The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 21, 1926, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WCRKER PUBLISHING CO, 1113 W, Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il, Phone Monroe 4713 —<—<$__. SUBSCRIPTION RATES . By mall (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Itinols \. J, LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE oe MORITZ J. LOEB... Business Manager Entered as second-class matl September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi cago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. <B> 290 Advertising rates on application, Mellon-Coolidge Pennsylvania Defeat Senator George Wharton Pepper, another of the bright and shining lights of the Mellon-Coolidge-Butler. gang, went down to humiliating defeat before the avalanche of votes rolled up by the shady Philadelphia boss, William 8. Vare,::Eyen Mellon, himself, for the first time in his life, personally plunged into the campaign by delivering a speech in Pittsburgh, instead of hiring mercenaries to do his campaigning for him. Mellon pleaded with the voters to back Pepper as a vote of confidence in the Coolidge administration, hence the outcome of the primary elections in Pennsylvania Tuesday is equally humiliating to Coolidge. Pepper has been a consistent supporter of every reactionary | measure proposed by the administration. Entering the senate by | appointment to take the place of Boies Penrose, who died in office, on January 10, 1922—two days before the final vote on the New- berry vote stealing scandal—Pepper cast his first vote for New- berryism, thereby endorsing wholesale vote-buying. Thereafter he stood by the administration in the Teapot Dome and Daugherty scandals and was one of the staunchest of the defenders of Morgan’s world court program. The real sentiment of Pennsylvania voters, however, is and must remain in doubt. Newberryism was raised to an art in the cam- paign, with unheard of slush funds being raised by the Pepper and Vare factions, with the supporters of Pinchot contributing to the game to the extent of their resources. Vare and his corrupt machine succeeded in stuffing enough ballot boxes and throwing out enough other votes to carry Philadelphia by a big margin, giving him more than 100,000 votes over Pepper, which he maintained in the rest of the state. The victor had as his sole issue the question of modification of the Volstead act so as to legalize the sale of wine and beer. The labor leaders, upholding the Gompers swindle of “reward your friends and punish your enemies,” were divided—some sup- ported Governor Pinchot’s candidacy for the senate nomination on} the republican ticket, while many supported Vare’s “wet platform.” No labor issue was raised in the black domain of coal and steel where the armed cossack forces of the state trample beneath horses’ hoofs the workers who dare struggle for decent conditions against the savagery of the powerful corporations that rule the state. , Even the leaders of the Pennsylvania labor party lined up with Pinchot in the primaries. Against this betrayal stand the Commun- ists of Pennsylvania, demanding that the labor party be rescued from the hands of the traitors and be made to function in the fall elee- tions as a real class spokesman of labor. Foreign Loans and Low Wages The Americanization of Germany is more than a phrase and the process by which German workers are being forced to work for Wall Street becomes clearer as such deals asythe proposed loan to the new German concern, the United Steel Works, are put over. The Thyssen, Phoenix, Rhinelbe and Rheinstahl companies have merged to form what the New York Times correspondent claims is the largest private company in Europe and negotiations: practically have been concluded with Dillon, Reade and company for a loan of between $30,000,000 and $50,000,000. The new merger is said to control more than fifty per cent of German steel production. A previous loan of $12,000,000 was made by Dillon and Reade to the Thyssen company last year and one of $25,000,000 to the Rhinelbe company. The new loan will therefore bring the investment of Wall Street banks in this one German enterprise alone up to a minimum of $75,000,000—the interest on which will be sweated from the labor of German steel workers, Steel workers will be able to estimate correctly the sincerity of the United States steel trust the next time it wails about German competition as an excuse for cutting wages. Wall Street and the steel trust are two horns of the same animal and loans to foreign enterprises go hand in hand with a low wage policy at home. 100 per cent unionization of the steel mills is the answer the American labor movement must make to Wall Street and the in- dustrial lords. Smeltermen Strike in Raritan The strike of 900 workers employed tw the Raritan copper works in Perth Amboy, New Jersey, holds great possibilities for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smeltermen if proper ad- vantage is taken of the situation. The Raritan works is owned by the Anaconda Copper Mining company whose main plants are in Butte, Anaconda and Great Falls (Montana)—the greatest copper mine and refining center in the world. The smeltermen are organized, but the miners are not, and if the strike could be extended to the Anaconda and Great Falls ‘smelters it is possible that the mines, as well as various smaller smelters such as that at Raritan, might be organized. We speak, however, of possibilities and not probabilities. In the whole metal mining and refining industry there are only about 10,000 organized workers. The officialdom of the union for years has been unable to put forward @, plan and start a eampaign that would organize the industry..-It organizes a few workers here and there, but the tremendous power of the metal mine owners can+ not be shaken by this guerilla warfare. A national drive is needed, supported by the whole: labor movél ment and the spontaneous strike of the Raritan workers, altho ai apparently small and isolated incident, shows that among the metal mine and smelter workers there is a real desire for organization, |’ on jappointment was approved by Be C has been legalized by the Watson- Parker railroad labor bill, recently passed by the United States senate by a vote of 69 to 13, W. W. Atterbury, president of the Pennsylvania system, the pioneer of railroad company unionism, succeeded first in lining up the officials of the railroads, and later the officials of the “Big Four” Brotherhoods and the standard railroad unions on the prop- osition of changing the bona-fide trade unions into company unions, This was accomplished by a series of confer- ences, first among the executives of the most powerful railroad systems, then between a sub-committee com- posed of railroad officials and rep- resentatives selected by the officials of the railroad unions.* (See note at bottom of column.) The first step in the union-wrecking conspiracy was taken, at the behest | jof Atterbury by the committee, whose | the Associated Railway Executives on March 25, 1925 and a sub-committee selected to approach the executives of the railroad unions, Pave Way for Bétrayal. TS labor lieutenants of the capital- | ist class were approched with the Proposition of the railway executives, and agreed to hold conferences, but advised against making the matter Public until after the series of con- ventions of labor organizations held early in 1925 * NOTE:—The Association of Railway Executives selected a committee to formulate plans for solving the railroad labor question, consisting of General W. W. Atterbury, chairman; Patrick Crowley, president New York Centra A. C. Markham of Illinois Central; Holden of the Burlington; J. H. of the Boston & Maine; A. C. of the Norfolk & Western; Mapother of the Louisville & Nashvil Chas. Donnelly of the Northern Paci! | negotiations Johnston, Association of Machinists, had intro- oe uF E DAILY WORKER ventions for fear representatives of the rank and file might ask embarass- ing questions regarding the union heads flirting with the notorious labor- hater, Atterbury, who has for years devoted his talents to union-smashing. Alfred P. Thom, 8° corporation law- yer of considerable''réputation, who is counsel of the assocfation of railway executives, made th first draft of what is now knoWh'as the Watson- Parker bill. In testifying before the house committee on interstate and foreign commerce ‘Thom inadvertently exposed the vile manner in which the labor officials betrayed their members. In the report of the:hearings on page 109, Thom testified: “Shortly after the adjournment of congress the matter (of relations between the roads and their em- ployees) was taken up again, but it was impossible for a time for these gentlemen (the labor fakers) to have a conference. because of a series of annual conventions of the labor organizations, which began in the Spring and finished in the early summer of 1925, As soon as these were out of the way the matter was taKen up again, this time in a more representative and authorized form.” Meanwhile “unofficial” conyersa- |tions with certain labor leaders were being conducted. In these preliminary Daniel Williard, who, with the connivance of William H. head of the International duced a system of company unionism (known as the B, & O. plan) on his railroad, was the go-between. Thom, the railroad attorney, further testified that a sub-committee was ap- pointed to go into the situation with the representatives of the railroad unions. employers consisted of Atterbury, as :|chairman, Crowley, Markham, Holden ic;|and Williard, all railroad presidents. This sub-committee for the E. E. Loomis of the Lehigh Valley; L. W. Baldwin of the Missouri Pacific; W, L.|T8€ committee for the railroad Scott of the Southern Pacific; Cari R.|unions, whose names should be re- Gray of the Union Pacific, and ‘Daniel R. Willard of the B. &-0., who acted with the committee, tho not a member. It was considered inadvisable to membered by all railroad workers for the despicable role they played in this affair, consisted of William B. Prenter The Passaic Tragedy By a Worker Correspondent. Passaic is a gloomy town, Its factories gark and grim, Where workers toil From youth till for little pay eyes are dim. They always have it hard enough tm that old "New And when the bosses want more coin They cut their wages down. And when the work: Jersey town, as 62 ft os ers protest Cause the’ kiddies must be fed, The boss calls on the copper And he hits them on the head. Then the judge sits Looks wise as any owl, And hands them an ° And other trick: on his little perch, injunction ‘s as foul. And when the worker recollects That his own blood is red, And shows the dinky judge contempt He gets hit on the head. There are blood stains on the sidewalks In an old New Jersey town, There are blood stains on the sidewalks Where some workingmen fell down, . th They were hit by other workingmen, + Policemen, it is said, Who fought to help the bosses Cut down their doles of bread. Te ee § so. 4b on og ge That's why the sidewalks look so red In that old New Jersey town, That's why the sidewalks look so red, Where workingmen fell down. the Treasury Mellomhad gown “weak” writing checks fongPepper, Harrison Senate Orders Probe of Poll In Pennsylvania (Continued from page 1) launched by the Mellon-Coolidge gang in the campaign just closed. It is charged that from $2,000,000 to $5,000,000 were spent by the three lions to defeat thepwill of the people in elections,” o The senatorial @bmmittee will have authority to investigae “what moneys, emoluments, rewards or things of value, including “agreements or un- derstandings of ‘support for appoint- ment or election fo'office, have been f denounced “rich men: who spend mil-| principal contestants for the repub- lican nomination for senator—Pepper, William S, Vare and Gifford Pinchot, The senatesthis afternoon ordered a sweeping investigation of the whole mess and revelations will be forth- coming that will make Newberry look like a bungling amateur at the game of bribery. Revival of “Newberryism.” The investigation will be conducted by/@ special committee of two repub- licans, two democrats and one pro- gressive, The resolution inte the in- vestigation was sponsored by Sen- ator James A. Reed, democrat of Mis- sourl, after Senator Pat Harrison, erat of Mississippi, had de- ced the alleged expenditures on behalf of Pepper as a revival of “New- berryism.” After declaring that Secretary promised, contributed, made or ex- pended” on behalf of any primary candidate for the senate, Republicans Fight Probe. The investigation will be carried in- to the activities not only @f the can- didates themselves but into acts of any “person, firm or association to in- fluence the nomination of any person as the candidate f any political party or organizations for membership in the United St senate,” The resolution was adopted after republican leaders first vainly sought to block its consideration. An objec- tion, ras pair Dar A. R republ. vania, was side stepped by Reed of Missouri when the latter moved for its im- mediate consid _ We need more Hews from the shope and factories, Send It Ink BY H. M. WICKS: MPANY unionism on the railroads | bring the conspiracy before the con-fof the Brotherhood of Locomotive En- gineers; David B. Robertson of the Brotherhood of Firemen and Engine- men; L. E. Sheppard of the Conduc- tors, and one Doak, a vice-president of the Trainmen’s organization, At a meeting of the joint committee held at Thom’s office in Chicago on December 2], 1925, the bill, substan- ‘tially in the form in which it- was passed, was adopted, ready to be turn- ed over to the political lackeys of the railroads at Washington. The Senate Alignment. HE bill, known as House Resolu- tion No, 9463 was introduced and adopted by the house of congress, with the so-called “friends of labor” voting with known agents of the rail- toad barons. Then it was sent to the cave of the winds known as the United States senate where the so-called in- surgents, Wheeler, LaFollette and Frazier, joined hands with James E. Watson, William H. Butler, Irvine L. Lenroot, George Wharton Pepper, } Frank B. Willis and Reed Smoot, to put over the Watson-Parker swindle against the workers on the railroads. Not one voice, during all the debates in the senate, was raised in behalf of labor, Just as the officials of the unions and the railway presidents in the preliminary stages of the con- spiracy were one against labor, so on the floor of the senate the heroes;of the defunct LaFollette petty bour- geois third party were one with the Wall Street brigade. The thirteen senators who opposed the bill did so not because of their desire to avert the blow aimed at la- bor, but for various other reasons. Senator Reed of Missouri opposed it on the ground that it might be dis- advantageous to the smaller railroads, particularly those lines running out of St. Louis and Kansas City to the southwest. He. viewed it as a “con- spiracy” between the railroad owners and the unions to impose high rates upon the public and also force the smaller fads into mergers with the larger ones, thereby increasing mono- polistic holdings of railroad property. Cal’s Pepper Meets with Big Defeat at Pennsylvania Polls (Continued from page 1) Senators Edge and Edwards, in New \Jersey; Gov. Ritchie, of Maryland; George E. Brennan, in Illinois—op- |ponents of prohibition all. Pinchot Is Silent. That the magnitude of the wet vic- tory made an impression upon Gov. |before noon when the governor issued | |a statement conceding the nomination lot his wet opponent, and significantly declining to say whether or not he! would be an independent candidate for | |the senate in November on a dry plat- \form, 33 |_ Prior to the balloting, the governor's friends had confidently asserted that ‘if he lost he would run independently, |but the governor indicated early today his mind was not yet made up. With approximately two-thirds of ithe state having reported, Vare\had a lead of 108,000 over Pepper, and a |lead of 259,000 over Pinchot. The \figures for 5748 election districts of a \total of 8281 in the state were: Vare .. 508,470 Pepper 400,058 Pinchot 249,168 For the governorship, with the same |number of precincts, the figures were: Beidieman .. Fisher 30,242 Later returns from precincts out in the state where the wet sentiment is not as strong as in the populous cen- ters of Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, are expected to cut Vare’s lead some- what. It was Vare’s own city of Philadel- phia that fulfilled the expectations of the “boss” and gave him his victory. He carried every ward in the city, ;Save one, which went to Pepper, and when he left the city limits he was riding on the crest of a 216,000 plural- ity. Against such a tidal wave the Mellon organization of Allegheny coun- ty (Pittsburgh), supporting Pepper, and the rural strength of Governor Pinchot, were unavailing. Defeat for Mellon. Vare’s victory is a signal defeat for the® powerful Mellon organization’ in Pennsylvania politics. The Mellons backed Pepper with every resource at their command, Even the secretary of the treasury himself was drawn from his lifetime of political seclusion and in the closing days of the campaign made the first political speech of his seventy-one years, an appeal for the nomination of Pepper and John §, Fisher, the Mellon candidate for woy- ernor. From the same platform, ‘Sen- ator David A, Reed, the Mellon spokes: sured the voters that President Coolidge desired to have Senator Pepper returned to Washington—a statement A White House did not confi which it did not deny, Moscow or bust! you get « sub—but get 5 subs can have your bust, BENDINA suet |Gifford Pinchot was evidenced shortly | Senator Norbeck of South Dakota, who comes from a farm state and for the most part lines tp with the Mor- gan cealition of republicans and demo- crats, played the most odious role in his opposition to the bill, He contend- ed that it would benefit the workers on the railroads to the detriment of the farmers, and after the bill was passed submitted an amendment to the title to read: “A bill to increase the farmers’ working day from 14 to 16 hours and to. reduce the railroad men’s working day from 8 to 7 hours.” Other senators participated in this sort of low demagogy, calculated to arouse antagonism on the part of the |farmers against the industrial work- ers. There was not one man ‘in either the house or the senate to arise and expose the whole disgraceful affair as a@ measure to cripple the unions which the workers, thru years of struggle jand sacrifice, had built up, and at the same time to strengthen the hold of monopolistic capitalism upon all |the roads of the country, No ohne de- fended the joint interests of the two | great exploited sections of the popu- lation, the workers and the farmers, * How ‘It Will Work. ILABORATE machinery is to be set up in order to carry out the provi- sions of the bill. The first step is the creation of the familiar company union boards of adjustment which shall “be created by agreement be- tween any carrier or group of carriers, or the carriers as a whole with its or their employes.” Certain rules are laid down regarding procedure as well as to limitation of time. If such boards of adjustment, com- posed of an equal number of repres- entatives of the management and the workers, fail to reach an agreement, the matter will be referred to a bureaucratic board of mediation crea- ted by the bill. This board will consist of five members appointed by the president of the United States and confirmed by the senate and their salaries will be $12,000 per year each. “It can readily be seen that in case real’ representatives of the railroad The Watson-Parker Bill Passes the Senate Wall Street Senators in n Camps of Republican and Democratic Parties: Gain Suppoet of Wheeler, LaFollette and Other | “Insurgents” in Legalizing Company Agger Swindle Backed by Atterbury, Head of Pennsylvania Railroad System. workers, instead of company tools, masquerading as labor representa- tives, succeed in getting on the board of adjustment and block the designs of the company the matter will then be turned over to the agents of the government of the United States, which exists for the one purpose of keeping the working class in sub- jection and defending the interests of the capitalist class in general. But even then the’ decision is not final, for there is still further appeal to a board of arbitration, provided for by the Watson-Parker bill, The deci- sions of the board of arbitration are to be filed with the federal district court, which is directed to enter tudgments in accordance with the awards, which judgment “shall be final and conclusive for the parties.” THUS, IF THE WORKERS RE- FUSE TO ABIDE BY SUCH JUDG- MENTS THEY MAY BE JAILED WITHOUT TRIAL FOR CONTEMPT OF COURT. This is the sum-total of the great “victory” obtained for the railroad workers by the Watson-Park- er bill, which obviously precludes the use of the strike weapon and other- wise delivers* the unions into the hands of the employers and their gov- ernment. In addition to legalizing Atterbury’s union-wrecking policy and virtually enforcing industrial conscription, in- asmuch as it denies the right to strike, it also serves to enable the government to place the railroads on a war basis in the shortest possible time. Like all other important legislation of the gov- ernment provision is made for the next imperialist slaughter wherein the exploited workers and farmers will be expected to defend with their lives the right of their masters to exploit still more slaves. Certainly the performance ‘of the so- called “friends of labor” at Washing- ton emphastises'the necessity for labor creating its own party so that at least a few voices may be raised in its behalf in order to expose the nefarious role of the LaFollettes and Wheelers as well as the regular Morgan coali- tion. THE HOUSEWIFE AS A FACTOR IN THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION By RAY E. BENNETT. |; NEW YORK, May 19—If the worker is exploited, the housewife is doubly so. His long hours put upon her shottiders the entire burden of main- taining the home and rearing the chil- dren; his low wages have to be stretched by her to provide him with |energy for continuing his work and to \feed; clothe and shelter the children. She’ has’ to face the squalor of the jhome, its grind and the suffering that jcomes from the realization that her |children are’ underfed, inadequately jclothed and sheltered,’ poorly taught; that they are being won over into the ‘enemy’s camp iti the scnools, the rec- reation centers, thru’the press and the movies. The Housewife and the Class Struggle. The brunt of a strike, after all, falls less on the worker, in spite of his suffering, police clubbing and gangster blows, than on the housewife, who has to face the empty larder and hun- gry children’s eyes. This has been the reason why the working-class housewife, being unorganized, has sprung up all over the country to feed the strikers. Solidarity lends courage, and the wife of the striker can easily be drawn into organizations to become an active, positive factor in the class struggle. The fact that the housewife can be organized on the basis of protetcing the interests of her children was proven by the mothers’ strike in Wil- liamsburg, New York, when the chil- dren had to go to a distant school thru a dangerous crossing, The Housewife and Co-operation. The housewife is the great consumer of the world; it is she who has to dispense the wages earned by the worker to meet the needs of the fam- ily. We, therefore, find that the bulk of the membership of consumers’ .co- operatives all thru the world consists of housewives. By organizing co-op- eratives and doing intensive work among the existing ones the house- wife's administrative function can be developed (not to speak of the tre- mendous value of the co-operative as a medium for education). This is one of the sure weapons used by the Soviet acted as a reactionary force in strikes, often keeping workers ‘from striking or forcing them into a premature set- tlement, Organized, however, they present a different picture. When a woman knows that her “children will be fed in a kitchen run by other mothers and glothed by them she will make her man hold out for better conditions, and will actively participate in the strike. See how the housewivés have turned out on the picket lines in’ Passaic and brought their children’ with them. Turn to England and “the® emer- gency kitchens that “suddenly [ British Strike Hits. - U. S. Foreign. Trade WASHINGTON, May 10 ~ rP)—|- Acknowledgement that diiring “eight days of the British general strike ‘the import trade in cotton © ~ virtually ceased, and that American trade with Britain was injured in that degree, is, State to develop the class conscious- ness of the women under Lenin’s slo- gan that “every cook shall learn to administer the state.” Our ‘comrades have looked slight- ingly at work among the housewives. It hag taken a Passaic to convince some of thei of the need for that work, And yet the bgttle is only half won, even when the workers in indus- try have been won, for there is a big army left at home that may prove reactionary ‘when’ divided, but @ mighty revolutionary foree when or Pisioaek and drawn into the class strug- gle. ¢ CABOR DEFENSE BRANGH MEETINGS TO BE HELD “WN HCAGD THIS WEEK| Workers and sympathizers are invited to attend the following International Labor Defense branch Don't bust b before meetings, of their lan, Guage or in their neighborhood, 27. @ Irving Park \Br. English THURSDAY, May 20, at 8 p, m. Irving Park Branch (English), 4021 N. Drake Ave. ** @ Lithuanian North Side, THURSDAY, May 20, at 8 p. m Lithuanian Branch No, 3 (North ‘Side) at Wicker Park Hall, 2040 W. North #7, made in a report issued by the United States department of agriculture. Other American exports to the United Kingdom did not suffer quite. so q much, but unloading of goods in Brit- ish ports from May 4 to 12 was vir- tually stopped. Cotton exports from the United States to Great Britain, for the year ending June 30, 1925, amounted, to $384,751,000, which was abount ft of all American agricultural ¢: to that country, The department says that the effect of the strike will - from Britain, Hall, Belden & Lincoln Avo. a ‘ bably bo to reduce British im- ts of American cotton, since ! take a si Ena since n Ki * Ie manufactured goods can be ex piety side Mbtemah he’ wate