The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 20, 1926, Page 6

oe em ne ee ae Published by the DAILY WCRKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blvd, Chicago, Il. SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall (in Chicago only): By mall (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six mont $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Phone Monroe 4713 Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Iilinols J, LOUIS ENGDAHL \ WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB... Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. = 10 wee Labor Heads, Landlords, Archbishops and Mexico A protest against the practical measures taken by the Mexican government to separate church and state has. been signed and sent by a number of Chicago labor union officials-to, President Calles. Among those signing are President Fitzpatrick of the Chicago Federation of Labor and Michael Artery, business agent of the Machinery Movers’ Union, who turned up sometime ago in the real estate news as the owner of $230,000 worth of flat buildings, The document sent President Calles contains the broad hint that unless the catholic church and its emissaries are allowed to do as they please, American labor will have to withdraw its support of the Calles government. oi Inasmuch as the catholic church in Mexico was the largest land- lord in the country, that it set the fashion in‘the robbery of the Mexican peons and that it has had a hand in every attempt to over- throw peoples governments which distributed or tried to distribute the land among the peons, it seems that the Chicago labor statesmen are asking impossible conditions. They seem to have forgotten that the catholiachurch supported the de la Huerta counter-revolution. * It is interesting to note in this connection that Archbishop Caruana, who was ordered to leave Mexico by the Calles government, and whose expulsion is probably the immediate cause for the action of the local labor officials, slipped into Mexico with the delegates to the American Federation of Labor, who paid a visit to Mexico City after the El Paso convention. In plain words, the archbishop was smuggled into Mexico in de- fiance of Mexican law by labor officials who were pretending friend- ship to the Mexican labor government. A correspondent of the Chicago Daily News, writing from Mexico City, in a dispatch published May 17, says: “Ciruana arrived here not as an apostolic delegate, being ap- » pointed at a later date. His arrival coincided with that of a big labor - delegation from the United States which had come to attend confer- ences of the Mexican Confederation of Labor and He was reported a fortnight later to have acted as translator for the Americans. At any rate he was here a number of days unknown except by report to Ambassador Sheffield, with whom he was said ito:be seen con- stantly on the streets incognito.” The worthy archbishop and apostolic delegaté over whose ex- pulsion some labor officials of his own faith are so’ much aroused, vas therefore in Mexico illegally, in exactly the same #tatus in rela- tion to the laws of the country as are the Mexican workers in the United States against whose influx the American Federation of La- bor officials protest so vociferously from time to time; The action of these Chicago union heads, inviewsof the facts set forth above, raises the question of the attitude of*the American offi- cial labor movement toward Mexico and the Mexican government. Does it support the Mexicans in their efforts*to rid themselves of landlordism, to separate church and state, to rulé their country as they see fit, or does it make protestations of friendship publicly and then seek thé first opportunity to join hands with we worst enemies of the Mexican masses? Hearst and the Militarists The Hearst press can be depended upon to come to the aid of American militarism whenever it is in difficulty. There is no doubt now, in view of the increase of opposition to military training in schools and colleges and to the military train- ing camp system, partieularly marked among the lower layer of the middle class, that there is a widespread sentiment slowly crystal- izing against the plans of the war lords in Washington. The middle class feel the militarist pressure chiefly thru an increase of taxation and the opposition among this element is even wesssenee EG itors Business Manager Advertising rates on application. THE DAILY WORKE \ By C. E. RUTHENBERG, \\ > General Secretary saWetkers (Communist) Party ee Central Committee of the Workers (Communist) Party sent to the national convention ofthe So- Cialist Party, which was held in Pitts- burgh, Pa., May 1, 2, and 3, a propos- al for united action to draw the wor; ers of this country into the 1926 elgc- tion campaign on the basis of inQe- pendent political action in support a workers’ and farmers’ program. The reply of the Socialist Party to this effort of the Communists to unite labor's forces in the political cam- paign this year, was to call the Com- munists names. see A bad Workers (Communist) Party is of the opinion that the next big @tep forward for the labor movement of the United States is the cutting loose’ from the policy of supporting the political parties of their class en- emies—the republican and democratic parties—the labor movement of the United States must find the means of crystallizing its political strength and carrying on a consistent struggle against the parties representing their exploiters and oppressors. The movement for the formation of a party which will fight labor's bat- tles—a Labor Party—went forward with increasing momentum from 1918 until 1924. This movement grew from out of the experiences of the workers in the class struggle. It was the re- flex of the fact that the government more openly than ever before became the agents of the capitalist exploiters in the struggle against the workers. This promising movement of Ameri- can labor received a tremendous set- back thru the betrayal by the LaFol- lette movement. Thru the LaFollette movement it was swept from the road which led to a labor party into sup- porting progressive republicans who did not even have the courage to form a third capitalist party. In this be- trayal the Socialist Party played a big part. It carried on persistent pro- paganda to win the workers for La- Follette and his third party aggrega- tion in place of showing that the La- Follette forces did not represent the interests of the workers and would not form a party representing the workers, but was a movement repre- senting the petty bourgeoisie of this country, the professional classes and the smaller capitalists who were in opposition to the rule of big capital in the United States. * 8 The Workers Party Proposal. HE United Front offer of the Work- ers (Communist) Party to the So- |i THE DAILY WORKER The Socialist Party political organization and, ather work- ers’ organizations would, be a step. forward to the crystallization of a per- manent labor party which, in alliance with the exploited farmers of the United States, would carry on the struggle in labor’s interest and for the exploited farmers in every issue arising out of the class struggle and only in the election campaign. The Socialist Party, thru the resolu- tion adopted by its national conven- tion in reply, to the proposal of the Yorkers (Communist) Party,“ an: swered this constructive proposal by a declaration that it is “for a united front of all working class forces,” and then called the Workers (Communist) Party names because it proposed a definite and concrete wmited front movement in the interests) of the work- ers of this country. In ether words, the Socialist Party is for the united front on paper but it will take no definite action to make a,united front of the workers a reality int e election campaigns, The excuse of the Socialist Party for this attitude is that “the Commun- ist International started = campaign of disruption among the working class organizations of the world,” and that the united front proposal#iéf the Com- munist parties are merely maneuvers in this campaign of disruption. While making this hypocritical »statement, the Socialist Party declgres itself for a united front of all working class forces. The Workers «¢Communist) Party makes a proposal-for a united front of all working class forces, that is, it submits for the approval of the Soicalist Party a definite program for achieving such a united front in re- lation to the immediate situation in the United States and this, the Social- ist Party calls a campaign of disrup- tion. Because the Workers (Commun- ist) Party want to do something to develop the united front in the elec- tion campaign, because it wants con- crete achievements for the working class, it is a disruptive accord- ing to the Socialist Party. The Fight Against Wro One of the facts cited By the Social- ist Party convention résdlution to prove that the Communists are dis- rupters is that the Workers‘ (Commun- ist) Party, “constantly mialigned and libeled the Socialists individually and collectively, calling us ‘labor lieuten- ants of the bourgeoisie’ aiid ‘traitors to the working class.’” The fact that the Wdfkers (Com- munist) Patty makes a proposal for united action to the Socialist Party, does not and will not *bind it not to tell the truth to ‘fie workers in regard to the Socialist Party and its activities. The Wérkers (Com- olicies. cialist Party convention gave the Socialist Party the opportunity to cor- rect its past mistake and actually show that it favored the creation of a political party representing the work- ers of this country by joining with the Workers (Communist) Party in put- ting in the field united front election tickets as a move toward e crystal- lization of a labor party. The Workers (Co: believes the time is ri for such a movement, It is prepared to give its utmost support to a movement which will draw the workers into the elec- tion campaign this year on the basis of united front labor tickets. Such a movement would be a big step for- ward. The Workers (Communist) Party is of the further opinion that such united front labor tickets represent- ing joint action by the trade union AVERAGE WAGE OF WORKERS ist) Party more marked at present than among the working class. The Hearst press steps into the breach. For a number of days now it has been carrying cartoons on its editorial pages extolling the benefits of military training camps and ‘as ‘this is written it is publishing an article headed: “Military Training is Urged For Youth by Maj. Gen. Summer- all—Asserts Small Minorities Threaten Fabric of Our Civilization; Judicious Use of Force Necessary.” The general does not waste many woudys in proving the danger from external enemies. Quite frankly, in. the, third paragraph, he advises his readers that internal enemies are now the chief source of worry for the war department. He says: “There is ample evidence to show that the movement recently indugurated to suppress military training of a, small percentage of youths in our colleges is one step made by a small minority to upset our governmental! institutions, A they have been destroyed in other countries,” Of course, to the Hearst press and persons like the general, any government institution is sacred. It was for the defense of their sacred governmentai institutions that the British workers went to war in 1914—they thot they must preserve these Institutions intact and they did. bi The full power of the sacred institutions which they fought to save was used against the trade unions in the recent general strike. The mobilization of military force is admitted by the gov- ernment to have been comparable to that in the world war. In Great Britain the government and its sacred institution have been shown as the most powerful enemy of* the working class—the class on which the whole superstructure of modern society is built. In America, altho the breakdown of capitalism has not reached the point_where the government appears quite so nakedly as the in- strument of the capitalists, the militarists are Working night and day to perfect dt--with the aid of workers whom, they beguile into acceptance of their plans, The Hearst press is aiding the enemies-of the labor movement munist) Party does not , because it calls upon the Socialfsé: Party to enter into a united froitymovement, events in the labor movt colossal betrayal of the ers by the Ramsay?! Thomases and Hendersoni men of the second inte’ which the Socialist Pai part. What other descriptit}® tells the truth about the recent event in Great Britain than that the “MacDonalds, Thomases and Hendersoi socialists of Great Britain acted ag%the “labor lieutenants of the bow jie” in be- training the British workers? What other description than #Hi& correctly’j places before the workifg) class the action of the Socialist Party in aiding to side-track the movement of the American workers for -independent political action thru a labor party by helping to create the illusion that La- RAILROAD IS $138.50 MONTHLY Greater wage gains have been secured since 1922 by railroad employes on eastern carriers than by their brothers in the south and west, according to the January wage report of the interestate commerce comm sion. The Teport also shows the average railroad wage in the eastern digtrict in 1925 nearly $100 larger than the average wage in the western distriét and more than $200 ahead of the average paid by railroads in the south, Average straight-time hourly wages in the eastern district rose from 59.9 cents in 1922 to 63 cents in 1925, an increase of about 5 per cent. In the ~|same period straight-time hourly earn- ings in the south increased from 54.1 cents to 65.4 cents and in the west from 57.2 cents to 58.7 cents, In the southern and western districts the in- crease was about 2% per cent or half the gain secured by rail employes of eastern carriers, Loses Overtime. All districts show , materially re- duced overtime work since 1922, The excessive overtime in 1922 and extend- ing into 1923 was due to the shop strike. As a result average annual earnings do not show such large gains as the increaseses in hourly wages would indicate. In the western district the average railroad worker in 1925 received $5 less for his full year’s work than in 1922, Average annual railroad earnings by districts for the four years 1922 to 1925 were: Av. Annual Wage Eastern Southern Western 1922 $1,645 $1,465 $1,585 1923 1,679 1,432 1,555 1924 1,662 1,443 1,552 1925 1,685 1,471 1,580 in a campaign to exterminate it if it daregitte, ampion the in- terests of the workers in a militant and effeetiv nner. We workers, in opposing the militarizatiom.of.this nation, must | lead and not follow the middle class, | To secure his 1925 earnings the ay- erage failroad worker put in 2,398 AGH cor) and 2,417 straight-timesand 110 over- time hours in the weStdyo * © #yAL Many Layotta: Seasonal layoffs bet December and January reduced the number of railroad employes to 1,730,071, a de- crease of 23,137 in the qonth. Since October, the high point of 1925, 86,967 railroad workers have, Jost, their jobs, But the number employed,.in January, 1926 remains slightly = than ih January, 1925. ok E Railroad wages averaged $138.50 a month in January, ‘compared with $139.60 in December andj;.$140.75 in. January, 1925. But the decrease com- pared with last Januarf;ethe commis- sion explains, is due entirely to the fact that there were 5 Sundays in the month this year. This diminished the average number of straight-time hours per employe from 203 in January, 1925 to 197. Corbishley Speaks in Avella on Sun., May 23 AVELLA, Pa, May 18, — Henry Corbishley will speak on the Zeigler Miners’ Frame-Up at the Slovenian Hall, Sunday afternoon,,May 23 at 2 o'clock under the auspiges of the In- ternational Labor Defense, That worker next door to you ‘hours dn the east, 2,371 ‘straight-tims and 135 overtime hours in the sout! . straight-time hours and 123 7 may not have anything to do to night. Hand him thig-copy of the DAILY WORKER. ,, R r Follette and his supporters repres- ented the interests of the American workers in a’ movement towards a labor party. The Socialist Party's natidWal con- vention itself, in passing judgment on the LaFollette movement confirmed the estimate of the Workers (Com- munist) Party in regard to the social- ist activities in suppurting this move- ment. The resolution adopted on this question, according to the story writ- ten by James Oneal in the New Leader, recognized the “ridiculous col- lapse of the so-called progressives and their return to the republican fold.” The Socialist Party, in refusing to cast, it’s influence and strength to support the crystallization of a labor party in 1923 and 1924, and in helping to drag the workers into support of the pro- gressives, now returned to the repub- lean fold, acted as a betrayer of the labor party movement, The fact that the Commufiists pointed this out in place of serving to disrupt the labor movement aided in putting that move- ment on the road which will enable it to crystallize a party which will really represent labor, in place of a tempor- ary disaffected wing of the republican party. The Socialist Party Become a Sect. The reason for the Socialist Party refusal of the united front proposal of the Workers (Communist) Party is however a deeper one than it de- clares, opposition to co-operation with the Communists. The Socialist Party experiences with the LaFollette move- ment and “its ridiculous collapse” have had the result of stripping the Socialist Party of any aspirations to and the Unite play a role as a political force in'the American labor movement and have reduced it to-a sect. According to the same resolution quoted above it, has as its aspiration “intensive propa- ganda among the masses to educate them to a knowledge of their true economic interests.” ‘This viewpoint jof the role of the Socialist Party was japparent thruout the whole conven- tion, It is content to become an edu- cational society propagating the ideas of right wing socialism, It has reach- ed senile, old age, and no longer has the courage or strength to aspire to a leading part in the political develop- ment of the American workers. It made its last splurge, which it now regrets and condemns in its part in the LaFollette movement, Its future is an opportunist duplicate of its im- possible brother, the Socialist Labor: Party. The final phrases of the resolution answering the Workers (Communist) Party proposals declares that the lat- tew has “by its destructive tactics isolated itself from the American" workers and deserves its isolation.” It is not the Workers (Communist) Party which has isolated itself from the American workers but it -is the Socialist Party which thru its latest developments. is achieving that post; tion. The influence of'the Workers. (Communist) Party in the labor move« ment of this country was never greaty er, Thru the fact that it is ready to Even the \Socialist Party is unableto” resist completely the initiative of the Workers (Communist) Party in carry- ing on united front action in relation to the immediate struggles of the workers in this country. Not all of the local uniti: of the Socialist Party are willing to,have their organization sink into the morass of a sectarian educational soviety. In many cities of the country at this moment the So- clalist Party locals which reject the viewpoint of the national convention are part of united front movement initiated and led by the Workers (Communist) Party. The rejection of the offer to the So- clalist Party to join in drawing the American workers into the election campaign on the basis of independent political action will not, prevent. the Workers (Communist) Party from con- tinning its struggle to achieve this_ id, There is a new growing ‘senti- ment for independent political action in the labor movement, The Workers (Communist) Party will in the next month throw all its energies, into the work of crystallizing: this. sentiment into actual participation in the elec- tion campaign in support of united front labor tickets as a move for the crystallization of a Labor Party. This movement will.go forward and achieve its ends without the decaying Socialist Party. The rejection of the Socialist Party ofan opportunity to take the lead in fighting the immediate {play a part in this movement is but battles of the workers, in building.a_ expression of the fact that the Social- united front to win these struggles, its influence is extending itself in the labor movement. ist Party is disappearing from the stage.as a factor in the labor move- ment of this country, When It Comes to Drinks—Hot Dawg! By ‘William Groppe When the Passaic strikers appealed to the leaders of organized labor, these birds were not Intét~ ested. But when the question of prohibition came up—hot dawg—that was of great importance, Green Denies He Supported Mellon’s Candidate By Hm W M; WICKS EWSPAPERS in Pittsburgh, dom- inated by the Mellon interests, published last week an alleged letter from William Green, president of the American Federation of Labor, en- dorsing one John S, Fisher, the Mel- lon-Coolidge candidate for the repub- lican nomination for governor of the state of Pennsylvania. The letter was alleged to have been written to Col. Eric Fisher Wood, one of the political managers of the administration ma- chine forces in Pittsburgh. Since the State Federation of Labor had, in con- vention assembled, endorsed the can- didate of the Pinchot forces, the Penn- sylvania labor leaders brot the matter to the attention of President Green. Im a telegram to Philip Murray, vice- president of the United Mine Work- ers of America, and one of the hench- men of the treacherous John L, Lewis machine, Green indignantly denied having written such a letter and branded it “a forgery and a lie.” In his wire to Murray, Green said: “Was astonished to learn this | morning that newspapers in Pitts- burgh are publishing an alleged let- ter from me endorsing candidacy of John 8, Fisher for governor of Penn- sylvania. Such an alleged letter is a forgery and a lie. No letter was ever written by me to any person endorsing the candidacy of Fisher. “Because organized labor in Penn- sylvania in a state convention has “endorsed Gov, Pinchot, for nomina- tion to the U, S, senate, and Mr, Biedleman, candidate for nomina- tion for governor, | am endorsing and supporting these cla cea ¥ THER officials of organized labor, particularly the heads of many unions in Philadelphia, openly aligned. themselves with “Boss” Vare, the de- fender of the Philadelphia Rapid Tran. sit “open shop” system, because Vare ran on a platform declaring for “light: wines and beer,” while Pinchot and) his supporters were “bone dry.” Green's explanation of the stand of “official labor” as represented by’ the Pennsylvania State Federation of bor may be satisfactory as far as that organization is concerned. But intelli gent workers demand further explana’ tion. They raise the question of how it is possible for old party candidate: whether they represent the Mellon- the endorsement of the leaders of the labor movement in this country. } The labor officialdom perpetuating the Gompers swindle of “reward your friends and punish your enemies,” by asking labor to support certain capi- talist party candidates, makes it pos- sible for Mellon, Vare, P{nchot or any ‘other politician to claim the support ot labor. And, incidentally, there is no candidate on an old party ticket that cannot secure the endorsement of some labor official, who in turn can induce some unit of organized labor to support him, 'E are not so much interested in the fact that the Mellon interests printed a fraudulent letter purporting to be from Green as we are interested in the fact that conditions in the on bor movement are such » that an, would for a moment believe, that responsible labor official™ cou rt a republican or democrat for of- ce and still retain his offiéaiees - & The Gompers’ policy of supporting old party candidates is the most vile of all class-collaboration frauds. It is this.political alliance with the old par- ties that cements the labor officialdom to capitalist reaction, . Decisions of various state and city federations of labor to support certain \}eandidates are not. binding upon any affiliated organizations. They have mo power to enforce their decisions and any local unions: affiliated there- with may with impunity endorse can- didates opposing te ‘approved by the federations, HE “official policy” ot the A. F. of L. benefits only the labor fakers and the old parties. It enables the Coolidge interests or others, to clatm/fakers to obtain part of the. campaign slush funds for their treachery and in case the candidate they support is victorious they frequently land soft political jobs, ranging from factory in- spectors to members of presidenital cabinets, It aids the old parties by preventing the creation of class par- ties of labor, based upon the organiz- ed labor movement. It is because of the material rewards realized, by the corrput labor officials thru their alli- ance with the old parties, that these worthies fight so viciously every serioug move toward the creation of @ labor party in this country, A labor party might even benefit Green as it would save him writing letters of explanation when hé is ac- cused of supporting Mellon's ’ candi- dates. It would be as consistent for him to support them as the candidates € }he usually Supporte-aas in 'Y | sistent as the support iP |the last campaign by nent leader of the miners, L. Lewis, Front)