The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 25, 1926, Page 6

Page Six —~—~—- THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WCRKER PUBLISHING CO, 1213 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, ML Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By maii (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per vear $38.50 six months $2.60 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Hlinols J, LOUIS ENGDAHL \ WILLIAM F. DUNNE fi MERGES DR MORITZ J. LOEB. smn Business Manager Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi cago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. Money for the British Miners Only the fact that the general strike preceded it and that the miners’ strike therefore comes as somewhat of an anti-climax prevents it receiving more serious treatment by the capitalist press. For the British capitalist class and declining British capitalism the coal tie-up is a major disaster. More than any other nation, Great Britain’s industry, holding first place. before the war, is built on coal. The invention of the steam engine, its application to factory machinery ‘and the discovery of two great seams of coal crossing Britain from north to-south and east to west in the form of a rough T, the enclosure of the commons and the driving of the peasantry from the land to make way for the more profitable sheep, laid the foundation for the British industrial system that rose on the ruins of feudalism. England is a great engine that runs and turns out billions in profit for its rulers because 1,200,000 miners follow the thin and crooked coal seams in Wales, Scotland, Durham, Lanarkshire and Fifeshire. These workers are on strike because they -haye reached the limit of endurance.. They and their families cannot exist on a_ wage whose maximum is two pounds, ten shillings—$12.50—per week. The coal owners and the government not only are trying to reduce wages but to lengthen hours and introduce a system of dis- trict agreements which will divide and cripple the Miners’ Federa- tion of Great Britain—the most poWerful union in the British labor movement. Upon the miners the coal barons and their backers in the ranks of British capitalism are trying to place the burden of the industry. “First the miners, then the rest of the trade union movement,” is the slogan of the British ruling class and their government. Due to the cowardice, ignorance and underhanded treachery of the MacDonalds, Thomases and Hendersons—the right wing of the labor movement—the miners now are forced. to fight alone. They must be given every dollar of financial assistance that the labor movement of the world can raise. The splendid example of the trade unions of Soviet Russia—they haye sent $1,000,000 to the British miners already—must be followed. News dispatches state that A. Purcell, on tour for miners’ re- lief, has raised a quarter of a million dollars in Germany and France. BLEs Surely in the United States, where President Green of the A. F. L, has said again the other, day that wages are:higher and em- ployment better than in any other country in the world, our unions can double and double and double: again the’contributions of the European labor. Money for the British miners should be the ness before every union in America. <i> 290 first order of busi- oy: : Government Aiding Fascist Murderers Last November in one of his bombastic proclamations before the Italian chamber of deputies Mussolini declared that his fascist bands would destroy all opposition abroad as he had crushed it in Rome. He particularly emphasized the anti-fascist agitation in France and the United States, declaring that it must be exterminated. Special agents have been sent to this country. Italian political refugees trying to ape the monstrous tyranny of fascism have been assaulted and kidnaped on American soil, faken aboard Italian ships where they were subjected to torture at the hands of Mus- solini’s agents. Many of the refugees have been arrested by Amer- iean police on “information” supplied by agents provocateur and held under enormous bond for deportation to Italy and the hands of the fascist assassins. . Deportation of political refugees to Italy is similar to sending a man to his death without trial. The United States government is participating in these crimes; is encouraging Mussolini and his brigands in their campaign of ter- ror against Italians in this country who dare tell the facts of the bloody regime that has reduced Italy to one vast cemetery. Once the haven of refuge for the oppressed. and exiled of the world, this country now turns loose upon all rebels the jackal packs of police and detectives recruited from the scum of the earth. En- couraging fascist spies to hunt out the enemies of Mussolini and de- porting them to the slaughter house in Italy is a depth beneath which it can never sink, Against this murderous business American labor. should arise as one man and demand that the fascist groups transplanted to this country by order of, Mussolini be immediately disbanded. We further démand that this whole question be taken up in the congress of the United States and ainvestigated so that the workers of this country may know thefacts regarding the government encouraging the terror of fascist. hirelings of Mussolini in. this coyntry, and also actively aiding fascism by persecuting its enemies. From coast to coast labor must protest against the United States government aiding the fascist murderers, Grable Leses His Job Mr. E. F. Grable, a good and faithful servant of the railroads and the capitalist government, is now out of a job. When Presi- dent Coolidge signed the Watson-Parker bill it automatically abolished the railroad labor board of which Grable was a member. In case Mr, Grable has been forgotten by labor we remind our readers of the fact that he was the president of the Maintenance of Way organization in 1922 who betrayed the 400,000 members of that union and refused to grant strike sanction in spite of the fact that they had voted almost unanimously for such action. A convention of his union unseated him, but the bosses took care of him by re- warding him with a soft job on the government’s rail board. Now that he is: thru as the so-called. “labor” representative on the labor board he y try to repeat the perforniance of other dis- carded labor politicians—get back into the l#bor movement so he can again knife, theoworkers. It is well to rem the records of such creatures and, see that he secures his ‘Hi jood exclusively from the class he serves instead of the workérs he so contemptibly betrayed. " ai 4 Lessons of By A. ENDERLE (Berlin). f Ira struggle of the 1,200,000 English miners and the general strike of the whole English working class re- sulting from it has at one stroke Placed on the order of the day the general and unavoidable struggle be- ; tween capital and labor in all ‘capital- | ist countries. In England we have ex- perienced for the first time in history | a general strike of the whole working | class of a country for the attainment jof purely economic, that is to say, trade union demands, whilst pre- viously all general strikes in the va- |rious countries were only partly for | economic demands and for the greater part for political demands. The struggle in England imposed on the workers and trade unions of the other capitalist countries not only | the obligations of solidarity but preven- | tion of transport of coal and goods to | England or to the English markets. | The questions around which the strug- |gle raged in England are precisely | the same, in fact are much more ur- ; Sent, in the remaining capitalist coun- | tries., Same Fight, Elsewhere. N Germany, France, Italy, Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, etc., capital has | been conducting for years the same fight against the workers as the Eng- lish bourgeoisie is now conducting. Capitalist economy can no longer ful- fill its social task; it can no longer feed and maintain the whole popula- tion; it finds itself in a chronic and ever-sharpening crisis. Capital must overcome this crisis, must stabilize itself, if it wishes to continue its rule. This stabilization can only be accom- plished by means of increasing the misery of the working class. It means in practice lowering the standard of living of the working class, closing’ down of “superfluous” factories, throw- ing many millions of proletarians on the street, reduction of wages and lengthening of working time of the workers remaining in the factories. “Stabilization.” Oo ‘ the European continent, before all in Germany, Cezcho-Slovakia and Poland, capital, with the help of the reformist trade union leaders, has for years beén able to carry out this “stabilization.” In this respect capital has gone from success to success, ‘while the working class has lost one position after another. If the reform- ist trade union tactics had been con- tinued, capital would have had the prospect of continuing its “stabjliza- tion” for some considerable time, while at the same time the working Pilsudski By B. K. GEBERT. In the writer's last article in The DAILY WORKER, it was pointed out that in Poland “We have now a repe- tition of 1918—the socialists joining hands with Pilsudski against workers’ rule.” This statement has been doubly confirmed by the latest news from Warsaw. Pilsudski’s political repre- sentative, Colonel Wieniawa-Dlugis- zewski, declared, “The object of Marshal Pilsudski’s coup was to prevent a BIGGER REVOLUTION that would have swallowed the whole of Poland.” Pilsudski armed thousands of volun- teers who aided him in his insurrec- tion against the Witos government. | Now that he has accomplished his pur- pose Pilsudski is -disarming them. To achieve this, rumors were spread in Warsaw saying that volunteers who engaged in the insurrection were to report to barracks to receive a sum of money. When they reported, offi- cers took away their guns and said they knew nothing about money for volunteers. But a number of thou- sands did not go to the barracks. They still have their arms. They have put them away with the chance that they may soon have to be used against the bourgeoisie. It is plain that Pil- sudski fears the armed workers. Vilna Revolt. Pilsudski crushed a revolt of work- ers in Vilna where one hundred work- ers were put in jail following a demonstration that resulted in an armed clash between troops and workers. While Pilsudski thus car- ries on a@ veritable war against the workers, he permits the extreme reac- tionaries to mobilize in Posen. In the city of Posen, under the flag of a work- ers’ butcher, General Haller, the big bourgeoisie and rich landlords are setting up a government in western Poland with the double intention of either overthrowing Pilsudski or fail- ling that of establishing a separate government. In this they are look- ling to France for aid, Pilsudski Secks Compromise, | Pilsudski is looking for a com- | Promise with General Haller and his }extreme reactionaries, This is a sign jthat he is weaker than they, Pilsudski |knows enough about insurrection to dangerous to understand that it is allow opposition forces to mobilize to begin with, But Pilsudski does nothing about the gathering of the landlord army in Posen. Why? Pil- sudski sees in General Haller and his followers an element much closer to him than workers and peasants. In other words, Pilsudskt is fighting the workers and peasants while allowing the extreme reaction to make the ground ready for setting up a fascia dictatorship, Pilsudski, in this, rr class would have been plunged {nto ever increasing misery. ’ End of English Rope. HE English bourgeoisie, as the leader of European capitalism, as the European victor in the world war, had much longer than the less pow- erful continental capital the possi- bility of paying its working class rela- tively high wages. Now, however, English capital also is faced with the necessity of carrying out the sanita- tion and rationalization of its economy at the cost of the English working class. In England capital is now faced with the issue: now or never. And all attempts to evade the struggle are in vain; the position of capital com- pels it to take up the atrnggle. But while in Germany, Austria, Czecho-Slovakia, etc. the reformist trade union leaders, int the same sit- uation, evaded the sthiggle, and, in faot, under the slogan of restoring pro- duction, supported thé” capital efforts at stabilization, agreed “to the- aboli- tion of the eight-hour day, to reduc- tions of wages, the Closifig down of factories and the deprfval of the work- ers of their rights anid even beat down the opposition on the part-of the work- ers who were fighting:against this, in England the proletariam. resistance against the efforts of: capital has gained the upper hande:-The reform- ist trade union leaders, were, for the greater part, removed:fyom the leader- ship of the trade unio’ s)and replaced by left wing leaders. ,This revolution- izing of the English trade.union move- ment has as a result.that now the trade unions no longer evade the struggle with the employers, but take it up with all its consequences. Not “salyage of economy,” which means in practice salvage of capitalism, but sal- vage and assurance of the existence of the working class is the slogan of the English trade untons. Solidarity. HE realization of this slogan ren- ders necessary measures by which a defeat of various isolated fighting groups of workers is .prevented and by which every attack on the part of capital on one section.of the workers can be determinedly repelled by the entire working class, Hence there was set up the fighting alliance of the most important industrial groups, the miners, railway ‘workers, metal workers and transport Workers. As a result of these tactics thé’attack upon the miners could only te answered with a general strike: International Tasks. HAT were the tasks‘rising out of this for the proléefarians and the | rendering the reaction great service. “King Joseph.’ Pilsudski is not alone in doing this. Attached to his tail are-the leaders of the P. P. S. (the Polist® Socialist Par- ty), the N. P. R. (the National Work- ers’ Party) and the’ peasant parties, “Wyzwolenie” and “Radykalne Stron- nictwo Chlopskie” These parties are performing the task of tiaking way for fascism. These leadef§*it was who came to the support of Pilsudski’s flag. They demande; at he make himself president, dictator or even king. Do not laugh. ~Pilsudski sup- porters in Vilna arranged & demonstra- tion under the slogan, “Long Live King Joseph I—Pilsudski.” |This is no accident. The above quoted political representative said to a correspondent: “The Polish army will-not betray loyalty to the king— I should have said chief.” A slip of the tongue, but significant. The Communists. While the leaders of the P. P. 8. and the other above mentioned par- ties gave their full support to Pil- sudski as against the movement of the revolutionary workers and peasants, these latter have by,gio means been eliminated from the ire. A recent press report stated, Ee} dski is very much afraid of the epowing Commun- ist moyement in Poland, seeing in this Poland's greatest damger. More rad- ical factions are joining with the Com- munists under the.yslogan, “Form Workers’ and Peasants} Councils” as happened in Russia before the revolu- tion. 7 Men There is also news'bf peasants de- manding division of!*the rich land owners’ land withotit Hmpensation. Pilsudski’s coup Wis®also hastened the collapse of Poligh*industry. The Polish zloty goes lowér and lower. This of itself, pf rape aabeene and starvation and gery is teaching the workers that thejf liberation will not come thru Pilsudgki—but in spite of him, oO Fascist Danger. ‘There is genuine danger of fascism in Poland. The Communist Party knows this and has warned the Polish work- ers, Monarchist organizations, landlord and bourgeois parties are openly ad- vocating « fascist regime. There is only one object in this: to crush the trade unions and further enslave the Polish workers, taking from them even their simple political rights, For the peasants it means a terrorist rule of landlords, For the national min- national groups, And Pilsudski, who may be characterized as a “left” fas- orities it means plete abolition as cist, is helping to™bring this situa- tion about, The Communist Barty of Poland said in its May Day Manifesto: “Who but Pilsudski is a symbol of war against the Soviet Union? Who \ THE DAILY WORKER “™- the English Strike DEFENDER OF:COMPANY UNIONS.. ... / trade unions of the, other capitalist countries? The first task was, of course, abso- lute solidarity with the fighting Eng- lish proletariat, i, e., prevention of any export of goods to England and to the English markets by the employers in the other countries. In addition to this, there is necessary: strict control of shipping and railway transport in all the continental industrial centers, no dock worker, no seaman, no rail- way worker and transport worker in the whole of Europe shall handle coal destined for England or to the English markets. Everywhere there must be set up control committees by the trade unions, which shall keep a sharp eye on all transport activity. Tho the general strike is over, the miners are still fighting and need support. LL overtime work must be imme- diately stopped in the continental mining areas, no matter whether the overtime agreements are still in force or not. The trade union executives in the various countries must issue an appeal to the whole working . class calling upon them to refuse to perform any kind of strike-breaking work, while at the same time they pledge themselves to stand with their whole power be- hind every worker, employe and offi- cial who is victimized for refusing to perform strike-breaking work against the miners. Learning from England. T is also the task of the trade unions to draw the lessons and conclusions from the English example for the fight of the working class in the remaining countries of Europe; the fight against reduction of wages and lengthening of working time, against closing down of factories, unemployment, etc., which up to now has either not been con- ducted at all or has been quite unsuc- cessful owing to false tactics, must everywhere be organized and conduct- ed according to the English model. This means the immediate setting up of fighting alliances and the com- mon struggle of the most important, groups of workers for the complete realization of the eight-hour day, for the seven-hour shift for mine workers, for increase of wages and for the re- storation of the rights of the one which have been lost as a result of th employers’ offensive. Only the organ- ization of an aggressive counter-attack by the working class offers the guar- antee for victory, creates the condi- tions for beating back the capitalist offensive and for the victory of the workers in all Europe. Wars on Polish Labor'|:::"22°"2=" but Pilsudski militarized the railroads during the strike of 1921? Who but Pilsudski permitted the land workers to be defeated in their own blood in their, strike? Who but Pilsudski has shown himself to be a tool of foreign imperialists, aiding the anti-Russian plans of England? Polish Soviet Republic. “Never in the last seven years have the toiling masses found themselves in so critical a situation. It is not merely a fight with the old or the new government, this or that lackey of the bourgeoisie like Pilsudski. It is now a straight-out struggle for the Polish Republic.” When this was written the situation was already such that it was possible to see what: was coming. The Com- munist Party issued a call to the sol- diers to stand by the workers and peasants and to refuse to be the tools of the bourgeoisie, Left Swing of Masses. In the official organ of the C. P., The Red Flag, it is stated that in Cracow, Lublin, Silesia and other sec- tions there is growing up in the P. P. S. itself a strong opposition. The leaders who are really in touch with the masses are going tothe left. Altho the press censorship makes it hard to come to any definte conclu- sions, we are sure that the masses ate travelling to the left at a rapid pace and are preparing for a fight that will end in the Polish Soviet Republic. Chicago Bricklayers Sign $1.50 Contract; Bosses “Encouraged” The Bricklayers’ and Masons’ Union of Chicago has signed up an agree- ment with the contractors for one year with the old wage of $1.50 an hour. This affects between 8,000 and 9,000 men, The contractors are reported as “encouraged” by this agreement as in- dicating that they will have no trouble with the other unions. Building Laborers Strike for Raise GIVES AWAY THE BOSSES’ GAME), By ROBERT DUNN. *— The “science” of company union- ism has developed rapidly in recent years. The National Industrial Con- ferefce Board, the American Manage- ment Association, the Russell Sage Foundation, as well as the National Association of Manufacturers and the League for Industrial Rights have giver’ it attention and several books have dwelt on cmopany union experi- ence in particular plants and com- panies. Now comes E, R. Burton, a mem- ber of the bureau of personnel admin- istration, with a book (“Employe Rep- resentation,” by HE. R. Burton, 283 pages, $3.00; Williams and Wilkins Company., Baltimore,). covering the whole field and dealing with the minor technique,as well as the higher strat- egy of company unionism. The tone of the work may be judged from thé first paragraph of the foreword: “Employe representation is mak- ing at least three significant contri- butions to American industrial, life. It is converting industry from. a purely productive process . . .,into an educational experience for all engaged in its absorbing activities, It is facilitating the realization ofa more truly scientific method. of man- agement. Thru its operation «as a means of orderly, industrial govern- ment, it is injecting new meaning and value into that much maligned concept, democracy.” “The New Era.” STN Burton considers the “company union as the lofty and enlightened way toward “the new era if industry.” Hard boiled employers reading the book should be inspired to’ give up their gangsters and strikebreakers, blacklists and spy systems, and devote themselves to the co-operative and philosophical spirit in industry about which Burton is so cautiously lyr- ical. Anti-Strike. But the chief objectives of company unionism come out in the book, It is seen as “the talisman likely, to. ward off strikes” and intended to “facilitate wage and personnel readjustments.” The 50 or so employers. with whom the author conferred indicated, they favored “employe. representation for exchange of opinions and 4nforma- tion with the workers, a procedure for prompt adjustment of grievances” and j“for collective negotiations: (unhamp- ered by externa) influences.or..irrele- vant issues making for fruitless con- troversy) regarding wages, hours and other terms of the employment con- There is also the fusua} ob- not thru the Workers’ Education Bu- _ TROTSKY’S: ‘O longer can there be-any excuse for lack of knowledge: regarding | the factors in the Soviet Union. that | are moving in the direction of ,social- ism. Leon Trotsky’s latest:boek, just | issued from the press of the<Interna- | tional Publishers in New,;,York, as clearly points the way which, Russia is traveling under Bolshevik rule as did his “Whither England”. reveal the forces operating’ to. bring about the disintegration of that great imperialist power. - “Whither Russia” annihilates the sophistries of the Kautskyans and others who argue that the Soviet Union is traveling in the direction of capitalism instead of socialism and proves not merely that the movement is definitely in the direction of social- ism, but that the velocity of that movement guarantees the early triumph of the socialist economy over capitalist tendencies. ROTSKY’S narrative of the achievements in the socialization of industry is told in such a fashion that it holds the attention ‘of the reader thruout its 150 pages. ‘Instead of dry figures, the pages contain .the story of the conquest over capitalist tendencies on the economic field. A short appendix containing:four tables, compiled in admirable form, contain all the statistical data required. The recovery of industry from 1920 onwards gives some idea of the tempo of the movement. Six years,ago pro- duction was one-fifth or one-sixth of normal capacity of industries, based upon the high production year of 1913 | —the year before the outbreak of the world war. For 1926 production will be not less than 95 per cent of normal. In the field of heavy industry pro- duction has exceeded pre-war figures, More than 89 per cent of the mieans of reproduction in industry are socialized; together with railroad transportaion, the figures for socialized industry are 97 per cent; in heavy industry alone the percentage is 99, Hence state, or socialized industries, show the m pronounced gains, and that particular ROCHESTER, N. Y., May 23.— A] branch of industry that is most com- strike of building trade laborers for | pletely socialized shows the greatest recognition of the union and a raise | gain, while those operated by private of wages is on after the contractors | capital lag behind. refused to meet the demands, Re- ports are current of a general walkout of building workers, va Sn lhe d More Building Laborers’ Strike. HESE figures are certainly a com- plete refutation of the claims of those who held that the New Eco- nomic Policy (N. BE. P.) adopted in 1921 would lead directly to capitalism HARTFORD, Conn., May 23,—More | and the collapse of the revolution, than 500 building laborers of the Hod Carriers’ and Building Laborers’ Un-| ural situation is also for an increase in| handles without glov: lajy” ‘The | of cheapening ind’ ‘eb: Structural and Building moka | to sell to the Brinn i ol jon are strikin wages of eighty cents a lance 1s understood to be taking steps to support the strikers, : ~ 4 \ ‘ RP ot perfected paesccginn? Trotsky'’s analysis the agricult- ssuring. He the question odities @ neces: evelopment sity for further and maces “WHITHER RUSSIA” A Review by H. M. WICKS. uplements and | port, reau, but thru cortacts “with man¢ agers, capitalist economists, and oth- ers saturated with Babbitt theories on the industrial order. Big Companies For It. It is ironical that among companies listed as providing these great “edu- cational possibilities” in their com- pany union plans are the Wheeling Steel Corporation, the Standard Oil Company, the Youngstown Sheet and Tube Company, and other’ whose names are synonyms for open shop o>- pression in the trade union world, all of whom have successfully crushed trade unions in the process of intro- ducing the company union, Discrimination, On the all-important issue of no-dis- crimination ‘for”’éemploye representa- tives who may ‘fired “for too afdent work on behalf of the employes and against the management, Burton feels there is ample’ protection in the ar- vangement of the Bethlehem Steel Company to, permit any worker who considers himself _—_ discriminated against, to appeal to Secretary of La- bor James B...Davis—Davis, who re- cently distinguished himself by try- ing to break. the textile strike in Pas- saic, Relations. Workers who read this book—and it is worth perusal by all. workers faced with the company union problem,~— should pay particular attention to the section pertaining to “Relation of Employe Representation to Union,” in which the author admits that: “There can be no doubt that one of the motives inducing some em- ployers to inaugurate employe rep- resentation has been a hope that it would provide a method for collec- tive dealings with their employes, which would be superior to that af- forded by the unions. In some in- stances, moreover, this purpose was conceived of in negative terms, simply to counteract the baneful and destructive effects, both in mor- ale and. production, of constant agi- tation outside the employes them- selves, such agitation being almost wholly of imported union incep- tion.” To Break Unions. Which sounds very much like Mr, Forstmann and his fellow textile mag; nates. of Passaic. Many employe rep- resentation plans are introduced to break and to beat the unions. All the pretty phrases of Burton and his per- sonnel administration associates can- not hide this dominant purpose of the company union—to liquidate trade unionism and create the 100 per cent non-union open shop. the introduction of the system of col lective exploitation of land. After discussing the speed of the development towards socialism, Trot- sky says: — “The figures are of world-his- toric importance. For the first time the activity of the socialists —now more than a century old— “which began with the utopias and later developed. into a scientific theory, hag, been put to a powerful economic ‘test,’ a test which is al- ready entering its ninth year... . The figures of the ctate Planning Commission make up the first bal- ance sheet of the first chapter of the great experiment of transform- ing bourgedis society into socialist society. .. . The general table of the State Planning Commission .is connected by means of unbroken threads running all the way back to the Communist Manifesto of Marx and ‘Engels; which appeared in 1847, and reaching all the way out into the socialist future of mankind.” O full of sharp analysis and bril- liant passages is the book that one is tempted to quote long excerpts from every chapter. But that would be in- fringing upon the copyright of the publishers. Every student of history and of economics, as well as all per- sons who, for any reason, desire to know the facts regarding the rise of socialism in the Soviet Union, should have this book, ' Automobile Accident. BUFFALO, N. Y., May 23.—Three persons are dead, one is dying and | three othres suffering from severe burns as the automobile accident in Veh tae rg overturned in a ditch eight i Ai outside of Lock \ Na me.