The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 15, 1926, Page 6

Page Six Shenae THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER Published by'the DAILY WCRKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il, Phone Monroe 4712 eastern ieee — SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outsids of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months $2.50 three months ~ $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blivd., Chicago, IHinols J, LOUIS ENGDAHL { WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB. September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. Editors jusiness Manager Entered as second-class mail Ge 290 Advertising rates on application. eee sess Making Class Conscious Workers Nothing Communists could do to impress upon the minds of the strikers Of Passaic the vicious nature of the so-called law enforce- ment bodies as instruments of class despotism would be so effective as the present exhibition of tyranny in the case of the arrest of the strike leader, Albert Weisbord. As the strike reaches a critical stage, as the season approaches when the mills must be opened and production resumed or the en- tire fall trade lost by the woolen mill owners, in a word, when the strikers have the upper hand, the police and courts show their true colors. From beating men and women on the picket lines the brass- buttened thugs extended their activity and assaulted the school children on Saturday. The day’s terror was climaxed with throwing Weisbord in jail, holding him incommunicado and refusing to fix bail. On Monday he was arraigned before the local kangaroo court over which presides a henchman of the mill owners known as William B. Davidson. This creature, in violation of law and the constitution of the United States, fixed bail at the exhorbitant amount of $30,000, on three fake accounts—inciting to riot, introducing Communist mat- ter and inciting against the government. There were no riots except those started by the drunken and depraved, police thugs under command of one Chief Zober. There is no law against “introducing Communist matter.” There was no inciting against the government. Of course, no one expects the authorities to obey their own laws. They are paid to serve the in- terests of the mill owners and to break the strike. A comparison of the conduct of the judges of \that vicinity in the case of Chief of Police Zober for whom a warrant was obtained by the Civil Liberties Union, charging atrocious assault and bat- tery against women and children and in the case of Weisbord is sufficient to expose the real class character of the government as the enemy of the working class. : It was with difficulty that anyone was found to serve the war- rant on Zober. When it finally was served he was not jailed but was taken before a judge who laughed out loud and released him on his own recognizance with permission to continue his bestial as- saults upon the workers of the corimunity. The Passaic workers should remember that when the strike is over they can still settle matters with the Zobers and the Davidsons by creating a labor party, placing working class candidates in the field and supporting their candidates in the elections. Mr. New Bars “The Mercury” Harry 8. New, postmaster general in the Mellon-Coolidge cab- inet and one of the favorites of the cabinet of the sainted Harding, has barred from the mails the April number of H. L. Mencken’s American Mercury because it carried a story by a New York news- paper man depieting social and religious conditions in the town of Farmington, Missouri. The main character in the story was a female of easy virtue, a part-time prostitute, who, for want of a better name, was called “Hatrack.” The author claims it is a true story. The townspeople corroborate his statement. The young town touts who accompanied “Hatrack” on her nocturnal journeys to two cemeteries after the methodist church had closed its final Sunday services are now grown up and are respectable rotarians and ku kluxers who waxed indignant when their wild oats were thrown in their faces by their former townsman, the author of the article. A certain meddlesome individual of Boston endeavored to sup- press the magazine there for fear it would corrupt Coolidge’s New England, but the judge rather enjoyed the story and declared he could see nothing wrong with it. Finally the eminent Mr. Harry 8. New, probably fearing that if the magazine publishes stories about the good methodists of Farmington and their lone part-time “scarlet woman,” it might also publish the true story of a certain Indiana hoosier who has by the grace of Harry M. Daugherty, become postmaster general with power to dictate what shall and shall not. pass thru the United States mails. (International Press Correspondence.) OSCOW, U. SS. R., March 14 (By Mail).—The nineteenth session of the enlarged executive committee of the Communist International was opened under the chairmanship of Comrade Geschke, After a short declaration by Com- rade Dobrogenua Gerea (Roumania) upon the utterances of Schuminski and Skryptnic at the fourteenth party congress of the Russian party, Com- rade Humbert-Droz made a report in the name of the French commission. He declared that altho the political theses emphasizes the right dangers, the debates of the commission had dealt chiefly with the past mistakes of the left and the organization errors of the party. This is not an abandon- ment of the opinion ‘that the right dangers are dominant in the French party today, but a recognition of the internal connection between the mis- takes of the right and of the left. The left deviations are rooted in the whole objective circumstances, in the traditions of the French working class movement, in the process of the development of the French Communist Party and they have a fruitful and favorable field. The right deviations have their roots partly in social- democratic, even social-patriotic tra- ditions, and partly in syndicalist tradi- tions, as with the Monatte group. Since the December conference of the Frenth party, which practiced a courageous self-criticism and recog- nized the mistakes in the application of the united front tactic, in the trade union question and in the mechanical state of the internal party life, there has been a change for the better. The resolution of the French com- mission accepts and emphasizes the conclusions of this self-criticism. The support of this self-criticim on the part of the executive is all the more valuable as the open letter of the December conference to the member- ship has been interpreted in different manners. To accept the self-criticism of the French party in no way means a con- cession to the rights, for instead of objectively criticizing the line of the party the rights placed their own plat- form opposed to the whole party. The condemnation of the right deviations which is contained in the resolution is not in any way the preparatory for a campaign of victimization against the right; it is simply the ideological struggle against the dreat dangers which can arise from the errors of the right and an objective analysis of the social-democratic and syndical- ist character of these errors. | Right Deviations in France. | HE characteristics of these devia- tions are: (1) Pessimism and a defeatist tendency which led to a direct. sabotage of the party instruc- tions on the part of the rights; for instance, in the most important mo- ment. of the campaign of the party against the wars in Morocco and Syria. (2) Social-democratic tradi- tions in the national and colonial ques- tions; for instance, the rights argued against the proposal for fraternization between the French and the Riff by saying that it was impossible owing to the differing cultural levels of the two. Further, “la Revolution Proleta- rienne” declared that Abd el Krim was the representative of religious and social reaction and he could there- fore not be supported. This is direct treachery to the struggle against French imperialism. The social-pa- triotic opinions of the rights, however, showed themselves most clearly in the question of Alsace-Lorraine. (3) It is very characteristic for the right that they sabotage the 24-hour strike in protest against the Morocco war and failed to recognize that it was the culminating point of a whole long campaign of the party. (HE syndicalist deviations are very clearly expressed in an article by ideological struggle.; against them more systematically, and in doing this win the best elements, of the oppo- sition for the party. The syndicalist deviation is the most dangerous, for it carries with it the danger of neg- ativing the leading role of the party. It is not only dangerous for the party, but also for the unions, for the present advanced state of capitalism in France demands mass organizations and not a syndicalist scattering of organizations such as existed before the war. An energetic struggle must be car- ried on against any recrudescence of syndicalism, The resolution puts’ the alternatives before ali comrades who carry on a direct campaign against the party together with the “Bulletin Communists” and the “Revolution Proletarienne,” eithet submit to dis- cipline or leave the party. (Applause.) | Party T: Franc | ESPITE the financial and parlia- mentary crisis, the political and economic situation occasionally shows signs of a partial stabilization, but the general tendency is towards a continual intensification of the situa- tion, 17 The party is faced’ with the tasks of correctly recognizing the class re- lationships, of leading‘ the proletariat, the peasantry and tlie petty-bour- geoisie against the capitalists and of intervening actively in the tax ques- tion, et In the coming great Struggle for in- creases of wages and against the in- creases in the cost of living the party must strive to increase its influence amongst the masses and to win the numerous. masses of unorganized workers. This winning of the unorganized, the co-ordination of the struggle of the proletariat with the defensive struggle of the peasantry and the petty-bourgeoisie against large-scale capitalism are amongst the most im- portant tasks of the French party. ot basa speaker then informed the en- larged E. C. C, I. that the general section of the resolution was adopted with all votes against the vote of Bordiga and the section dealing with the struggle against the right dangers was adopted with all, votes against the votes of Bordiga. apa Engler. He then recommended the acceptance of the resolution to the enlarged E. C. C. 1. (Applause.) French Draft;Adopted Unanimously. Coe TREINT “made the ex- planation that he ‘had voted for the resolution with “a reservation bé- cause the section upOt the ultra-left danger mentioned that;a serious tac- tical error was the dgsue by Treint of the slogan for the-transformation of the Morocco war into the civil war. He had not done this, and therefore the particular paragraph was based upon a misunderst ing. For the rest the speaker is in agreement with the resolution which provides a good basis for the stru: against the right, according to hh instructions of the December cont ptence of the French party. aa Thereupon the draft of the resolu- tion of the French ¢émmission was then unanimously adopted. [German erent (OMRADE BUCHARIN, who was received with protracted applause made a report in the name of the German commission: Bordiga natu- rally objected in principle to the draft resolution in the commission. Bordiga declared that he was in agree- ment with the optimistic, in a revolu- tionary sense, analysié of the politi- cal and economic situation of Ger- many, but in his opinion the tactical line of the draft resolition was not in accordance with this Janalysis. Bor- diga recognizes the Yeft development inside the social-deni®cracy and the : carried on from the point of view of Russian state interests, as anti-bolshe- vist and as anti-sovietist, we thereby waste the confidence of the working class in Soviet Russia, altho this cap- ital is not without its limits. Now capital can be applied either waste- fully or to bring in returns. I am of the opinion that we are using the cap- ital represented by the confidence of the working class in the latter way. | The Meyer Grou | E had a little trouble with Meyer, who demanded that the resolu- tion should begin by pointing to the relative stabilization. We deal with the stabilization in the political reso- lution, It is the business of the Ger- man resolution to deal with specifi- cally German matters, The most spe- cific factor in Germany is the serious crisis which is not simply an affair of the moment, but which will charac- terize the whole coming phase of Ger- man development. For this reason we rejected the demand of Meyer, which seemed to show that the Meyer group had underestimated the crisis. 'N the last session of the commission the group Scholem-Rosenberg-Kon- rad split. Rosenberg and Konrad were in favor of the resolution and Scholem voted against it. Scholem gave as the reason for this piece of “heroics” the allegation that the res- olution was directed against the left. He said that he had broken with the K. A. P. tendencies (K. A. P.,) Kommunistische Arbeiter Partei — Communist Workers Party, a split off with ultra-left anarcho-syndicalist ten- dencies, from the Communist Party), but that he would be a cad to vote against his own past. This is a lack of logic. Scholem is, so to speak, afraid of his first forms of life (amusement). We are very glad of the support of Rosenberg and Kon- rad, particularly of the latter, because he is the leader of a large Berlin dis- trict. This would be true if Urbahns and Ruth Fischer were the representa- tives of all the left workers, but this is not true. Meyer declared that the resolution described his group incor- rectly and asked what further steps he could take in the direction of the line of the C. C. We answered that his step must consist in the leader- ship of the struggle against the dan- gers /from the right. WwW atcepted certain corrections con- cerning matters not concerning any question of principle. The\commission adopted the resolu- tion with all votes against the vote of Bordiga and the declaration of Scho- lem, Urbahns and Engels, who sat. in the commission with only advisory votes. In the name of the commis- sion Bucharin then requested ‘the dele- gates to continue the discussion in the plenum. ‘ After Bukharin, Comrade Bordiga spoke: Bukharin is wrong when he contends that the resolution of the German commission intimates the best methods for the ideological strug- gle of the C. P. of Germany. After the failures caused by the mistakes of the right, the German working class made considerable progress in the formation of their political conscious- ness. This political consciousness of the German proletariat and its ad- vance guard the Party must be still further developed by the opening up of a broad disoussion, Only such a discussion can be useful and produc- tive. The methods of ideological struggle which are at present in use in the Comintern are inadvisable and turn great and basic questions into per- sonal ones. Every Party member who is not in agreement with the line of the Comintern is termed an enemy of Bolshevism anf an enemy of the Sov- jet Union. This will only damage the popularity of the Soviet Union amongst the masses of the interna tional proletariat. One may not waste that capital of confidence which was won by Lenin- ism. One must not term oppositional some non-essential difference of opia- comrades anti-Bolshevists as soon as} observe the arrival of new factors and in consequence carried over old meth- ods to a new situation mechanically, is not correct, The resolution declares that the ultra-left ideology had a rot- ten almost social democratic kernel, this may be true for the liquidatory tendencies of a person like Katz, but it cannot be true of the whole ultra- left group. The same is true of the remark of the resolution about the lack of understanding of the ultra- left group for the problems of the win- ning of the masses. The speaker declared that he did not share the opinion of the resolu- tion concerning the hindrance of the ultralefts for the winning of the masses, on the’ contrary, in the pres- ent period the right dangers are the most dangerous, | Fought C. I. Letter. | CHOLEM then read the following declaration: “The resolution supports the open letter against which I fought most of all because it defined the struggle of the left since the third’ world con- gress as the fractional struggle of an anti-Bolshevist group against the|’ Comintern and against the Soviet Un- fon. To apbrove of the present resolu- tion would therefore be equivalent to a later recognition of the correctness of the open letter and therefore the abandonment of the struggle of years ‘or the formation of the revolutionary Bolshevist Party of Germany. “For these reasons I would if I had the right to vote, cast_my vote against the resolution. I declare that I main- tain the line which I represented in the Plenum and in the commission, completely.” | Urbahns Speaks. | MRADE URBAHNS made the fol- lowing declaration in his own name and that of Maslovsky (Berlin), Gram- kov (¥. C. L, Hamburg.) and Ruth Fischer: “We stand unresetvedly upon the basis of the speech and the theses of Zinoviev just as the majority of the enlarged executive of the Communist International. The solution of the cris- is ‘in the C. P. of Germany is the pre- liminary condition for the carrying out of the tasks which have been set up. The objective conditions for the fur- ther development of the united front politic are there. The intensification of the class struggle by the Dawes’ plan, the growing consciousness of the social democratic workers, the wave of sympathy for Soviet Russia and ‘the anti-monarchist movement make it possible to win broad masses for Communism. The so-called bread and butter ques- tions must form the central.poing of the daily work, but it must be empha- sized that only the proletarian revolu- tion can solve the German crisis. In this respect the-tasks are: “The util ization of the leftward . tendencies amongst the social democratic work- ers against their opportunist leaders without repeating the mistakes. of Brandler; the connections of the par- liamentary action with the mass work and here we must convince the broad masses of the workers of the neces- sity for a break with the coalition pol- icy; the application of the united front tactic towards the workers of the centrum and the middle classes; the formation of a broad left wing movement inside the trade unions; the carrying out of a unity campaign in support of the Anglo-Russian unity committee and finally the utilization of the sympathy for Soviet Russia in the trade union work. From this arises directly the task of developing the movement for the expropriation of the princes into a general mass movement, of carrying on the struggle against unemployment in connection with the campaign against the customs and the taxes, the setting up of a program of action, the struggle against the coalition policy and Re ‘utilization of the contradic- Discussion of the German Party Problem self-criticism on the part of the lefts. The lefts were correct in their strug». gle against opportunism and revision- ism, the struggle for the role of the Party and the struggle against the causes and the consequences of the October.defeat, In all basic questions the left was right as opposed to the right. The! lefts were wrong when they gave way before the anti-Bolshevist tendencies hostile to the Comintern, in their vacillations in the united front question and in the trade union question and in the failure to cut themselves apart from the K. A. P. elements in the time. In correcting its error in the election of Hindenburg the left made opportunist deviations in the application of the united front tactic towards the workers of the cen- trum and when it led the truggle against the ultra-lefts with B irs tional measures. , The Party crisis is made more interse by the fact that the C. C. is selling the Party to the rights. Ultra-Left Workers and Leaders. NSTEAD of dividing the ultra-left workers from their “ultra-left lead- ers,” the central committee rejects the ultra-left workers and wins ultra-left leaders like Rosenberg who came to grief with his K, A. P. group and who now wants to go over to the sociah democratic party as quickly as pos- sible. The internal health of the party demands a real clarification of the po- litical questions, the disappearance of all fractions and groupings and the formation of a party leadership which enjoys the confidence of the member- ship. The necessary clarification how- ever demands a free discussion cul- minating in a concentration party con- gress the task of which would be to form a leadership supported by the majority of the party. There are only two possibilities for the party central committee, either the amalgamation of the left with the center, makes possible the formation of a really Bolshevist kernel and then the chief task would be to win the ultra-left workers, or the central com- mittée will become dependent upon the right ideology and fractions. In the second case the left workers will be compelled to oppose it with the greatest possible resistance.” HE speaker then gave the reasons for the rejection of the draft res- olution of the German commission and protested against the statement of Stalin who had said in the German commission that Bordiga was an hon- est oppositional man who always said exactly what he thought, but that he (Stalin) did not believe a word that Ruth..Fischer said. Lenin had also used sharp methods of discussion, but never such methods, After Urbahns Comrade Engel made the following decelaration: “I reject the resolution of the German com- ission but approve of the speech and the theses of Zinoviev. In gen- eral I am in agreement with the dec- laration of the Urbahns-Ruth Fischer group, I disagree only in the following Particulars: I maintain the rejection of the open letter as correct, becausé it handed over the party to the dan- gers from the right, proclaimed the struggle against the left and stamped the left as anti-Bolshevist and hos- tile to the Comintern. The party cen- tral committee is chiefly responsible for the Kafz ‘affair thru its incorrect treatment of the left party members, ‘The workers who were expelled with Katz must be immediately won back. K. A. P, tendencies exist, but the ul- tra-lefts are honest Communists who wish to spare the party the repetition of the October catastrophe,” i | D ion by Maslovs' | CP ene MASLOVSKY then made the following declaration in his Since Mr. Mencken is.a good bourgeois with plent#* of funds Louzon, which denies any interest of |masses of the non-party: workers. ion occurs. The methods of ideological | tions between the social democratic] own name and in the name of Ruth and nothing to do but poke fun at methodists, baptists, kiwanians,}the working class in sueh real prob-| If that is true, then it demands a| terror and the transformation of dif-| Workers and their leaders and also) Fischer and Urbahns: Pa rotarians and others of his own class who take themselves seriously|lems as the tax question, the inter-|correct application ofjamited front tac- | ferences of principle into moral, con-| the’ differences Inside the reformist), “The speech of Zetkin was an open tic with all emphasis. Having regard |leading bodies. Sr E “ we suggest that he devote ‘some of his talents to assailing the Yespotism of the postoffice department and, if possible, establish the allied debts, the increase in the cost of living, etc., which present the tax struggle as a fight exclusively between fact that a peanut politician with the character and history of Mr.) large-scale capital and the petty bour- New*has no authority, even under the bourgeois constitution, to ar-|seoisie and which shows a complete bitrarily bar from the mails publications that hé doesn’t like or can- not understand. lack of understanding for the class relations, in particular of the role of the peasantry. The syndicalist devia- We fought for years against the predecessor of Mr. New, Mr.|tions have also expressed themselves Burleson, the southern bourbon-of the Wilson ¢dbinet who was czar|in a denial of the leading and educa- of the mails during the late war to make the worlll safe for Mor- tive role of the party and in the con- f@ntion that the education of the mem- gan’s billions and we would not at all object to others adding their | pers can only be carried out in organi- contribution to the fight against this sort of official viciousness at/|zation outside the party. Washington. Loriot declared that. the reformist leaders and the masses will not be separated; he fails to recognize the Get a member of the Workers Party and a new -subscription|chiet task of the united front tactic, for The DAILY WORKER. which consists in bringing about ex- actly this separation, | Divisions in the Right, | HE most important deviation of the right in the organizational question is the struggle against the transformation, of the party over to the factory nuclei basis, The French right is absolutely not homogeneous. to the left development of the social- democratic working masses, we had to find another tone in-which to address them. The tactic ige therefore in agreement with the analysis. Another remark of a principle na- ture which Bordiga mi was that the methods of the draft”theses in bon- nection with the intevital party situa- tion were incorrect: ¥/According to Bordiga the draft thses represents an ideological terremization of the left party membershipy I stress, how- ever, that the draft*¥esolution draws a strong distinction between the left workers and the ultra-left leaders. \ regards one of the chief tasks of the party to be the winning over of these left workers. This objection of Bordiga is therefore absurd. Bordiga is opposed to the fight against devia- tions with citations. As, however, the comrades who are: responsible for these deviations are neither dumb nor deaf, but speak and write, we have for the moment no other. method of fighting against the deviations but that of citation. Everyone must see that the central point,of the draft res- One part of tho right consists of bour-folution is the - id jeal struggle geols intellectuals, another part is closely connected with syndicalist cir- cles. Both the parts forma united front against the party, but the party must learn to differentiate between the va- rious deviaitions and to carry on the against the deviations and that there is not a word there about any organi- Bordiga declares zational measures. t when we characterize the declaration of Korsch damaging. The discussion must be built up up. on a more serious basis, upon the bas- is of a detailed study of the circum- try. The speaker closed his remarks by appealing to all Communist Parties to carefully guard the connections be- tween the Soviet Union and the inter- national proletariat. FTER the close’ of Bordiga’s speech Comrade Scholem declared that he maintained the attitude which he had taken up in the Plenum and in the commission completely. He declared that his mistake did not le in K, A. P, tendencies which he had never had, but which he had himself fought, but in the fact that he did not immediately break off all con- nections with such persons as Kats immediately after the close of the de- bate upon the open letter. The speak- er repeated the declaration which he had made in the commission accord- ing to which he recognized this error. He declared that he was not of tho opinion that the left had been without error, but that its Party fight had been correct. gave the following reasons f rejection of the resolutions: The contention of demnations of individual persons is) stances existing in a particular coun-| the resolution thatetheeft failed to’ the left phrases and thr @ merciless ‘The opportunist, right dangers: are the greatest danger for’ the whole per- lod) “but the ultra-left dangers’ must iso be fought; Unless a permanent and énergetic struggle is’ catried on againstthe dangers from the right there is ‘a danger that the revolution ary character of our. Party. may. be lost, The rights are utilizing the exist- ing situation to demand the revision of the decisions of the fitth world con- gress, The roots of the ultra-left dan- ger liés in a, disbelief in * the’ posst- bility of the formation of a Bolshe- vist mass party without falling into a morass. The Katz group must be fought, but to win the ultra-left work- ers is only possible thru a struggle against the right. The internal Party situation has become steadily worse since the open letter of the B. ©, ©, L The central committee is even now not carrying out the open letter, in- stead of utilizing it as the basis of a broad discussion upon the errors which have made it is‘using it merely as a campaign of personalities. This method has led to a complete col- lapse of the left and the Party is threatened with a repetition of the Brandler policy, "The opén lettér to the ©, P. of Germany was ‘correct, i et areal ua ks which it set are still ' ‘The carrying out-of therreal united front is only possible by overcoming attack against the decisions of the. 5th congress, both in the plenum and in the German commission. Zetkin represented the gtandpoint of Brand- ler, Thalheimer and Walcher of Oc- tober, 1928, and demanded that the party be given over openly to the right group, x At the same time Zetkin attempted to discredit the whole left in the Com- munist Party of Germany by ne attacks. upon the Maslov pins | tho the German delegation in its dee- laration rejected the political conse- quences of Zetkin’s speech, it never- theless assisted her political ideas by an acceptance of the methods of strug gle against the Ruth Fischer-Maslov group.” | ips speaker then gave his reasons for the rejection of the German resolution, The attitude of the reso- lution against the right is Very weak, on ‘the other hand it sharpens the struggle against the left. The methods of struggle used against the Fischer group will not assist: in return of the party to normal, ‘The speaker declared himself in agreement . with the Urbahns Dp but d that. he would upon the ba of the decisions adopted here,