The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 23, 1926, Page 6

‘ Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 2118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, It. SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mali (in Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50 six monthe $2.50 three monthe Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, IHinele J, LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB......nummmenimennnnn Business Manager a Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the postoffice at Chi- cago, Iil., under the act of March 3, 1879. <> 100 Went emecenent SN Passaic Cossacks Resume Clubbings Police Chief Richard O. Zober, brass-buttened bandit of Passaic, who heads the depraved band of thugs whose assaults against strikers aroused much unfavorable comment thruout the nation a few weeks ago is now back on the job, repeating the unprovoked as- saults upon citizens who are minding their own affairs, of a few weeks ago is repeated; men, women and children are beaten mauled into insensibility and many of them with heavy clubs, Phone Monroe 4713 By mail (outelde of Chicage): $6.00 per year $3.50 six menthe $2.00 three months en | ——— Advertising rates on application. NT ES The story THE DAILY WORKER The: Part Played by Kuomintang Party in the Chinese Revolution «By A. N. K. In January, 1926, the second na- tional congress of the Kuomintang party was held in Canton. The reso- lutions passed by the congress of this party, which was founded by Sun Yat/| Sen, the father of the Chinese revo- lution, are of great importance and form a turning point in the history of the Kuomintang and of the whole na- tional revolutionary movement in China, The forerunners of the Kuomintang were revolutionary organizations, “The National League” and the “Tun- menhu” party, which were founded by Sun Yat Sen. .The chief forces of the “National League,” which was founded in Tokio in 1901, were of the Manchu dynasty to study abroad. The league played an important part in thé prep- arations for the Chinese revolution in 1911. During the revolution the thrown in jail because they couldn’t move away from the cossacks fast enough. Not only were the pickets assaulted ‘but again news- paper reporters and cameramen were beaten up and their machines smashed by the drunken and infuriated brutes who feared the publi- cation of photographs showing proof of their criminal acts. For a few days things were quiet, while the chief criminal of Passaic, Colonel F. A. H. Johnson of the Botany Mills, was in Wash- ington, trying with Secretary of Labor Davis’ right hand man, Hugh Kerwin, to set up a trap into which the strikers could be enticed. But at the same time, much to the chagrin of the mill owners, a strikers’ delegation was also in Washington demanding that the whole thing be investigated. Certainly there is no industry that need fear an investigation more than the woolen mills of this coun- try. The average tariff has been raised from 39 to 78 per cent (doubled) under the Fordney-McCumber law, but in spite of this protection wages have been slashed until it is impossible to main- tain decent standards of life in the mill towns. The Passaic strike became a national political issue that will furnish much ammunition for the coming campaign. The desperate mill owners see the tariff wall tottering. They also fear an investiga- tion as they know with what devastating effect such an examina- tion will proceed with Frank P. Walsh, as attorney for the strikers, cross-examining the witnesses of the woolen trust. Since the last turn of affairs at Washington augurs ill for the mill owners, the Passaic Daily Herald has lost its enthusiasm for governmental intervention and plaintively wails that the “strike will be won in Passaic—pot in Washington or New York.” The very next day after publication of the editorial in the Herald, the police resumed their ferocious assaults upon the strikers. This circumstance is more than mere accident. It proves that the Herald is one of the spokesmen for the mill barons. The News, also of Passaic, states that the workers “should give the government plan tkoro consideration,” in an effort to break the ranks of the strike by ednveying the notion that the government is a neutral agency in- stead of the instrument of coercion serving the capitalist class. Unquestionably the main struggle of the strike in Passaic can- not be remoyed from that city. But a senate investigation will aid ~ in paving the way for an intensive drive in the whole industry. Other textile centers are preparing to join the strike and every effort should be made by the militant workers in Paterson, Lawrence, Mass., in the Blackstone and Pautucket valleys in Rhode Island. where the famous “iron batallion” swept thru those valleys in 1922 bringing out 200,000 workers, to close the mills in their districts. The strike should be made general in order to establish the principle of unionism in this industry. Hence it is a problem that extends beyond Passaic and, contrary to the idiotic propaganda of the Passaic Herald may be settled anywhere. based upon the relative power developed on both sides. The settlement will be A general strike will crush the scab shop apostles of the textile centers. As to the clubbings of the Passaic police the time has -about arrived when the masses of strikers should notify the mayor of that city that either he disarm the cossacks or the strikers themselves will take the clubs out of the hands of these creatures and give them a dose of their own ‘medicine. If the police force of the city exists only to perpetrate lawless acts then it is up to the strikers to estab- lish their own police force and keep order. The Church and Progress Cleveland newspapers are carrying full page unsigned advertise- ments which make violent appeals to readers to attend a church, to support church enterprises, to evangelize, to work for church ex- tension and—of course—to contribute money to this business. With scare headlines the irréligious are informed of the horrors of life that would result from the tearing down of the ¢liurch. With sweep- ing strokes of the copy writer’s pen they are told’that chaos would reign, we would reyert to barbarism, laws would be worthless and progress would be at an end. The anonymous boosters of the church, i. e., the worker-troubled boss and the almost jobless sky-pilot, have stretched the point some- what, to put it as mildly as possible. The church has,ever been on the side of reaction; it has always been an obstacle to progress. In the past, when a rising class, both used their particular cause. intelligent, vlass fought for supremacy with a ruling species of church to sanctify their Today, the church is divided into two main groups: which attempts to maintain the status quo blindly; the other, more which strains itself in an one of attempt to patch up and strengthen a dying imperialism and the faith of the masses in it. Both are tools of imperialism, Is there, for example, a colonial slave who does not know, with more and more conviction, that the church is the advance agent of the robbers of imperialism? Progress has always been made in a bitter struggle against existing class rule, and the particular theological reflection of the class rule of the time. The working class, conscious of its class in- terests, needs no church to aid it in its struggle for freedom, The * mission of the working class is to abolish all class rule and only in unflinching struggle against one of its vilest enemies, the church and religion, can it fulfill this task. Let the glorifiers of exploitation, unemployment, misery, and war plead unheeded, even if the pleas come from the. pulpit-pound- ing dispensers of opium. Get ‘a member of the Workers Party and a new. subscription for The DAILY WORKER. league reorganized itself into the Tun- menhu party, which had the command of one-third of all the votes in the na- tional assembly of 1912. The platform of the party was one for strengthen- ing the republican state and making propaganda for the republican idea among the masses of the people. After a short time the Tunmenhu, with the object of creating a govern- ment majority, united with allied or- ganizations under the name of Kuo- mintang, which means the party “to put an end to the government of the sons of heaven” (“Son of Heaven” was the title of the emperors of China of the Manchu dynasty.) Chief Tasks. The chief tasks of the new party were: the fight for the republic; union of south China and north China, where, after the Manchu dynasty had renounced the throne, the power was actually in the hands of General Yuan Shi Kai; establishment of equal rights of the Chinese with the Manchurians; support of provincial self-government, ete. As is well known, the union of the north and south was accomplished at tue cost of Sun Yat Sen renounc- ing the presidentship and Yuan Shi Kai being elected. When Yuan+Shi Kai had become pfesident of -the United Chinese republic, he gathered all the reactionary forces round him and soon showed his anti-revolution- ary character.. On November 4, 1913, he declared the dissolution of the Kuomintang party, which prevented him mounting the imperial throne, and threatened its leaders with ar- rest and banishment. \ The party be- came illegal and remained illegal until 1919, when Sun Yat Sen once more raised the banner of revolution in the south and asserted himself in the province of Kwantung, “Milltarist Revolution.” The seizure of the province of Kwantung, in which Sun Yat Sen was helped by an understanding with Chen Tsu Min, one of the Chinese generals, determined the tactics"of the Kuomin- tang party for the next three years. The party’s standpoint, was that of the so-called “militarist, revolution.” The Kuomintang opposed the mer- cenary troops of the reactionary gen- erals with its own mercenary army, and hoped with its help;to realize the Kuomintang program.;;The party gave little attention to work among the masses and to attracting the workers and peasants to the, active fight against reaction, The construction of the Kuomintang from. the point of view of organization was at that pe- riod very imperfect... Anyone who sympathized with the, objects of the party could be a member, while mem- bership hardly implied any obliga- tions. There were no party meetings, conferences or congresses. English Bribe Canton Generals, The fact that the Jeaders of the Kuomintang yielded to the attraction of military combirations resulted comparatively soon in’ the workers leaving the party and the party los- ing its influence among the peasants. The English, the foreign enemies of the Canton government, made use of this circumstance. In the middle of 1922 they won over Chuan Tsun Min, thé general of the Canton government, by bribery, and his treachery led to the occupation of the whole of south China by the reactionaries. When, after some time, thanks to combina- tions and agreements with other gen- erals, Sun Yat Sen once, more suc- ceeded in reconquering Canton, the tactics of the “militafist revolution” were abandoned. A !beginning was made towards approaching the masses, which was especially intensi- fied when the Communist Party of China joined the. Kiomintang party in order to support thé national revo- lutionary movement.}All this led tto The Fight Against the. Soft By ISRAEL AMTER. sl any worker had any doubts as to the meaning of the anthracite strike and ‘its significance for the en- tire organized ‘labor movement, his doubts have been cleared up, The bituminous operators of Ohio >}are in conference at Columbus to “form plans for relief of the employ- ment and.operating situation in the region.” ‘What does this mean? What is the situation? The operators contend that there are now 34,000 unemployed miners ip the state of Ohio, many of them starv- ing with their families. Cleveland papers have published a series of ar- ticles by investigators who picture the misery of thp miners. The burden of their articles is that the industry is \collapsing and thousands of men will Le foreed to move to other places and te other industries. What is the bituminous situation? Seventy million tons of coal.are used in Ohio every year. Only a small frac- tion of this is Ohio-mined—10,000,000 tons. The production of coal in Ohio has steadily’ diminished. In 1917 40,- 000,000 tons were mined, rising and descending till the year 1924, when there was a decided slump and finally in 1925. only 23,000,000 tons were mined. In the meantime soft coal mining in Pennsylvania starting with 172,000,000 tons ‘in 1947 rose and declined till in 1923 it amounted to 172,000,000. Then there’ was ‘a decided decline till in 1925 there were only 136,000,000 tons mined in Pennsylvania, Quite different is the situation in West Virginia and Kentucky. In West Virginia production started with 86,- 000,000 tons in 1917, rose and sank somewhat; in 1923 {t amounted to 107,000,000 tons and then rose to 121,- 000,000 tons im 1925. Kentucky has experienced a constant rise from 27,- 800,000 tons in 1917 to 53,000,000 tons in 1925, West Virginia and Kentucky are exclusively non-union fields and ,| today are producing more coal than Pennsylvania and Ohio, The two first- named fields, furthermore, are prac- tically untapped and therefore offer splendid opportunities to the opera- tors. The union miners earn $7.50 a day —when they work. But they work only 198 days a year. The operators claim that freight rates are too high and that coupled with the “high” rate of wages makes it impossible for them to continue production, They are meeting at Columbus and are calling for a conference with John Lewis, In his absence Phil Murray, vice-president of the United Mine Workers, declares that the “Jackson- ville agreement must stand.” But Lewis is to be called to a conference, where the operators.,will point out ‘hat the miners are working only four lays a week and are earning only $3 a day. The ope lare "t ‘ with reduced gins men will earn twice as much.as they do today. A specious argument in itselfi~but it is followed up with the threat that the mines will clos@ completely and Ohio will go out of the coal-mining business if this is nat done. 'HAT does Lewis\ intend to do? He cannot coniijiel the coal op erators to keep theifjmines open; he will pretend to demaitd a continuance of the Jacksonville agreement. But what will the unemployed men say in the face of the failure of Lewis to fight for the anthratite miners who were 158,000 strong’ and who were obtaining more and more help from organized and unorganized workers generally as their strike progressed? What. will he do and what will the rank and file of the U. M. W. A. in the soft-coal fields do? If the soft-coal miners yield today it means the positive end of the U. M. W. A. Nothing can prevent the coal eperators from continuing operation in West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennes- see and other non-union fields, where the union is spurned and an organizer does not go. Freight rates are being lowered from thesé'ields, and the only method that the coal operators are willing to employ is that of reduc- ing wages. pus miners have 90 other recourse —even if they agught one—but to fight. The union thist be preserved at all costs, To surkender on a single point will mean to.give up the union and to accept conditions that will place organized miners op,a level with the non-union men—with men who dare not organize becauge they are work- ing in camps that ia completely com- pany-owned, The struggle of anthracite min ers is finding its reaetion very quickly. If Lewis continug®,the policy that he employed in Philadelphia in set- tling the anthracite,gtrike, the strong- est union of the American Federation of Labor will be ajthing of the past. The fight will be a hard one— against the coal operators and the weak, compromising attitude of Lewis and the machine, The rank and file must gather its strength: the odds are heavy, but the fight is such that it will determine whether the men are to be within or outside an organ\- zation. “Ohio does not want miners-to get out of the union,” said O, 8, Newton, one of the operators. No, they may remain in the union, but the union will be ineffective, harmless—a play- thing of the operators. The organized Qhio miners must fight—the organized miners in the other fields must support them, This is another test of g¢he entire United Mine Workers of Afherica, and of the organized labor mo¥ement generally. If you want to see the Com- munist mahi? SPAR a asub the necessity of creating a program for the Kuomintang. Kuomintang Program. The program of the Kuomintang was given its final form at the first national congress of the party in Jan- uary, 1924. It was based on three principles of Sun Yat Sen: the na- tional principle, the principle of democracy and the principfe of social- ism. The national principle is understood by the program to mean the fight for liberation from political.and economic dependence on foreigners and equal rights for all nationalities which in- habit China. The practical demands in this respect consist in the annul- ment of the treaties based on inequal- ities of rights which had been forced on China by the imperialist states. Furthermore, the Kuomintang de- mands, as is expressed in the mani- festo issued by the party at the he- ginning of 1925, the convening of a national assembly for the whole of China with the object of uniting it and restoring its entity, The realization of the principle of democracy is to find expression in that all citizens are to be granted equal rights, with the exception of certain limitations of the rights of the reactionary generals and of persons who support the foreign capitalists. Socialization of Property. The third principle, that of social- ism, is understood as the institution of equal rights in the ownership of land and the limitation of the growth of private capital. In the land ques- tion the party demands that peasants owning little or no land should have a share of the land at the expense of the state or should be granted the necessary means for renting land. As regards industry, the demands of the program go considerably further. In this respect the nationalization of all Chinese and foreign industrial under- takings, railways, banks, etc., is pro- vided for. In the labor question the demands of the Kuomintang are for protection of work, of the mother and the child, help for unemployed, etc. Right Wing Secedes. The de¥elopment of the Kuomin- tang towards the left led to the se- cession from it of the possessing ele- ments, the merchants, landowners and other elements which went over to the counter-revolutionary forces. In Octo- ber, 1924, an insurrection of - fascist rade 7 groups: took’ place-in Canton, which had been organized by Canton and Hong Kong merchants. After the suppression of this insurrection the leaders of the Kuomintang were faced by the question of organizing a per- manent revolutionary army. The di- visions of the army were re-grouped on the European model, political di- visions were organized and the insti- tution of political commissaries was introduced. The school of instructors on the island of Wampu was reorgan- ized for the training of revolutionary commanders. The school of Wampu —the pride of the Chinese revolution —played an ‘important part in ‘the liquidation of the military opposition which, ‘with Chen Tsun Min at. its head, tried to destroy the Sovernment of Canton. “The secession of the right elements from the party led to the formation of an organized right wings In. Novem- ber, 1925, the leaders’ of the right wing, Cho Lu and Shiai! Che, sum- moned:a congress of their-followers in Peking, which professed to be the fourth plenary conference ie the Kuo- mintang. Second National Genntess: ‘The party was thus faced by the necessity of liquidating the ‘threat of unity and of wedding together the revolutionary forces of the Kuomin- tang. This task was fulfilled by the second national congress of the, party, which was held in Canton from the 2nd to the 18th of January, 1926. The congress severely condemned the “ple- nary. session” of Peking, the resolu- tion passed by ‘which “puts obstacles in the way of the development of the national revolution.” At the same time the congress resolved to exclude Cho Lu and Shiai Che forever from the party and to: inflict a number of disciplinary punishments on other leaders of the right. In order to strengthen the unity and centraliza- tion of the party, the congress re- solved to dissolve the executive bod- ies of the Kuomintang in Peking and Shanghai and, to concentrate the whole of the party administration in the hands of the C. C. The congress chose Canton, the revolutionary town, in which the power of state:is in the hands of the party, =@ Seat of the Cc. C. and of all con; es and ple- nary sessions of the’ C.-C. of the Kuomintang. Furthermore, a control commission was formed, consisting of the most experienced members of the party, > Political Work. The congress devoted great atten- tion to raising the political and cul- tural level of the members of the party and to the work among the masses of workers and peasants. It’ was resolved to establish weekly meetings in all the institutions of the party and the government and in the divisions of the army, ,which were to be devoted to expounding the ideas and the revolutionary activity of Sun Yat Sen. It was decided to centralize the propaganda earried out among the masses. A special resolution demands complete equality of women and men and new ‘legislation with regard to marriage and divorcee, etc. Recent Rapid Growth. ‘The reports from the provinces de- scribed. the. position of the party or- ganizations not only in China but also in Korea, India and the Malay islands. The total’nymber of members of the party; which until 1919 had ‘been less than 100,000, had increased to 138,000 by the.end of 1922. At present the Kuomintang numbers about 400,000 members, 87,000 of whom -belong #0 the foreign party organizations, The rapid growth of the membership is illustrated by the following fact: Be- fore the notorious shootings in Sha- meen, there were 1,000 members in Hong Kong. At present their number amounts to 18,000, of whom 10,000 are workers, Becoming Disciplined Party. The resolution of the second na- tional congress of the Kuomintang complete the reorganization of the party which was begun by Sun Yat Sen and indicate a new epoch in the history of the Kuomintang. The party has finally liberated itself from all the remains of the period of the “militar- ist revolution.” The discipline and party duties of the members are being defined. The fractricidal fight in the political leadership o. the party is being abolished aiid the connection of the party with the working class and the broad masses of the peasantry is being strengthened. The second national congress of the Kuomintang puts an end to the weakness of or- ganization and the political instability of the party and marks the transfor- mation of the Kuomintang into a united fighting force, into a real party of the Chinese revolution. Anti-Lynch Law Is “Too Harsh,” ,” Declares C aniiiee & mob on the pretext that he had at- tacked a white girl. When the Negro was brought to the hospital, the girl declared that it was not him, never- theless a mob of 75 took him from the deputy sheriffs and lynched him 20 miles from Ocala, Fla, His body was riddled with bullets of the mob, No arrests were made of members of the mob, tho,many of. them are well-known and have openly boasted of their part in the lynching. At present, there is a bill before the senate introdiced by two politi- clans which’ “wo county or elty took place pay>a~ make the state, | of “which a lynching HIS photo shows a picture of an aged Negro who was lynched by bill was introduced by Dyer and Me- Kinley. Both of these lawmakers are not interested in having this bill pass, They introduced this bill because they think-it will bring them the votes of Negro workers and farmers and send them back to the United States law- making bodies so that they can serve the interests of big business for an- other term. Calvin Coolidge their leader, has declared the anti-lynch law “too harsh” and is trying to keep it off the kenate floor, Efforts are being made to adjourn congress in May so administration supporters can repair Lhd fences and hide their support big business interests, Negro. workers. ei Pep realize that rinse $5,000, This (Dyer. and.__MeKin! ley are for , the present system which has brot about Jim-Crowism and lynching and race terrorism, The Negro worker must re- member that he will be persecuted and used as the political football by capitalist politicians until he recog- nizes that the interests of the Negro worker and the white worker ‘are alike and joins in the movement for a real labor party that will fight against, the system which has brot about the eyils that the Negro worker mugt suffer, _ Union Bus Operators, TOLEDO—(FP)—Only union street- car = will be employed on buses of the ‘Toledo-traction company, accord [ing ‘to’a new agreement, — ar ial: $B: 35 i es i at { t aaa — eke