is the revolutionary attitude to that of the yellow socialists! Even after the betrayal is known to all the world the American socialist organ has the brass to apologize for it, while during the struggle itself the workers of Russia had the revolution- ary understanding to point to the MacDonalds and Thomases and brand them as traitors, thereby carrying out the correct policy of BRANDING THE TRAITORS WHILE THEY ARE ENGAGED IN THEIR TREACHERY. However, we do not expect the Hillquits, Oneals and other, lead- ers of the socialist party of this country to brand their British ¢ounterparts as traitors even AFTER their betrayal. They hope to some day be in the position where they can serve the bourgeoisie of this country as cabinet members and official government strike- breakers, thereby contributing to the glory of the Second Interna- tional. But we will see to it that their ambitions are never realized. Crowe “Whitewashes” His Office Everything regarding the slaying of McSwiggen, “star” pros- ecntor in State’s Attorney Crowe's office, is now ¢leared up to the satisfaction of Crowe and the reptile press of the city. The mur- derer has not been apprehended, but that is a ‘minor matter. What was most embarassing to Crowe was the fact that his man was killed while touring various bootleg parlors with two or more notorious beer runners and gunmen. It now develops, according to the statement of Crowe, that his assistant was not endeayoring to aid his pals, O'Donnell and Duffy in their campaign to get the business of beer selling away from the Capone-Torrio gang, but was merely engaged in the _ benevolent pursuit of trying to locate a few bullet-proof vests that had been stolen from friend.” ypulian This information, “whitewashing” the state’s attorney’s office, was obtained from that eminent gentleman, “Klondyke” O’Donnell, who with one of his gang, was interviewed about the McSwiggen affair. Tf Crowe’s assistant was part of the O’Donnell gang it is hardly sontble to assume that the survivors would tell a story that would bring them into conflict with the state’s attorney’s office. Especially unconvincing is anything Crowe may say on the subject in view of the recent expose of Judge Trude who declared that young MeSwigyen and others were particularly active at the polls during the primary election terrorizing voters who were known to be un- friendly to the Crowe slate, The additional fact that a Crowe grand jury also “whitewashed” the state’s attorney’s office only makes the whole mess smell the more strongly. ‘iy - eS Mak Workers reads dt and a new subscription | Get a memhber tor the Jag Tee Dawy Workers. ‘ a Advertising rates on application. | Pp. THE DAILY WORKER The. statement made by W. Jett Lauck, economist, before the senate committee on education and labdr May 26, 1926, at a hearing on the Shepard resolution (S. Res. 177) calling for an investigation of con- ditions in the textile, aluminum and steel industries, was as follows: i the protective tariff system is de- |* signed, among oth alleged ad- vantages, to make p ble decent Standards of work, living and compen- | sation to American wage earners, the highly protected textile industry of c and vicinity is the most colos- 1 sham and hypocrisy every perpe- | trated on the American wage earner. The woolen and worsted industry, | which is highly localized in that city, | now enjo an average protective duty lot 78 per cent. This should afford an je abundant margin of profit to the mill | | | | owners after establishing standards of work ‘and wages which) are contem- plated by the tariff law and which have been sanctioned by enlightened public opinion and successful indus- trial leadership. Instead of conditions which arise from wise industrial statesmanship, however, and which ® to be stimulated by_the existing tariff legislation, those which actually exist are quite the reverse. They, not only repudiate all accepted industrial safeguards and guarantees to wage arners, but they also disregard the most elementary moral and human standards. The mill owners of Pas- saic have flagrantly violated the fun- damental intent of the existing tariff law and have been recreant to every obligation of political and industrial democracy, They should have the un- reserved condemnation of the con- gress, and of all those who love hu- manity and who cherish democratic in- stitutions and ideals. They are un- American and greater enemies of American ideals than are the most radical and revolutionary labor agita- tors and subversive propagandists. By, H. M. WICKS. NOTE—The following article was written and read at the first “living newspaper” in the English language in the city of Chicago, where the author of the article acted as editor, on Saturday evening, May 8, during the progress of the British snee strike, O accustomed is the capitalist press to denouncing as revolution every advance of labor, every effort collect- ively to improve the condition of the working class that it is not surprising to see it organizing an anvil chorus monotonously to chant that the gen- eral strike in Britain is revolution. The vast mass upheavel convulsing the United Kingdom today certainly has tremendous revolutionary implica- tions, which can, under certain condi- tions of leadership, travel far on the path to revolution, but thus far it falls far. short of revolution. That the bourgeois press recognizes the fact that the general strike can be made the starting point for prosecu- tion of the class struggle to the bitter end is evidenced by the hysteria that pervades its editorial and news col- umns. To the Chicago Journal of Commerée the general strike under any conditions, of long or short dura- tion, appears as revolution. In an ed- itorial under the head “Revolution,” it declares: “Whatever may be done from now on eannot alter the fact that the Trade Union Congress has pro claimed a revolutionary act. A gen- eral strike of long duration is revo- lution; a general strike of short du- ration is revolution. The Trades Union Congress has ordered an as- sault on the government of Great . Britain.” THER avowed spokesmen of’ the big bourgeoisie and many semi-lib- eral publications re-echo this state- ment with variations. The only capi- talist publication in the United States that has even remotely perceived the role of leadership in the present gen- eral strike is The Chicago Tribune, which, under the caption, “Conserva- tives in a Revolution,” carried this re- markable editorial, which we publish in full: “J, H. Thomas, secretary of the railwaymen’s union in England and a leader of the Labor Party in par- liament, has been megotiating with the government in the hope of re- storing peace. Premier Baldwin has snnounced that he will not consider any terms until the general strike is called off unconditionally. “Mr. Thomas ig not a revolution- ary. He has confidence in the par- Namentary system of government, If he is anxious to make peace as speedily as possible, the explanation is-simple. He knows that if peace ig not speedily restored he will lose his influence over his own followers. A general strike is a revolutionary movement,.,, It cannot be led by any one but an avowed revolutionist, “Blood has been shed already in Great Britain, The genera] strike cannot continue without more blood- letting, The longer it continues the more bitter it will become and the more surely the strikers will make revolution their goal, Mr, Thomas and many others among the veteran leaders of labor aro realizing now that if they are to retain leadership they must bring the strike to an end, Tn that fact lies the chief hope of an early settlement.” fe NerComamnist will take issue ” pressions and exploitations which the people have suffered there, under the alleged protection of high customs du- ties, may, however, be summarily re- capitulated as follows: First—The Passaic mills, which the strike has been directed, are alien controlled. The majority were under the alien property custo- dian during the war. They are now under the domination of large German textile interests. The alien property custodian reported that the Botany Mills were 85 per cent enemy owned, the Garfield mills 47 per cent, the Gera mills 88 per cent, Passaic Wors- ted Spinning Company 60 per cent, Forstmann-Huffmann ,Gompany 72 per cent. They have been, established be- hind our protective tariff wall in order to evade competitive; disadvantages Since the war and th¢,return of these properties to. German control, the ef- bsg | fort has been constantly made to im- pose an intolerable Prugsian industrial autocracy upon those, who have been employed. Second—The employes of these mills ve been denied the right to organ- Industrial spieshave been used o detect and thwart,any attempts in this direction. Wage;,earners who have joined labor organizations have been blacklisted, discriminated against and summarily discharged. Third—The employes of these mills are denied the right of collective bar- gaining thru representatives of their own choosing. The mill owners will not recognize or deal with their or- ganizations. This is a fundamental right which is essential to industrial freedom and which custom, precedent and enlightened opinion and states- manshipf have established in our basic industries. Its denial in industrial life is analagous to the denial in po- litical life of representation as a con- dition to taxation. The mill owners of Of the conditions, which exist in Passaic it is difficujt’ to speak tem- perately and briefly, The. wrongs, op- The General Strike: and Revolution she claim that a revolution: cannot be ed but by an avowed revolutionist. The Tribune editorialaisd shows a re- markably clear insight into the role and the motives of Mr.cThomas as a raiter to labor, as one whose interests it is to endeavor to stifle any develop- ment on the road to revolution in order that he may continue to play the role of labor lieutenant of capitalism. UT a general strike confined to eco- nomic demands aldhe is not revo- lution and without ‘developing into a political struggle is doomed to defeat. The notionsthat the’ strite is a substi- tute for thé political’ struggle of the working class is anarchism, utopian. Furthermore, no such’ thing as a purely economic striké can exist in the world of reality. It belongs to the realm of fantasy ‘where dwell the uto- pians of all shades from yellow social- ists to amarcho-syndicalists. In this connection the position of the socialist organ, The Milwaukee Leader, is inter- esting as enunciatediin) its editorial comment: “But just the sameithe general” strike is in its effects a: revolution, whether it adopts the frills of Bol- shevist psychology or goes forward with the staid dete’ jon of Brit- ish trade unionism.j, It is all the more effective in its) revolutionary results.when it shuns the frills and attends strictly to its economic is- sues.” HE Leader editors would probably vehemently deny any taint of an- archism, but identically the same sen- timents could have been expressed and have been better stated by every prom- inent anarcho-syndicalist in the world. The disciples of Pouget, Sorel,and oth- ers of the anarchist school can agree in every detail with Mr. Berger’s pub- lication, which again proves that the line separating the reformist socialists from the anarchists is very thin and also emphasizes thelr utter confusion in face of great Working class up- heavals. Gas strikes are not things for fools and cowards to play with. A nation-wide” general strike should only be launched when the working class is developed tothe point where it is ready to fight, against every ob- stacle in dts path and under a leader- ship that knows the Boal toward which it must travel to be essful. There is ample evidence,.that the British workers are ready;-the question of leadership is dul . In itself the general strike 4s, course, not rev- olution, But like.y: all other social phenomena, it doean’t exist “in itself,” that is to say, as @ thing separate and apart from the restraf society and run- ning its own course. It is one stage of the class conflict, It is a.challenge to the capitalist class, which has as its defense the state power, This state, by its very existence, proves that there are class antagonisms that are irreconcilable, and when the class it represents is threatened it steps in and by various methods endeavors to crush the working class. One of the methods used by the state against the working class i¢ that of dependence upon the right-wing leaders to betray the struggle. Thomas and MacDonald, “realizing now that it they are to retain leadership they must bring the strike to an end,” are striv- ing night and ‘toward that goal and are capable of, any treachery to realize satihe pune not with the workers mgr struggle, but are continuously ine rence with Bald- win, in gpite of the.tact that they have PA against | Passaic, however, repudiate this. fun- damental safeguard of industrial: lib- erty. Fourth—The employes of these mills are denied a living wage or a wage sufficient to enable them to support their families decently or th health and with any degree of comfort. By the way of illustration, 71 per cent of the workers in the Botany Worsted Mills earned during 1925 less than $1200, while the remaining 29 per cent earned less than $1,600. The absolute inadequacy of these earnings is shown by the fact that the National Indus- trial Conference Board, a federation ofthe leading employers’ organiza- tions of the country, which is not sym- pathetic with the attitude of organized labor, as the result of original inves- tigations in the adjacent textile com- munities of West Hoboken and Union Hill, New Jersey, established the sum of $1604 per annum as the necessary “minimum cost of living among wage- earners” families. As a matter of fact, the annual earnings of the work- er in the Passaic mills are not suf- ficient to maintain the minimum stand- ards of subsistence, or, a bare annual existence for himself and his family. Fifth—Under the deplorable condi- tions wives and children, in order that families may exist at all, must go to work in the mills, in order to sup- plement the earnings of the husband and father. The 1920 census shows that in New Jersey textile industries there were employed 27,588 men, 24,- 609 women, and 8,168 children under 16 years of age. UR own (original investigations ‘have shown that the usual custom in Passaic is for the husband to work in the daytime, while the wife works during the night. Altho this night work of women is forbidden by state law, the law is not enforced because of a legal tangle deliberately produced by the mill owners in an action against the state, Altho the people of New Jersey have forbidden it, the Pas- no mandate from the workers whom they pretend to serve—but whom they they strive to betray—to confer with the enemy. Their action in this strike dramatizes the entire right-wing lead- ership of the whole labor movement. When the time of decisive struggles afrive and they have to choose be- tween plunging into the struggle on thé side of the workers or going over to the side of the capitalists they in- variably do the latter and become the final ‘bulwark of the enemy. The right-wing leaders, like the Milwaukee Leader, hastened to deny the political character of the struggle and assured Baldwin and the British ruling class that they had no intention of wageing a political struggle, even at this time, when the government is preparing to try to crush by force of arms the strike in case Thomas and MacDonald and Bevin do not succeed in their efforts to betray it. T this time, when these agents of the bourgeoisie are engaged .in their greatest treachery, they must be unmasked before the workers of ingland and expelled from their places and the leadership of the movement must pass into the hands of the most resolute section of the working class. It is true that a revolution can only be led by revolutionists. And the gen- eral strike may be made the starting point for revolution. But in order for it to travel that road it must rapidly advance from success to success, must constantly initiate new and more audacious attacks, must always be on the offensive and ruthlessly hurl its entire forces directly against the state power of the capitalist class. A general strike alone that confines itself to the “economic” struggle, a folded-arms policy wherein the gov- ernment pretends to remain neutral, as in Italy in 1920, can at best hope to reach a compromise with the enemy, for the reason that it soon assumes the mature of a starva- tion contest between the working class and the capitalist class, with the cap- italists in legal control of the food supplies of the nation. To break thru this legality requires a struggle against the government itself, which, with its laws, give sanction to the armed forces to defend private prop- erty in food supplies. The industries cannot be seized and held without challenging the legal ownership of the capitalist class. UCH a movement can only be car- ried forward by a revolutionary leadership. In Britain the general strike ean only develop into revolution if the Communists can take the lead, unseat the Thomas, the MacDonalds, the Bevens, and openly challenge the government thru striving to break the power of the armed forces of the state, by inciting mutiny in the ranks of the army, and enlisting the mutineers in the-ranks of the revolu- tionists in order to launch and ineur- rectionary assault upon the loyal forces of the government, The general strike can be the start- ing point for such a development as it gets the workers out of the indus- tries and into the streets, But to be- come revolutionary it must be under fearless revolutionary leadership, that drives forward with irresistable force to the conquest of state power and establishes a government of the pro- letariat which disarms the bourreoisie, arms the proletariat, crushes. the whole baureaucratic apparatus of cap- naib industrial autocracy thas by ma- nipulation’ thwarted thetr’.will and women are forced to work at night. Because of the economic pressure upon the: mother,» she can secure no relief. even during the period of preg- nancy, because it is then that the fam- fly .expenses increase. There are many instances of babies being ‘born at the mills. Frequently “the time taken from work by mothers amounts to no more than a few days before and after the birth of the child. Sixth—The effect of these condi- tions upon infant mortality is appall- ing. Those who control the Passaic mills and direct their policies are in- directly but morally guilty of the pre- mature and avoidable deaths of thou- sands of infants. Passafe has 43.per cent greater mortality than has the entire state of New Jersey among chil- dren under one year of age, 52 per cent greater for children tnder 5 years, and 52 per cent greater among children 5 to 9 years of age. The blood of these children is on the hands of the Passaic mill owners, for they have created the conditions which re- sulted in their deaths. And they have done this thing under a tariff of 78 per cent, which was designed to pro- tect the wage earner-and his family. Seventh—The working conditions in the Passaic mills are intolerable. Dur- ing rush periods the wage earners, both men and women,.are forced to work long overtime. hours.under pen- alty. of discharge for refusal or even unwillingness. During slack seasons they are placed upon part time and are sent home at Gnespettee and ir- regular hours. The.foremen are exceedingly brutal. Language used to employes is profane and indecent. Facilities for men and women are unsanitary. Ventilation is bad. The results are preventable oc- cupational diseases such as rheuma- tism and tuberculosis. Much of the work is classed as dangerous and most of the danget could be eliminated by A Chicago gymnast director, who to face an empty cupboard. and combines in a ry state the legislative and ‘unctions that enable ft to jast vestiges of caniediatagay mio, ~ u Motor of Trans-Atlantic Plane Rene Fonek, casa apres rm epee motor 6f ‘his Jaton wl Ai plane In he wilt from Long Island thia season in an attempt te ‘Senators Told of Conditions at Passaic| humane management; The mill‘) ers.as a whole are completely indif) ent. to the welfare of the workers, | HE workers are thus deprived) their fundamental industrial 111) ties and subjected to intolerable wi ing conditions. They have been | prived of all rights and privile) which have been sanctioned by’ st) and-federal legislation, by judicial cisions, by public and private arbi tion boards, by the best public opin and industrial statesmanship and the pronouncements of all christ churches, without regard to denomi tion, On the other hand, the mill own have been reaping excessive pro from the benefits of protectiongnd exploitation of their emplo: J the seven years ending Decerfher 1928, the profits of the Botan? We ted Mills, by way of illustration,”:| eraged $3,160,212 per year, or $98.) share on each share of capital stc outstanding... In 1924 a holding ‘¢¢ pany was organized with acitrem) dously increased number of. shares) no par value in order to conceal ea ings. This new company Owns t Botany and Garfield: mills, and } large interests in two Germany t} tile manufacturing groups. A part) the funds realized from the reorga) zation was used to finance these t tile interests in-Germany. Blair) Co., the underwriters of the new hi ing company, in their statements ri tive to the sale of the new secnrit; created, stated ‘that the Botany “had never had an unprofitable yea! All the other companies, with exception of the Botany, ‘are..clo: corporations and make no public port tothe usual financial manu and agencies. The alien property c: todian, in taking over the property 1908, reported earnings ranging f 10 to 25 per cent, and these retu have been larger instead of smal since their return to their origin alien owners, } Hiking 1,000 Miles Without Food— / Tell It to a Passaic Textile Workei appears on the right in this pictur just left Chicago to hike to New York without eating any food.en route. ul admits he is accuctomed to a regular diet. of good food and bullt up the tiem of his body to withstand a tong fast. But textile workers in Lawrence ” Passaic work ten and twelve hours under unbearable canditions om and very bad food. When this fasting walker gets to New York he s down to. a meal of well chosen food—when the textile worker goes how