The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 2, 1926, Page 4

‘(international Press Correspondence.) OSCOW, U.S. S. R., March 1 (By Mail)—The eleventh session of the enlarged executive committee of the Communist International was opened under the chairmanship of Corade Geschke. It was taken up completely with the trade union speech of Comrade Losovsky: The working class movement of the post-war period distinguishes itself from the period of the organic devel- opment of capitalism by a much quicker tempo of the chain of events. At one time a strike of a hundred thousand workers was a rare world event, today, however, tremendous mass strikes are quite an everyday oc- eurrence. The following new factors are to be observed in the international trade union movement since the fifth congress: the reduction and limitation of the rights of the working class, the reduction of the standard of living of the working masses, new forms of the ddea of co-operation between capital and labor, a growing influence of the American Federation of Labor upop the European reformists, a quick de- velopment of the trade union move- ment in the colonial and half-colonial countries, the formation of a left wing fn most of the reformist trade unions, a growing influence of the Soviet trade unions upon the international trade union movement, a stream of workers’ delegations to the Soviet Union, the formation of the Anglo-Russian unity committee, an intensification of the struggle inside the Amsterdam Inter- national and a growing desire for in- ternational unity upon the part of the \ masses. r In the international trade union movement two points are becoming ever clearer—the trade unions of the Soviet Union and the trade unions of America. This is the result of the increase of the specific gravity of the Soviet Union on the one hand and American capitalism on the other upon workf politics. The offensive of capi- talism is continuing. Reactionary gov- ernmental forms are being adopted in one country after the other. Even in England the formation of fascist and strike-breaking organizations is be- ing encouraged. The anxiety of the European bourgeoisie in the face of bolshevism makes it look ever more sympathetically upon the methods of Italian fascism. At the same time the bourgeoisie is developing a great economic offensive to lower the real wages of the work- ing class, to increase the productivity of labor, to limit social legislation, to lengthen the working hours, to in- troduce “Americanization,” to increase * ..,the cost of living, particularly in re- spect of rents and taxes, etc. The standard of living is rising only in the Soviet Union, and here it is rising steadily. The situation of the workers is ‘worst of all in Poland and then next fm Germany. The standard of living of the German worker is the ideal of the British bourgeoisie. The in- ternational interlocking nature of ‘world economy was never so clearly revealed to the workers as it has been i in connection with the Dawes plan. This plan has not only immediately affected the situation of the German workers, but the situation of the English workers also. e i Americanism Means Class- Collaboration HE Americanization does not only consist in increasing the standard of productivity, but also in the intro- duction of new forms of the idea of co-operation between capital and la- | ‘bor. These new forms are such as can | ‘be seen in the agreements between | trade unions and the employers in the interests of the increase of produc- tivity for which the trade unions under take the responsibility (the “B_& O.,” Baltimore and Ohio plan), in the in- troduction of workers’ banks, which are only useful to the trade union bureaucracy and which in consequence / = of its machinations gradually slip from the control of the workers and, finally, the drawing in of workers fs shareholders in capitalist concerns. ‘The European trade union leaders are beginning to justify these things “Marxistically.” German reformists fre issuing the slogan of “economic democracy.” The ideological quag- mire of reformism is so-deep that the reformist, Karl Zwing, was able to write: f “The working class is a part of the capitalist system, the eclipse of Re. )| the capitalist system is therefore the eclipse of the working class.” PRR NIE Historic Movement in the Orient HE development of the trade un- ions in the colonial and half-colo- *mial countries in the last eighteen months is characteristic. The Chi- nese revolution received a special drive thru the appearance of the work- ers’ trade union, which, in spite of the persecutions, the execution of leaders, etc., developed with unex- 4 pected speed. A teow years ago the membership of the Chinese unions was a few ten thousands, today they have over a million members. In Tientsin there @ppears a trade union daily, The Chi- Nese proletariat is using new methods in dte struggle. During the strike in Hong-Kong, for instance, hundreds of blow to the Chinese center of British imperialism, The struggle of the Chinese trade unions is the greatest event of world history with the exception of the Oc- tober revolution. The tremendous strikes in India, the struggle for the formation of revolutionary trade-un- ions in Tunis, the formation of trade unions in Syria and the obstinate struggle for the unity of the trade union movement in the Dutch East Indies show also the development in the colonial countries. Our press must therefore direct more of its attention in this direction. Everyone is aware of the sabotage of the Amstérdamers of the support for the Chinese strikers. They sup- ported the textile strike in Bombay because there the leadership was in reformist hands, The reformists speak of the necessity for the intervention of the “representatives of European culture” in China. This is the same’ as direct support for the imperialists. The Amsterdam International has no standpoint whatever in the Morocco and Syrian wars. And Jouhaux took part An the suppression of the revolu- tionary trade unions in Tunis. The Movement Against Amsterdam HE characteristics of the new op- position inside the Amsterdam In- ternational are: the recognition of the uselessness of the old Amsterdam pol- icy, the wish for a united front with the Russian trade unions/ the efforts for the establishment of unity both on a national and international scale and a dissatisfaction with the policy| of coalition and the idea of co-opera- tion between capital and labor, Despite the unclarity of the opposi- tion the Communists must not treat it as an enemy, but support it to the full extent of their powers. They must not reject this opposition by put- ting to it conditions which it cannot possibly fulfill; they may form a block with it upon a definite program of work for definite aims, Another char- acteristic: of the opposition is a great interest for the Soviet Union; which has led to the stream of workers’ dele- gations, The Amsterdamers sabotage the delegations, The reports of the workers’ dele- gates show, however, that even when they still want to retain the old social- democratic ideas, they are compelled to recognize the services of the Soviet Union. International reformism is conducting an unparalleled campaign against the Anglo-Russian movement for fraternization. The first report of the British trade uniou delegation was callee by Fritz Adler a “dishonest book” and the Berlin “Vorwaerts” (official organ of the German social- democratic party) described the deéc- laration of the Anglo-Russian ‘com- mittee as a shameful document. The formation of the Anglo-Russian unity committee met with the greatest enthusiasm upon the part of the work- ing masses, Dowever, and various na- tional organizations affiliated them- selves with it even if not quite offi- cially, as, for instance, in Norway and Finland. Behind that committee there are 13,000,000 organized British and Russian workers. Apart from these, however, there are very strong minori- ties in all countries in favor of it, It is quite clear that the majority of the organized proletariat of the world stands behind the committee. Inside the Amsterdam International a bat- tle is being conducted around the fol- lowing questions: (1) The relation to the trade unions of the Soviet Union. (2) The relations to the league of nations and to the international la- bor office. (3) A united front with the bourgeoisie or with the Commun- ists. (4) The relations to the struggle of the colonial peoples for their eman- cipation, The contradictions are so intense that the secretary of the Amsterdam International, Oudegeest, threatened the chairman, Purcell, with the break- ing off of relations. Parallel with the growing sympathy of the working masses for the Soviet Union is growing the rapprochement between the reformists and the Gom- pers’ federation of labor. The reform- ists oppose the unity with the Rus- sian unions with a unity with the American Federation of Labor. This is particularly the case in Germany. This shows that European reformism already feels itself weak without America, Reformists Flounder Before Fascism HE reformists used to contend that they could overcome fascism with reformist methods. The Italian re- formists have, however, been unable to save even their own organizations from the general wreck. Many of the reformist leaders are adaptingg them- selves to fascism. Some of them have gone directly into the camp of the fascists. The secretary’ of the print- ers’ union in Italy, Tommaso Bruno, who took the latter course, justified his action with an appeal to the “ne- cessity of saving the cash-box.” In the meantime the reformists car- ried on a strict policy of expulsion against the Communists and closed up the local trades councils. When the R. I, L. U, appealed to the Amsterdam International to join with in a cam- paign in aid of the Italian unions, which, as everyone knows, belong to Amsterdam, the Amsterdam Interna- thousands of workers were taken away from Hong-Kong and moved to ay which represented @ great | tional did not consider it necessary to- answer; Instead it directed itself to the international labor office, which TH TED trade wnions of Soviet the Russian workers is rising. public is growing. The masses European workers and dampen of American imperialism of the States. E DAILY WORKER Successes and Mistakes of Revolutionary Trade Unionism the case of the Building ‘Workers’ The Soviet Unions or the American—Which? Russia with their slogans of working class struggle against dying capitalism or the ions of the United States with their policy of “class peace” and class collaboration—which? This is the question now be- fore the organized masses of impoverished Europe. The Rus- sian unions represent the fruits of victory gained by the revo- lutionary battle of the Russian proletariat against capital- ism. Soviet Russia is there to stay. The standard of living of The power of the workers’ re- of Europe are looking towards the Soviet Union. But the reformist leaders, the social-demo- cratic traitors of Europe, helpless before the mighty and. cer- tain decline of European capitalism, look towards America. Their fear of struggle, their love of respectability, pnompt them to follow in the foot-steps of the American Federation of Labor. Bureaucracy in servility to their capitalist masters, cause them to emulate the class peace doctrines championed by the bankrupt leadership of unions in a country whose im- perialism dominates the entire capitalist world. But the ea- ploited masses of Europe sense the entt of capitalism and are moving slowly and surely into the final death grapple with it while their social-patriotic leaders attempt to hide the suc- cesses of the Russian proletariat and seek to blind the their ardor for the struggle by dangling before their eyes the crumbs that fall from the tqble labor aristocracy of the United generously promised to put the mat-| unity to be brought about? We pre- ter on the agenda in 1927, This is the struggle of Amsterdam against fas- cism, The Russian Unions and Amsterdam TT\HE question of the relations of the 4 Amsterdam International to the Russian trade unions is not simply a Russian question, but a question of the relations of the whole revolution- ary movement to Amsterdam. The slogan of the fifth congress was for the unification of both trade union internationals thru an international unity tongress upon the basis of pro- portional entry into the Amsterdam In- ternational. In order to mislead the workers, the reformists are spreading various tales, for instance, the Russian unions want to leave the R. I. L. U., they want to shake off the influence of the Russian Communist Party, etc., etc. This is naturally ridiculous nonsense which does not even need to be denied. The unions of the Soviet Union form an organic section of the R. I. L. U. and are only negotiating with Amsterdam instead of the whole‘R. I. L. U. because in the interests of unity we are not prepared to stand upon for- malities. The Russian unions have pursued no policy but that of the Comintern and the R. I. L. U., and they will in the future pursue no other policy. The Amsterdam leaders want to make believe that their international is the only world trade union organi- zation. In reality, however, it is not even a complete European organiza- tion, as the whole of the Russian unions, a quarter of the Czecho-Slo- vakian, @ half of the French and a section of the Dutch unions belong to the R. I. L. U. and the Finnish and the Norwegian unions are affiliated to neither international, Apart from this, there is a serious revolutionary minority in almost all the reformist unions, In the Balkans 90 per cent of the organized workers were in favor of the Red Internation- al of Labor Unions and the creation of unions belonging to Amsterdam was only made possible by the tre- mendous police persecution. Outside of Europe the situation of the Amsterdam International is ca- tastrophic. The whole of the Chinese trade union movement is affiliated to the Red International of Labor Un- ions. This is also true of the Dutch East Indies and of Persia and a num- ber of other colonial countries. The left wing of the Japanese trade union movement is also if not officially and formally a supporter of the Red Inter- national of Labor Unions. For the Amsterdamers the trade union movement in the colonial coun- tries is a bagatelle, but for us it rep- resents a new page in the history of the international working class move- ment. Soon even the blind will be able to see that the Amsterdam Inter- national is on the downward and the Red International of Labor Unions up- on the upward line of development. HE activity of the workers on the new continent is growing. The Japanese reformists are attempting to call a pan-Asiatic trade union con gress and to face the Red Internation al of Labor Unions with a colored in- ternational. The Japanese reformist leader Susuki tried to win the Shang: hai workers for this plan, but from them he received the necessary an- ewer. The Chinese workers do not want a special colored international, but a world international. Similar attempts are being made by the Australian trade union leaders to call a trade union congress of the Pacific Ocean, and the trade union leaders of Ameri- ca are attempting to form an Ameri- can trade union international under the hegemony of the Gompers’ unions. The existence of a strong working elass movement in India, Cuba and In the Philippines, ete,’ shows that the question of unity ig mot a Burop-| fi ean one but a world one, How is this pose a world workers’ congress to unite all trade unions, and we pledge ourselves in case unity is achieved to dissolve the Red International of La bor Unions and should we be in the minority, to subordinate ourselves to the discipline of the new internation- al. We retain for ourselves only the right of free agitation and propagan- da inside the new organization and propose the same right for the social- democrats. What can be inacceptable here to people who present them- selves as defenders of democracy? Nevertheless Amsterdam avoids giv- ing a clear answer and attempts to create confusion, . LL sections of the Coriihtern must carry on a hard struggle for the realization of the new rade union international which will’ unite all countries, all races and all colors and continents. Up till that* point, how- ever, our tasks are the enlargement of our iffluences, the consolidation and the enlargement of the ‘Red Interna- tional of Labor Unions and a closer co-ordination with the work of the Comintern. The stronger the Comin- tern and the Red International of La- bor Unions become, the more quickly will we be able to obtain’ whity. Amsterdam, which holds joint ‘ses- sion with the bureau of the Second International, which is a,member of the Geneva labor office and which adopts responsibilities th ore upon the basis of the decision ®f bourgeois governments, is alleged indepen- dent. This is naturally. dema- gogy. The Struggle for Unity IT’ the question of unity we have already accomplished. considerable successes, because an eyer greater number of sections are beginning to learn how to approach thé masses of the social-democratic and. non-party workers, The Communist Party of Great Britain applies the tactic of the united front most successfully. In England the small Communist Party influences many hundreds of thou- sands of non-party workers. An example of the successful ap- plication of the united front tactic is the Swedish left wing conference where one-third of all the workers united upon the basis of the class struggle and representatives of vari- ous parties found a common language in the solution of the immediate tasks. The Italian Party was able thru an elastic Bolshevist activity’.to beeome the leader of the anti-fascist move- ment. x8 We have also our weak>side which consists above all in a formal treat- ment of this question of unity, These mistakes are: 1, An ovéf-estimation of one’s own and an underestimation of the enemies’ forces. ? | 2. An over-estimation of the oppos- ing forces. i 3. A lack of confidence in the fore- a8 of the working class. 4> The setting up of ceptable conditions for common 5. Proposals to the ers with- out mobilizing the mas: 6. Unity at any price%ven at the cost of giving up one’s own principles, for instance, in Jugo-Slgvia and in Roumania, 7. Passivity in the face of the ex- pulsion of Communists from the trade unions, for instance in the case of the expulsion of Lootens from the Bel- gian Brass Workers’ Union, 8. ers to the organization of unity. 9 social- democratic workers. 10. A tardy carrying out of the united front decisions, for instance, the Communist Party in Czecho-Slo- vakia is only now beginning to carry In Germany the formation of a left wing is only in out these decisions. its commencing stages, *\ 11, and non-party workers, 12. Unity dissolution of one’s own Insufficient mobilization of so0- cial-demgeratic and non-party work- Hostile relations between the and Communist A united front only between the Communists of various organiza- tions instead of with socigl-democratic impatience “precipitates izations, instdnce in Germany iin the case the Land Workers’ Usilon and in 4 if Union, the date for unity. 14. needs of the workers. 15. A substitution of the question of the unity of the Red International of Labor Unions and Amsterdam by the question of the unity of the Rus- sian unions and Amsterdam, as this was done for instance in the resolu- tion of the enlarged executive of the Communist Party of Great Britain. I hope that aftér the informatory let- ter of the central committee of tha Russian Party there will be no more unclarity about this point. 16. The recruiting of new mem- bers for the reformist unions in coun- tries where the revolutionary unions are organized on a national scale as for instance, in Czecho-Slovakia, 17. The desire to liquidate the Red International of Labor Unions and the organization affiliated to it. 18. An underestimation of the dif- ficulties of the struggle for unity and therefore a following disappointment and disbelief in the possibility of unity. 19. unity. 20. Insufficient elasticity in the treatment accorded to the oppositional movement. 21. The application of the same po- tential forms ‘before the creation of the united front and after, during the carrying out of the joint action. 22. Inability to establish the united front during strikes, to rally the active elements and to show them that the party is doing everything for the cause of victory; for instance, in the Amer- ican party during the anthracite min- ers’ strike, An unsystematic struggle for do not fear to admit our mis- takes; let the Amsterdammers and the eleven internationalists, who only speak to one another in terms of politeness and live no, co-operative international life together, laugh at us if they want to. On the basis of examples from Italy, Belgium an& America the speaker then proved that the reformists are con- tinuing their policy of disruption. They are now preparing a split of the Finnish trade union movement on a grand scale and in this action they are counting upon the support of the police. We, however, base our hopes upon the Finnish proletariat. We hope that it will give the Amsterdam- mers the answer that they deserve. ers who are working under tremen- dous persecutions is the cause of the whole international. ‘N most sections there is still too much talk. In France there is an important rule that without a trade union book no member is accepted into the party. Nevertheless, 90 per cent of the party members are only passive trade unionists. In Ger- many there are still many party mem- bers outside the trade unions and most of those who are in the unions avoid the petty work. The Comintern cannot permit this. \an” Communists, under penalty of expulsion, must not only: be members of the unions but they must do useful work in them, In conclusion the speaker request- ed the acceptance of a model pro- gram of action in order to prove that the Comintern sets no unac- ceptable conditions to’ the soéial- democratic workers as terms for common action. | hope that the parties will fulfill their bolshevist task of conquering the masses 100 per cent, that is to say, that they will prepare the working masses for the socialist revolution. English Charges Tell of Arbitrary Acts in Last Railroad Strike WASHINGTON, March 31,—Railroad mittee, trict. \ to speak, terms, without reason or. just, cause ast) ae 13, A one-sided determination of A lack of relation between the united front proposals and the daily The cause of the heroic Finnish fight- | labor will figure largely in the im- peachment ‘trial of Federal Judge Eng- lish of the district court of East St. Louis, Ill, if the house sustains the five articles of impeachment brought by the majority of its judiciary com- In the first article, charging English with “tyranny and oppression,” there is recited his action in disbarring Chas, A. Karch, counsel for the strik- ing railroad shopmen, in August, 1922, when English had issued injunctions to forbid strike activities in his dis- Then there is recited his action in illegally summoning, in an imaginary case trumped up for the purpose, the sheriffs and prosecuting officers of three counties, into his court. He called them there on August 1, 1922, when the strike was a month old, to threaten them with dire but vague punishment if they did not rigidly en- force his injunctions against the strik- The charge says that he threat- ened them with removal from theix offices—a thing he could not legally do—and that he addressed them in ob- scene and profane language and dis- missed them without permitting, them t It also recites that he de- nounced them in loud and {indecent All of this 18 set forth asoa:high mis- demesnom WIT THE. Y -CONDUCTED = BY Thi | Betcnims the American agents of Mussolini have crystallized their movement for a struggle against the American working class. Just as in Italy, where the fascisti have been firing their heavy ammunition on the labor unions, so in America we are witnessing a concerted attack of a similar nature, The fascisti thruout the world have recognized that the enemy of its ter- rorist, capitalist-supporting movement, is the working class. However, in its struggles against the working class it aims to have them submit meekly to the capitalists... In their bi-monthly magazine, “Gio- vinezza” (Youth), which carries an English section, it speaks of the re- cent coal strike and denounces the tact that the coal miners’ union is per- mitted to carry on a strike to better its conditions. It advocates fascisti methods in dealing with the strikers and goes on further to say, “This is not impossible of achievement. It is no longer an experiment in Italy. There .it is a proved success, Why not in America?” Its attitude on the working class can be measured by its position to- wards Russian recognition. It is against recognition of Russia, “un- less the American administration se- cures positive, reliable, satisfactory pledges from Moscow of the Soviet’s abandonment of unsound economic and political experiments in Russia and of absolute non-interference in Ameri- can dotnestic affairs.” The fascisti in America can well afford to take its own advice and perhaps might ask the United States government to break with Italy until the fascisti dic- tatorship is abandoned and that its own organization, namely, the Fascisti League of North America, shall stop its propaganda in the United States. In an editorial, “Bolshevism in the United States,” it deplores the fact that “there is much radical activity among certain foreign elements. Nor _and CONCENTRATION GROUP “D” OF SECTION No. 5, N.Y. \ ATTENDANCE: Comrade 8. is sick; she did not even work this week. Nobody knows why Comrade R. did not come, nor what has happened to Comrade S. Comrades B. and G. were instructed to visit S. Comrade C. complains that the organizer reported to the section that he has never been present at group meetings, which is not so. Secretary instructed to take into minutes that Comrade C., when- tended meetings of the group. Attendance at last section member- ship meeting of group members: G. received letter too late on Monday morning, which she did not get until 7p. m., when she returned from work, YOUTH FRACTIONS IN UNIONS. By I. Lazarovitch. We have pointed out’ already the necessity of existence of youth frac- tions, and therefore we will go over now to the next point, ang) that is, what does our league gain By having an organized fraction in a union, As we said before, trade union work must not only be considered as a side issue, but one of the most important tasks of our league, Wherever we have two or more comrades in a union a youth fraction should be organized. This youth fraction must react upon every question that arises in the union in an organized manner, ‘The youth fraction must meet before every union meeting. The youth frac- tion must select a comrade who shall be the speaker at the union meetings, a comrade who shall make motions at the meeting. If one comrade does not agree with another on a certain ques- tion he should not oppose the com- rade at the union meeting, but should bring over this question to the youth fraction, Our fraction must work in the youth fract the activities of the fraction. an organized fraction, youth fraction work we wil to work as a fraction in that union, © A big percentage of our young com- rades do not understand as yet the many com- rades do not realize yet the great im- portance of industrial activities, and that is why when a meeting of twenty comrades is called only two or three It is the duty of the na tional executive committee to conduct a broad ideological campaign for that whenever It is possible, to send out comrades thruout the coun- Jabove mentioned” facts; show up. purpose; Experiences of Shop Nuclei ever he was able to, has always at-) WODKERS ING WORKERS LEAGUE ITALIAN FASCISTI YOUTH IN AMERICA _ (A Struggle Against the Workers), é is radical sentiment lacking among native. Americans, particularly the restless young folks.” Not recogniz- ing that the growth of Bolshevism is due to economic causes, it continues its harangue. “Bolshevism comes in the train of political neglect of duty and principal, and pandering to the voting strength of the mob for selfish maintenance in office.” What could be a clearer picture of the aims of the fascisti in America when they call for the curtailment of free speech. It concludes its editorial with a brazen statement calling for fascism in America. One cannot doubt that Mussolini with the aid of the capitalists is endeavoring to set up a reign of terror thruout the world when the expression of the American fascisti say, “It were better if. we adopt fascist methods here to sup- press such disgusting license. As long as we permit such brazen af- frontery and sedition here, so long we suffer, , . .” That the capitalists of America give support to this move- ment can be seen by the complimen- tary statements of Judge Gary, the steel magnate, and Louis K. Ligget, the drug magnate, endorsing fascism and Mussolini, As we have seen in England, where the fascisti have fired their shots against the workers who are rebelling against capitalism, so in Amerita we see the same attempt being made. The working class must recognize the dangers of fascism. It must carry on a relentless struggle against it: So long as. it is a menace to the work- ing class,.so long does it remain a menace to the Communists. As+the vanguard of the working youth we must expose fascist methods and take the offensive together with all the workers against them. We cannot overlook fascism, for if it goes forth unchecked it ‘will prove to be a stumbling block for the success ‘of establishing the rule of the working class. Al Schaap. Concentration Groups B, letter was addressed to Brooklyn, and it was Wednesday before he re- ceived it. K. did not get any letter at all. C; was present. We don’t know about the other comrades, Comrades Literature Agent and Or- ganizer complain that they don’t get any instructions whatsoever from the section, not a plan of activity of the section. Comrade C. says he has al- ready suggested at the section meet- ing that the section executive shall call'a meeting of the group and nu- cleus organizers, but no action was taken. The comrades have also heard about factory campaigns in our section (an apron factory, “Sunshine Biscuit Co.”) and the group suggests that the whole section be mobilized for such. cam- the unfon organized. The secretary of yn must report regu- larly to the industrial committee on The comrades must remember that our league will gain in their trade union activities only if they work in It has been proved that only thru trade union be able to lead large sections of young work- Only thru organized youth frac- tions we shall be able to react upon every youth demand, and to win the young workers for our movement, and this is our purpose, to become a mass organization, and to be able to reach the young workers. It is not enough to be a member of a union, but also paigns. try to educate our membership, and to convince it of the significance of the industrial activities, because to say that the industrial work is the prin- cipal work of the league is not enough. Our comrades must understand that only by industrial activities and work in the fractions our league will be able to become the vanguard of the work- ing class youth in the United States. CHICAGO NOTES, Section No. 1 membership meeting Friday, April 2, 1926, at 8 p. m. at 180 West Washington street. (1) Re- port of the section executive commit- tee; (2) discussion; (3) speaker, see All Y, W. L. members engaged in food trades will meet at 19 S, Lincoln street at 1 p. m. Satarday, April 3, 1926, H eee All Y. W, L. members engaged in printing trades will meet at 19 8. Lin- coln street at 8 p,m, Monday, April 5, 1926. Ford School Boys Doped DETROIT, Mich.—According to J, F, Wright, founder and leader of the Pathfinders of America, who recently lectured before the Ford schoolboys, —out of 100 men starting work at the age of 25, only 5 will be well-to-do or independent at 65. Discounting the 86 men that died, it means that 92 per cent will be in direct poverty, Mr, Wright, however, does not use >t! above figures as an indictment of this absurd capitalistic -system, where 8 percent own the mills, mines, factor- jes and resources of the nation, and by virtue of this ownership are ables to exploit the 92 per cent and grow still, richer. n Instead of telling the boys, all of whom are children of the working class, that their lot in life is only to make intérest on rich men’s money, ‘Mr, Wright's object is, under this capitalist system, fo inspire the boys with the myth of getting out of this 92 per cent or working class and into the 8 per cent owning class—The FORD WORKER, an SENDIN A SUB, 1380 STAIN