The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 23, 1926, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKE Published by the DAILY WGRKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Plvd., Chicago, Il. Phone Monroe 4732. SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outsids of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months ————— Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Hlinols le ish J. Le@iS ENCDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J, LOEB.. Editors -Business Manager Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879, gE 290 Advertising rates on application, = == —o = . \ Puppets of History Republican senators meeting in caucus devised the ingenious pro- position to have future proposals to, inyestigate their administra: lion submitted to committees concerned ,.with the affairs of the de- If such committees then decide that the republican gang should be. investigated the investigation will partment under investigation. proceed. If they do not consider there is “sufficient evidence” to} warrant investigation the matter will die in. committee, In other words, before the Mellon-Coolidge patriots are investigated they will : decide whether such investigation shall’take plaee.- ‘It is like a man accused of murder deciding whether he shall be tried or not. There are certain people living in” this’eountry, particularly Communists, who have such little regard: ‘for the honesty. of the Coolidge administration’ that they will concli@e that the reason’ the republican senators are trying to stop investigations is because their exalted president and his mentor, the seérétary of the treasury who happens to be head of the aluminuni trust, are so steeped in filth | corruption that another investigation will discredit them before Ue whole world. It is an axiom that people who are guilt- less do not fear, but rather welcome the fullest investigation of their affairs. The history of the republican administration since 1921, when | the late Harding entered the White House, has been one of shame- less peculation. Every member of the cabinet, not excepting the sainted baptist layman, Mr. Charles Evans Hughes or the New England mummy, Cal Coolidge (then vice-president) was aware of and participated in the crimes of Mr. Fall and Mr. Denby and Mr. Daugherty. The stealing of the naval oil reserves for the benefit of Mr. Doheney and Mr. Sinel the rottenness uncovered in the depart- ment of justice, thru investigation initiated in the senate, branded this administration a criminal conspiracy. A number of. cabinet members were forced to retire covered with shame.’ Another series of investigations will reveal the fact that Mellon, Hoover, Davi Coolidge and the rest of the gang are tarred with the same stick. A new series of scandals will endanger the re-election of -the re; publican senators who constitute the very backbone of the Ol Guard, so these shifty creatures have decreed that they shall control future investigations at least until their jobs are safe for another six years. They are fighting for their political lives and. their desperation has forced them to resort to absurd methods of defense. Many simple Americans are at a loss to account for the rampant scoundrelism that pervades every branch of government at this time. Sentimentalists view it as the complete breakdown of morality. Anarchists and syndicalists will interpret it as evidence of the?in- nate futility of all government. The opposition party of capitalism, the democrats, will utilize it to aid them get into office. Only the revolutionist can explain it. A This is the period of the decadence, the decline, 6f capitalism, regardless of the temporary stabilization of the system. Whenever any system enters its decline its public functionaries are distin- guished for their vicious depravity, their almost unbelievable ignor- ance. The excesses of corruption now unleashed at Washington have their historic counterpart in the court debaucheries of the last of the French kings before the great revolution; in the de- baucheries of Louis the Little before the Franco-Prussian war and the Paris Commune; in the bacchanals of the monk Rasputin and the family of the czar before 1917. A system that stands in the way of human progress, that has become a fetter upon production, loses all virile, dynamie power. It discourages initiative and states- manship and utilizes the most base and ignorant puppets that do the bidding of the class desperately striving to maintain power against the current of history. In such a milieu any party that heads the government, that serves as the executive committee for the reac- tion, is bound to be corrupt. If the democrats were in power they would be just as viciously reactionary and yvenal as the republican administration of Mr. Mellon and Mr. Coolidge. Only the cleansing fire of the social revolution will be ade- quate to scourge from the nation the last traces of festering eap- italism now symbolized by the Coolidge-Mellon administration, just as it required cataclysmic social upheavals’ to write finis to. all other ruling classes endeavoring to maintain power after history had placed the stamp of death upon their features, A Necessary Law—for Mussolini Mussolini, the braggart despot of Italy, is so thoroly detested within the confines. of that nation that he and his fascist brigands control thru terror that a special law.had to be passed to protect him against public. expression of contempt. The law is described : as one that protects the fascist chief against “insult.” This is rather far-fetched. One totally devoid of principle, an apostate, a prosti- tuted lackey of the bourgeoisie, a murderous poltroon, cannot, by any stretch of the imagination, be insulted. It is not possible to describe this wretch, say nothing of indulting him. Nevertheless, a Communist, Enrico Templa, has been sentenced to prison for six months and fined 500 lire because a pamphlet, con- i taining matter considered insulting to Mussolini, was found in his possession. Such a Jaw is unquestionably necessary at this time in the 1 Italy of Mussolini. In spite of United States assistance, thru the om 75 per cent debt cancellation and the Morgan loan, conditions with- in that nation are rapidly becoming worse. All elements of society except the maurading bands of fascist criminals that.exist thru prey- ing upon the populace, are seething with discontent.’ The desperate war-like gesture against Germany failed to fan the flame of national- ism and detract the attention of the masses from the crimes of the terrorist government. The law to protect Mussolini against: in- sults is not a sign of strength, but of weakness. Tho Communists are jailed for violation of this law the-despot cannot by deeree change the trend of the forces: that are ing toward the day that the fascist.prisons will fall before the h of the enraged proletariat and the blood-streaked monster will be drgwned in his own blood f | ) , + - | (From Tyomies, Feb. 13, 1926.) LTHO complete unanimity was reached in the convention of the Finnish federation after the most thoro discussion on the relations of the Finnish Communists to the ques- tions raised by the party crisis, the party nevertheless was not lulled to sleep by an illusion that there would no longer exist any remnants of con- fusion, On the contrary, considering all the various experiences which the ALommunist International has had in the reorganization in several parts of the world confusion was to be ex- pected in one form or another. On the side of the party it was con- sidered that surges of opposition would arise, among other things, in the annual meetings of the newspaper societies. The experiences confirm this assumption. Many signs pointed to it beforehand. Out of Isolation, HE Finnish federation had, lived in a very loose relation to the party. The party did not know what was hap- pening in the Finnish federation and the latter led its own exclusive life. The inner life of the party was for the Finns more a matter of guess than of knowledge. And then when, be- fore the last party convention, from e circles around Tyomies, there arose criticism of the party leader- ship and party affairs, it developed into an opposition, altho perhaps that | was not the aim at the beginning. The comrades who took up this criti- | cism, undoubtedly with a sincere pur- | pose, once they had started criticiz- ing, could no longer control the right | wing elements they had carried with |them. These right wingers came to | the top with the way® of criticism and |set their own mark upon it. The Askeli Affair. E pdrty convention was compel- led to use disciplinary measures. Henry Askeli was removed from the Tyomies’ editorial staff. He became a matyr for the more backward ele- ments. /The big questions of the party crisiggWvere put into the background and those elements saw only the per- son of Henry Askeli. In spite of all the assurances he gave the party, Henry Askeli could not master the temptation, but for a long time ex- ploited the sympathy of the right | wingers by keeping silent and so en- couraging the organization of the op- position. The same, purpose was seryed by the appeal of the editors of Tyomies for Askeli altho it was ex- plained that technical questions, not questions of principle, were the basis of. it. About the removal of Henry Askeli and the technical side of it the cen- tral executive committee gave a clear written statement. But the comrades who appealed still saw a possibility for a different explanation than Tyomies’ board gave, altho the central executive committee supported tl views of the board on the question: This question formed a technical ba: for the continuation of the opposition. The leaders of the opposition asserted that they are loyal to the party lead- ership. But the course of events showed that all elements pessimistie about the reorganization rallied around them. So this opposition be- came objectively an opposition to the party leadership, whether the leading comrades wanted this or not. The mistake of the comrades who intended to stick to the party line was that altho they realized the standpoint of the party and the board was correct, did not dare to recognize it in publics Fight for Right Policies. _ HE sub-district convention in Su- perior before the Finnish conven- tion met in this atmosphere. Reor- ganization and Bolshevization were of- ficially and unanimously appruved, but on technical questions many com- rades indirectly and circuitously came to an anti-party position.. The oppo- sition worked under the cover of at- tacks on comrades who ;had worked consistently for the party. line. The Finnish convention; defined our relation to the Communist Interna- tional, the party leadership, reorgan- ization and Bolshevization. It repu- diated sharply all téndencies ob- jectively leading to sidp paths, In spite of this, there was/im: the annual meeting of Tyomies a “well-organized opposition which tried%to settle the disputed questions by the power of their share-holding. As before, this opposition asserted loyalty to the party, but in technical ‘questions. it had different proposals’ that might have led to precarious paths. The most convincing proof’ of that was their attitude toward ‘Askeli’s re- moval, the report of the board con- cerning the relations between the edi- torial staff and the board,'and the pub- lic statement on this question. The opposition, altho weak, voted against the stand of the board, approved by the election of the board, when the opposition, with determined unanim- hands of opposition members. lines, there was a thoro discussion for a day and a half. the central executive committee, Also “(PHEN, on Sept. 6, Askeli published ity, tried to place the board in the} qount about Comrade Askeli to any On two points in the annual report|authority of the party had any sig- of the board, concerning the political | nificance, As those points |held, Sept. 10, when it had the official are not yet made public and as the|information by Comrade. C. E. Ruth- But that was not the case’ with the editorial staff. The editors had been closer to those statements and the thoro explanation of them hurt them more, “H, Askeli continued, as one of the editors and one of the framers of the statements, to defend them and tried to show Finnish affairs in a better light than they had been shown dur- ing the dispute, but in his eagerness he did not see that he had come to defend “Federation patpjotism.” “The result was ete party lead- ership exerted all pressure in order to discipline Askeli, who was asked in the party convention to repudiate his incorrect views if he wished to be an editor of a paper controlled by the party. Askeli did-not do this, because he supposed that the masses were be- hind him,” “So the party convention unanim- ously decided upon the removal of Askeli from the editerial staff of Tyomies. The question came up in the board, Sept. 1, when Comrade Tenhunen made a report on the con- vention. The board decided unani- mously that the question of Askeli’s removal would be taken up when there was official information \about the decision of the conventio: “This decision has caused eated attempts. by the editorial staff to ex- plain it in such a way that the board has requested the editorial staff not to make a report on the convention, he decisions and future forms of varty work before they get official di- ections from Chicago. Askeli Assails Party. his unparalleled chronicle of the convention which. did not leave any member of the board for whom the “The meeting of the board was then membership and the readers have @lenberg about the-Comintern decision right to know what the discussion was |that Askeli must be removed from the about, I quote them here: editorial staff, and the board decided “The discussion which ‘has been on |to remove him by seven votes against the order of the day for’ the past twojone. Besides this, it was decided to years had touched us’ only superfi-|publisy a statement in Tyomies in or- cially before the last half year—when|éer te inform the supporters of the the situation developed!to a decisive|paper and the members of the party point and the Finnish’/federation as/that the board was unconditionally for well as the papers were ¢ompelled to|the central executive committee. take a definite stand on the questions} “This stand of the board did not concerning it. 4 satisfy the editorial staff, which re- “The board of Tyomiés, as well as} sented it and at a joint meeting of the the editors, had regatdéi the disputes | board and the editorial staff, Sept. 17, as partly artificial and “partly as a/it demanded that the board repeal the fight between personalitiés about the |decision to remove Askeli and in this leading places, from whiéh the party way begin a campaign against the and our cause can deri¥é only dam-| unanimous decision of the party con- age. From the same A sand of view) vention. The overwhelming majority the membership of the Finish federa-|of the board, however, regarded the tion seemed to regard/Ahe question,authority of the party as higher than and as a result we had!@mong other; ihe occasional comradely feelings of things the famous statéfrents of the|the editors, and the decision was held Superior branch, which’ Were without! valid. joubt framed with good! intention, in} “This meeting of the shareholders e interests of the paity, and which | will now decide the relation of the eemed to us very water-tight indeed: | firm towards the party, and the board but that they were not #0 perfect as/has not the slightest doubt about the |they had seemed to us,’Was shown to| meeting taking a stand in favor of the lus by the sharp analysis ‘of Comrade |way mapped out by-the party and the Green and other comradés. Communist International; and when “It was not difficult for the Tyomies|it takes this road it should also de- board, at least its majo¥ity, to aban-|mand that every editor in the service jdon those views expressed in the|]of the firm should officially, in an ar- What Congress Wants to Do Against Workers By JAY LOVESTONE, ARTICLE Il. The Hayden and Taylor Bills. HE bills introduced by Congress- man Hayden of Arizona and Con- gressman Taylor of Colorado provide for a veritable deluge of deportations. The Hayden bill appears to be a very innocent measure. It declares for the punishment by imprisonment, not more than three years, and by a fine of not more than $2,000, or by both such fine and imprisonment for any foreign-born worker who has come back to the United States after being deported, In order to hit as many as possible of the foreign-born workers, the Hayden bill also proposes to apply this measure to those “who may here- after be deported from the United States in pursuance of law.” Mere at- tempt to re-enter is sufficient to entail for the worker this severe punish- ment. Prison and Deportation en Masse. In an effort to guarantee that the workers will be punished to the limit, the Hayden proposal declares that the deportation shall not take place “until after the termination of such imprison- ment,” There is practically no difference whatsoever between the bill proposed by Congressman Taylor of Colorado and the one proposed by Mr. “Hayden. Any attempt of a deported worker to return to the United States will be considered a felony and imprisonment for not more than three years or a fine of not more than $2,000 or a combina- tion of the two will be the reward. Hundreds of workers have already been deported from the United States, Only a very small proportion of the great mass of workers deported in the notorious Palmer raids can be called mental defectives or afflicted with contagious diseases, or insane. In the main, these workers were deported for having ideas dangerous to the con- tinued rulé of the’ United States by the exploiting class, the executive arm of the government is being prepared to smite the foreign- born workers and consequently the whole working class. Bills are now being framed to appropriate huge sums of money to enable the govern- ment agents to round up foreign-born workers who, in their opinion, are de- portable or who, in their opinion, should be sent back to"the countries of their nativity regdrdless of the consequences in storé’ for the de- portees, A bill has alteady been re- ported appropriating an additional million dollars for thé immigration service. Most of this tioney will be used to deport foreign‘born workers supposed to be here in’ violation of the law. od According to Mr’ Carl White, assistant secretary of lwbor, there are in the United States at least 250,000 foreign-born workers who are deport- able under the existimg laws. One need not ponder much to conclude that there will be matty more thou- sands of such workers eligible for de- portation after the »migious Hayden and Taylor bills are enacted. Commis- sioner of immigrationwHarry E, Hull goes Mr, White better,and says that the number of foreign;born workers who may be deported even under the present statutes approaches the sum of 1,300,000, Will Spend Money Without Limit. E have heard very much about the worries of Coolidge and his clique as to the cost of government. The fact of the matter is that Coo- lidg and his cabinet are worried re- garding the cost of government only when such expeditures benefit the masses. But the agents of Wall Street do not seem to be worried in the least at this time when they have con- sidered that it would cost twenty-five million dollars to deport 260,000 for- eign-born workers, \¢. Immigration Commissioner Curran recommended that aif least $345,000 should be appropriatéd for the ex- While these measures are before pense to be entailed ip deporting for- ign-born workers“In New York. This the house committeo on sm iicsty Woy not enough, aééording to Mr, y) Curran, He called it only a good start, The significant fact is that the plan of the government is to make a frontal attack for deportation of the workers in such centers as New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Boston, Pitts- burg, Detroit, Buffalo, Chicago and St. Louis, These are the principal indus- trial centers of the country, In these districts one will find the heaviest congregation of foreign-born workers because it is in this territory that the biggest basic industries of the coun- try are located, These are rather auspicious plans for the Wall Street government. The deportation and registration laws must not be considered as isolated items by themselves, These attempts of the capitalists are obviously only part of a general campaign. They are part of a whole plan worked out to destroy the effeetiveness of the Am- erican workers—of all the workers in America, regardless of their nativity— fighting back against the continuous encrochment of the bosses on the working conditions and the standards of living prevailing in the United States, The American capitalists are pre- paring for intensified competition in the world market. They feel that in order to hold their own they must intensify the exploitation of the work- ers. The workers’ standard of living must be reduced. Consequently, the unions must be smashed. In order to smash the unions, what must be done is to attack the weakest sections of the working class, to divide the work- ers on artificial lines and thus to crush more easily the proletarian for- cos, ——. REMEMBER MARCH 5, Workers are urged to reserve March 5 80 they can hear and wel- come Walter Trumbull at the Inter- national Labor Defe, rally at the North Side Turner |. The other Speakers are: Prof r Robert Morss Lovett, Ralph japtin and Max Shachtman. eee d/ “ ‘ this time guch“a statement has not been made ‘bythe editors in spite of requests, and the result may be some confusion among the masses, which confusion must be liquidated as soon as possible.” The discussjon on this question took one and’a half days, as I said above. The opposition constantly brot up petty technical questions and ques- tions of detail, which were in part con- tradictory to the documentary evi- dence. The opposition carefully avoid- ed stating their political line and tried to get rid df the question with assur- ances of loyalty. Those comrades who were unconditionally in favor of the party presented documentary evi- dence and’ thoro statements of prin- ciple, explaining consistently the po- litical lines’ Which were the basis of the party diséussion and the objective results of the opposition under such auspices. ‘Thus the discussion became a fruitful explanation of the questions of principle dnd ‘the results of it ‘will be felt wheréver the delegates aré Annual Meeting of Tyomies By K. E. Heikkinen cline‘of morale, and: finally a position on the°other side will be reached, In the latter case, the mistake will be a lesson, enriching the experiences of the revolutionary movement, Concerning the opposition in ques- tion, the fact is that they have retired from one position to another; from the almost, unanimous opposition in the district ¢onvention to the defeat in the party convention. After that, from the near-balance of the forces in the district convention to the refec- tion of their position in the Finnish Convention. In the Tyomies’ meeting the opposition still came out as an or- ganized minority with petty technical points but always as an opposition. But now, to speak seriously, we must hope that the comrades will completely abandon, this position and close the lines, leaving no possibility forthe right wingers and confused elements to use their names as a symbol, ~ |, When. we learn to become Commu- able to go deep “into party question A Sweeping Victory. i ws at. last the discussion was ripe for the question, a vote by a show of hands was taken and the,re-, port of the'board was approved by .33 votes against 12. Then at the request of the representatives of the: branches the vote on shares was taken. The result was. 2,406 for and 801 against, the report of;:the board. But when the representative from Minneapolis presented to the. secretary a written, statement that he approved the stand of the board in principle, but voted against it only on the technical point, that Comrade Askeli should have received thirty days’ notice be- fore removal, the result of the vote became; for the report, 2,744 and 457 against. Of 17 who voted against, 11 were in one way or another connected with Tyomies and only six were not. Also the broad mass of the share- holders have almost unanimously taken their stand for the party lead- ership and for the board of the paper. This fact is of great importance be- cause this shareholders’ meeting was more widely participated in than ever before and because representatives were sent from a greater area than any time in the last seven years, This shows that the interest in inner- party questions has grown greatly and that the crisis as regards the Finns is clearing up...The Finnish memher- ship has taken a stand decisively for the party line, not permitting any per- sonal questions, to ¢onfuse the issue. The editors who were the center of the opposition declared at the end of the meeting that they would yield without protest to the decision of the overwhelming majority. Here is the starting pomt for ‘the liquidation of our differences, ||" Even the best. party functionary, acting with the best of intentions, can make a mistake, This cannot be avoided with the best of wills. . Mis- takes. can sometimes become fatal, de- pending on the concrete — circum- stances, The question is:, how does one try to correct his mistakes; by covering them up and hiding them or by admitting them and showing in his acts that he has abandoned the wrong position. : jstatements mentioned above when the |ticle signed with his own nath¢ make| In the former case new mistakes inaccuracy was propefly explained.|clear his stand on the party;# Up to| will be made and there will be a de- nists, we must once and for all learn one lesson: when a party discussion Seolosed, the group which has. lost submits unconditionally to the decis- ion> the Communist International has helped the party to reach.. What. is. the ground for the differences. within a Communist party? Not questions of personalities, altho those. who think superficially and do not go deeply into causes are often inclined to look at these questions as personal matters. The basis is the judgment of how dif- ferent groups view the situation and the proper strategy and tactics, And since it is clear that the group which has judged the situation most nearly correct will in concrete work show it is right and win, if not otherwise, with the help of the Communist Inter- national. Its necessary that the group which has been incorrect in its analy- sis of the situation work loyally for the party after the discussion, No tendencies which depart from the line laid down by the Communist Interna- tional can be maintained without leading these comrades outside the party, that in spite of all mistakes in the past, is the only party in this country which bears the standard of the revolutionary proletariat unitdd in the Communist International. If one group in a cer ituation has been more nearly correct in its analysis of a situation than another this does not mean that this group or the comrades in this group have a monopoly of being correct in every future situation. Far from it. In the Communist Parties, as history has shown, there appear always new groupings in connection’ with new world situations. But these group- ings have nothing to do with the old ones because these latter are liqui- dated with the decision. New group- ing can occur only in connection with a new situation and the group which then is more close ‘to concrete life is admitted as the leading group and will be empowered to carry out ‘its plans. : At the Tyomies annual meeting. the points under discussion were formally petty and technical. But behind them the recent party crisis, Nobody can deny it. It is for this reason that I have regarded it as necessary to ex- plain these things in order to help to liquidate the remnants of the crisis from among us, RET SRE oe MEER Australian Combine Fights Union (Continued from page 1) its federal award; (2) The suspension of certain sec- tions of the navigation act governing the employment of labor on steamers trading on the Australian coast; (3) The arrest and deportation of Union officials “provoking industrial strife in defiance of judgments or awards of the federal arbitration court”; ég : ure (4) The, institution of secret bal: lots ir{ unions before strikes are allow- ed to take place, Fake Union All Ready. Withina couple of weeks the ghip-: owners approached the federal arbt-}’ tration court and asked for the dere- gistration of the Seamen’s Union and the cancellation of its award. This was’ refused. by the judge who passed on the cas ‘on the ground that he was: not ready to precipitate a bitter labor: war, It" developed during the hear- ing that shipping companies had all prepa made for the orgédn- ization of a company-¢ontrolled union. ‘This was to’be compoged of non-union- ists and s@amen willing to scab. The owner# ‘Had"éven secured the co-oper- ation of “Havelock Wilson, the well- rewarded tool of the British shipping, concerns,“kiiown all over the world| for his treason to seafarers, If One Judge Fails, Try Another, ‘Phe employers were not at all worried, They merely approached the federal government which they owned, and in conjunction with it, got another judge, who immediately recognized his master's voice, to grant their re- quest. The Seamen's Union was taken’ off the register. (Arbitration awards in Australia are recorded in a court of law, giving them legal effect), The award in its favor by previous arbi- tration proceedings was cancelled. “legal protection” of the capital- ist state being thus denied them ,the seamen nded the ship owners promise et that the working conditions and wages handed down in the award ‘be enforced. The bosses’ refusal indicated the coming war, The union then selected a commit tee to call on Prime Minister Bruce, with the request for his intervention This politician, however, like his friend Coolidge in America, is not in- terested in the workers’ struggle. The very next day he participated in a meeting of the capitalists at the Rotary Club in Melbourne where he wound up a particularly vicious at- tion that so far as the seamen were concerned, “this was going to be a fight to the finish,” Politicians Get Deportation Law Passed, The seamen, however, stood solid, refusing to man the ships except un- fder the conditions of the award, The employers finally had to give way. the bosses went to work, schem- ing with the government to enslave labor, .The Bruce-Page administration offered a deportation bill thru the fed- eralparliament last July. In Decem- ber, they finally dared to play their hand openly, Walsh and , Johnson, prominent members of the union, were ‘ested. Thé attempt to exile them , when the cases were appealed cer high court, the members of which, like Justice Powers, hesitated cs the nation into such a con- te What A Government Is For, The government also secured the repeal of certain provisions of the navigation act in the belief this would enable the owners to use the cheaper black labor against the white. The Negroes have not yet been organized, race prejudices still playing a prom- inent part in the labor struggle in this country, In addition, Prime Minister Bruce has publicly an- nounced that a bill requiring secret ballots to be taken by ‘unions before the declaration: of strikers be jammed thru parliament as quick as possible, The owners are threatening to discharge union on wholesale in order to force the issue, confident that with the backing of the ‘state power they can break the workers’ Jorganteation, a Wp) hi tack on the seamen with the declara-