The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 5, 1926, Page 12

LENIN (5) THE REVOLUTION OF 1905. LOODY SUNDAY, January, 1905, was the longed-for sign that the masses had gotten into motion. When Lenin saw the first tele grams in the newspapers, he at once appreciated the importance of the events and started to take practical steps. The bureau of the committees of the majority (Bolsheviks) sent out the call for the congress. The Mensheviks declared the con- vention unnecessary and did not come. The con- vention was held in April in London, forty-two delegates from twenty-one organization units. It was up to it to decide the tactics in the revolu- tion. In the Second International at that time the opinion prevailed that “the general strike is gen- eral nonsense,” and that “if we are strong enuf to realize it it will be unnecessary.” The Bolshe- vik convention explained that the general strike was the question of the day in Russia, and it must be completed with armed insurrection. The art of rebellion was closely studied and explained by Lenin and his comrades. Delegates were sent to Russian centers in order to organize the move- ment. The relation to the liberals was now one of the main issues. The Mensheviks explained that as the revolution is a bourgeois revolution, it must be led by the bourgeoisie. The proletariat must be the “extreme opposition.” Lenin showed how the liberal bourgeoisie seeks a compromise with ezarism and cannot be relied upon as the leader of the revolution. The leader of the revolution is the proletariat, and’ its ally is the peasantry, which we could call the revolutionary bour- geoisie. The Mensheviks had their idea from the French revolutions of 1830 and 1848, where the bourgeoisie had formed the provisional govern- ments. Lenin showed that if that should hap- pen in Russia it would not be a complete demo- cratic revolution. This would be the case only if ezarism is crushed in an open struggle and the revolutionary people take the power into, .their:.j; own hands. And then the place of the party of the proletariat is not in the opposition, but in the leadership. They must go in the provisional government and complete the revolution. The remnants of the czarist bureaucracy must be wiped out; the resistance of the counter-revolu- tionary forces must be crushed; the church must be separated from the state; the peasants must destroy the power of the nobility in the country and take over their land. They cannot wait un- til the constituent assembly gives them something from above; they must settle matters thru their own committees, and the constituent assembly must then legalize the situation so created. The program of the proletariat is the minimum program: realization of democracy, civil liber- ties, ete. The immediate realization of socialism would be a Utopia in Russia at the time. But the democratic revolution would be complete only if it is accomplished by the proletariat. The Mensheviks do not understand how things happen in a revolution. They are against the slogan “the democratic dictatorship of workers and peas- ants.” They do not understand that every revo- lutionary government must be dictatorial. It must mercilessly do away with the old institu- tions. Comrades Trotsky and Parvus came out with their theory of the “permanent revolution.” The words were used by Marx in 1850 in his letter to the German Communists at a time when Marx still expected a new wave of revolution. The slo- gan in itself is not wrong—every revolutionary must try to make the revolution permanent, that is, to last thru a whole period. But the content Trotsky gave to the slogan was wrong. Trotsky explained that the workers would not consent to the “self-limitation” which Lenin was supposed to recommend to them. They would realize their own dictatorship. And as they were a little mi- nority and as the peasants would go with the bourgeoisie, the workers could realize their power only with “state help” from the Western prole- tariat. Seemingly radical, this point of view was actually the same as that of the Mensheviks. The conditions of the “state help” from the Western proletariat would actually mean a tying-up of the revolution. It was the leftist opinion that the workers and peasants cannot together conduct the revolution further. It is necessary to remark that in spite of his wrong theory Comrade Trot- ' Interviewed every Short Stories of His Life sky filled his place in the revolutionary time of 1905 and was sent to Siberia by the government. The Mensheyiks, who did not come to the Lon- don convention but held their own conference in Geneva, adopted a resolution in their own spirit. Lenin wrote about them, that these Gt rondists of the Russian revolution pretended to be independent of the bourgeoisie, but were ac tually supporting the liberals, who wanted to put aside czarism in a polite way, with gloved hands. But the modern Jacobins, the Bolsheviks, would carry the revolutionary petty-bourgeoisie, especially the peasants, away with them; they want the people to make the revolution in a pleb- ian manner, mercilessly crushing the enemies of liberty. The Bolsheviks now started their organ, “Pro- letar” which was published until November, while legal papers could be published in Russia. Events showed how correct the Bolsheviks had been in their estimation of the revolution. The Revolution Draws ‘Nearer. In Russia, events develop rapidly. Military revolts, naval mutinies, strikes growing into revolutionary general strikes, peasants’ rebel- lions and revolutionary demonstrations of workers. Lenin follows the development of events closely, and evaluates their significance. He criticizes “the poor arguments of certain in- tellectuals” and prizes “the good demonstra- tions of the workers.” He shows how daring deeds, such ag the attempt to free the prison- ers in Riga, the fights against the Cossacks, etc., develop fighting energy and ability and encourage the masses. He shows how the bourgeois enjoy the fruits of the fight and the masses bear the burden. In August, the czar tries to stop the movement with petty conces- sions; a committee with Bulygin as its head is appointed in order to work out some kind of a fake scheme of parliamentary government. The Mensheviks are ready to participate in the elections, but the revolutionary events wipe the elections off the order of the day. In Oc- tober, the movement grows into a general rev- olutionary struggle all over the country. Lenin leaves for Russia. He passes thru Finland when the general strike there ends. In Petersburg, he starts to edit the paper “No- vaya Zhisn” (The New Life) and participates in revolutionary activities. On November 18, he writes how some people call the situation prevailing “anarchy”; but it only means that there is not an established order in the coun- try. Absolutism is unable to subdue the revo- lutionary movement, which in turn is not yet able to overthrow absolutism. Such a situation cannot last long, but it is the period when the masses prepare themselves for the decisive time. With particular interest Lenin follows the activity of the Petersburg Soviet, whose sessions he often attends in disguise, because he cannot appear openly. To the comrades he explains how necessary it is to work in the non-partisan organizations. “The Soviets are our class organs,” he says, “but in them, as in workers’ meetings, you must always remember that you are party members. Don’t = shrink from raising the banner of the pa 7" In December, an armed revolt breaks out in Moscow, which—altho lost—shows how er- roneous the opinion at that time prevailing m the Second International was, that the time of barricade fighting was past. A few hundred active fighters,” backed by the sympathizing masses, defended themselves almost a week against the czar’s troops, who far outnumber- ed the strikers and were armed with artillery. At the same time the question comes up in Petersburg how to help the comrades in Mos- cow. The first plan, to prevent the troops be- ing sent to Moscow, fails, and some comrades propose to start open fighting in Petersburg. But as the masses are not prepared, this would mean a desperate fight, and Lenin opposed it as anjadventure. But when the fight in Mos- cow was lost, he did not, like Plechanov, wail that “they should not have taken up arms,” but carefully studied what had happened. He he could find, and interpreted the experiences in articles, He evaluated the struggle as the first brilliant pro- letarian rebellion against czarism and the bourgeoisie in a backward country, The forthcoming short story of Lenin’s life will appear in the next issue of the New Magazine, dealing with the consequences of the Revolution of 1905, Traitors By ADOLF WOLFF, i ges legend says That Judas betrayed Josus And that Judas, Stricken with remorsa, Had the decency To hang himself, MacDonald and Thomas Betrayed the workers of England, Will they, Like Judas, : Be stricken with remorse And, like Judas, — Have the decency To hang themselves? F ascism and Women bp heads of the fascist bands in Italy have come to the conclusion that the place for women is in their homes and not in parades or demon strations. A very startling conclu sion—isn’t it—and what is the reason? A time there was when women were quite welcome in fascist demonstra- tions. In fact, a large number of middle class, capitalist and so-called aristocratic women took active part in the fascist “revolution,” sharing in the outrages and terror against the workers and peasants of Italy. Why this change of mind? But before we try to find the answer we must quote on the subject one of the prominent heads of the fascists, the secretary of their organization, Turatti. Says he: The women must train thelr souls to the fullest co-operation with the goal of our revolution ever in view, but must remain at their womanly tasks of good works, piety, gentility, and avoid anything which has to do with a uniform or parades. Something must have happened with the working class women of Italy. Otherwise, why should Musso- lini, Turatti and Co. feel anxious about the piety and gentility of women? Bloody Terror is Championing Gentility. A LITTLE reflection will.show that. there are quite a number of rea- sons why Mussolini should now begin to advocate piety and gentility for women. Fascism is settling down to busi- ness. It has conquered the govern- mental machinery of the country. It has come to terms with the big cap italists, the king, the aristocracy and the pope. It is now proceeding sys- tematicaHy to crush and destroy every semblance of organization and actiy- ity among the masses. Mussolini and his fascist bands are now in need of internal peace, so that they can more successfully prepare for imperialist aggression and war. At the same time there is brewing a feeling of revolt against the Musso- lini regime. The working men and working women are slowly beginning to raise their heads and to prepare for struggle. Mussolini, Turatti and Co. see it coming. That is why they are beginning to preach piety and gentil- ity to the masses, and more particu- larly to the women. There is no bet- ter cloak for capitalist hypocrisy, bru- tality and exploitation than piety and gentility. the entire picture,