The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 16, 1926, Page 6

Page Six . THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blyd., Chicago, I. Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mali (in Chicage only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six monthe $6.00 per year $3.60 six mouths $2.50 three montha $2.00 three months. Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Illinole en ————_—$<— $$ J, LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNND MORITZ J. LOEB... Business Manager SSIES ee Batered as second-class mat] September 21, 1923, at the postoffice at Chi cago, Ii, under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. eal ‘gee 156 One Lesson of Black Friday Lewis Must Go! Among the rank and file of the miners in the anthracite coal fields the name of the perpetrator of “Black Friday,” John L. Lewis is coming to be despised. The act of treachery we Communists warned the strikers against is now a reality. In one respect.we were wrong. We underestimated the enormity of the impending betrayal. Know- ing the tricks of labor fakers as, we do we stil] had to learn from John L. Lewis the depths of infamy to which such creatures are capable. of sinking. At the conclusion of a strike lasting 165 days which unques- tionably depleted what little reserve.funds the.miners may have had on hand and placed them in debt to the merchants of the strike} region, the miners not only have not gained anything, but are more| completely at the mercy of avaricious coal barons than ever before. Lewis, himself, admitted the 10° increase demanded was in- adequate, yet he made no determined fight for it. There is one more chance the miners have to repudiate Lewis and that is next Tuesday when the tri-district convention is to meet to “ratify” the results of | last Friday (Black Friday) in Philadelphia. This entails a terrific struggle against the wellentrenched Lewis machine in the anthra- cite which is supported by thugs, gangsters and gunmen who will try to bludgeon the hastily called local unions into sending them to Scranton to conclude the betrayal. Lewis has already expressed full confidence in the outcome by announcing to’the capitalist press | that the convention ratification’ is “a mere matter of form.” In| other words the alleged representatives of the ‘miners are mere auto- matons who will do the bidding of Lewis. After Tuesday the official machine of the United Mine Work- ers of America and the anthracite trust-hope to have the miners so tied that they will be forced to exist in chains and silence for) the next five years. Everyone informed regarding the vitality of the labor moyement knows that ere five years have passed the miners will repudiate this monstrous treachery even tho it entails the most bitter struggle. It is far. better to repudiate the shameful pact next Tuesday and continue the strike until the demands are won than to go back to the pits under its térms only to be forced later to strike under conditions that will enable the whole reactionary jackal pack to raise the hue and cry of violation of the agreeniént—even tho it is a “Black Friday” agreement. Next Tuesday should be utilized to efface the infamy of Black Friday! There are hopeful’signs*that Lewis will be challenged when the tri-district convention is called to order. No sooner had the blow of the Philadelphia betrayal falien upon the anthracite coal fields than the embattled miners who had faced five and a half months of struggle rallied against the arch-traitor, Lewis: Meetings repudiat- ing the agreement were held in important mining centers in the Scranton-Wilkesbarre region, and these may be able to smash the conspiracy on Tuesday. Regardless of the outcome Tuesday, one thing is certain and that is that Lewis must go! His stronghold has heretofore been the anthracite. The bituminous miners have no love for him. At! the next election the anthracite should rise as one man against the | culprit responsible for the Philadelphia pact and kick him into the ranks of the capitalist class that he has served with such utter dis- regard. of those whose dues enable him to exist as a leech upon the labor moyement. Lewis is of service to the ruling class of this country only be- cause of the position he holds at the hands of the labor movement. Remove him from that position and his usefulness ceases. Let the rank and file speak in such stern condemnation of Lewis that he, will never again have an opportunity to sell them out, Intrigue Within the League It is not difficult to understand why there is now loud and irreverant laughter in Europe.when the “spirit of Locarno” is men- tioned by those statesmen who participated in that imperialistic conference. As a result of Locarno the German nation was expected to enter the league of nations, where it would occupy one of the permanent seats, four of which are now filled by England, France, Italy and Japan. England’expects to win’Germany as an ally against France, therefore the French government now demands that Poland and Spain also enter in order to-oecupy permanent.seats on the council of the league when Germany enters, These two countries support the Franco-Italian cémbination that has of late definitely consolidated itself within the league as a challenge to Britain. While previously all such maneuvers haye led to nothing but war we are asked by the league advocates to believe that they mean peace this time, In the present realignment of forces in Europe the United States is wielding powerful influences upon France, Italy and Poland. In the last analysis Morgan hopes to use thes® countries as allies in his struggle for world supremacy against Britain, With these friendly (?) nations occupying permanent seats on the league council Morgan will have.a better chance to get judges of his own choice on the world court-into which his vassals in. the senate-haye just voted this nation. —°% " n, Some of By H. M. WICKS, ORAH, in his fight against United States adherence to the world court, had the support of two demo- cratic senators—James A, Reed of Missouri and Cole Blease of South Carolina. Reed was, next to Borah, the most able opponent of the court and his speeches followed the gen- eral political line laid down by the Idaho senator, One not. familiar with their political affiliations would con- clude that Borah and Reed represent- ed the same party and the republican and democrat pro-courters an op- posing party. But Cole Blease, former governor of South Carolina, is unique. No such character has appéared on the sen- ate floor since the days of “Pitch- fork Ben” Tillman. He is a typical ku kluxer in psychology and believes in the superiority myth of white, nor- dic, protestant born 100 per cent Americans, In a stupidly stilted speech on January 15, Blease read long and irrelevant quotations from Washington, Jefferson, John Hay, Elihu Root, and Theodore Roosevelt and then, without rime or reason, he proceeded to discuss the propriety of Washington women blowing cigarette smoke in the face of the helpless men, while incidentally proclaiming his disbelief in the theory of evolu- tion. Continuing he indulged in a tirade against foreign ministers at Washington who give booze to the young ladies of the capitol city and concluded with a typical southern eulogy of womanhood. Why should a foreigner have good booze when Southern senators must drink moonshine? And is it not the duty of Southern gentlemen to defend women from ‘€veryone—but them- selves? He got, his second wind and then proceeded ‘to air his views of anar- chists and Communists (which he thinks are identical) and asserted that he was with the secretary of state in the excluding Countess Ka- rolyi, who is a liberal democrat and not a Communist, from the country. States Objections to Court. LEASE’S speech of the 16th con- cluded without anyone knowing what he was talking about and, after a half hour of such ‘piffle, most of the senators had vanished to the cloak rooms to escape the torture of listening to their distinguished col- league from South Carolina. Blease, in his first speech forgot to state his objections to the court, so on the very day ‘of the voting when debate was limited to~an hour for each sena- tor, Blease devoted his hour to ela- borating his very profound and learn- ed objections. In the opening of his second speech he turned to the de- An Exquisite Southerner THE DALLY WORKER mocratic senators from the South who were defending’ the interests of the House of Morgan, and with sol- emn mein shouted: “I notice that Haiti has a voice in the election of judges. | calf the attention of the senators from the South, while they are voting on this reservation, to the fact that they are voting for a court where we are to sit side by side with a full blooded ‘nigger,’ who has 4s much right as we have in the elec- tion of judges of this court, I ask them if they realize the fact that there may be and very probably will be a representative of Haiti as a judge on this court, so that the Southern senators are voting to throw the destinies of Southern ‘women and Southern men into the lap of a black man?” Nothing is more terrifying to a Southern senator than the thought of a white woman in a black man’s lap, though most of-them discreetly re- jfrain from mentioning the attempts of Southern gentlemen to induce black women to sit in white men’s laps. = At that point in the speech of Blease, his lone democratic colleague Senator Reed of Missouri, added tuel to the flame by ssuggesting that Li- beria also has a representative in the assembly of the league of nations. At this suggestion. Blease then un- burdened himself -of his fear in re- gard to Liberia: | “So has Liberia, as my friend from Missouri suggests. Haiti, be- ing a member of, the league, while America is not a. member of the league, would, in all probability, have more power in one sense than will the American nation. Why is the United States of America to have one judge to sit in this court when a ‘nigger’ can at any time cast his vote in opposition to that vote and negative it, and leave it then to other nations of the world to say whether we shall or shall not do certain things?” Blease views the world through the spectacles of ‘a Southern buor- bon. In the id state of South Carolina from h he hails, Ne- groes are denied #ifé privilege of vot- jing simply because they are in the majority and can .outvote the demo- crats. By implication he would favor the world court if it were conducted by South Carolin&-judges. Though not to $e compared to Bo- rah and Reed in eloquence or abil- ity, Cole Blease expressed a psychol- ogy identical with”that of the mid- dle.class element who support Bo- rah. They all visualize the United States as a poorpforlorn nation, be- ing hoodwinked a clever trap set by enemy natigns. Borah's buga- boo is Britain with, its seven. poten- tial votes, Blease fears Haiti and Li- beria with their two Negro votes. Borah does not perceive the tremend- ous international sweep of American .|imperialism. Blease is not aware of the fact that Haiti is under the dom- ination of American bayonets and that Liberia is the prey of American rubber interests, and that Wall street controls the political life of both countries, hence instead of the rep- resentatives of these Negro republics voting against the United States they are counted for this country in Mor- gan’s scheme to use the world court as a weapon in the struggle against England for the imperialist domina- tion of the world. Just as Borah, a true representative of the indus- trialist group of the middle and far west igs an advocate of the open shop and opposed to organized la- bor, so Blease, as the agent of the identical class in the South, despis- es the Negroes who constitute the working masses of that state. Another Borah Supporter, aN etor MOSBS, of New Hamp- shire, another notorious advo- cate of isolation and whose ideal is a nation of servile slaves existing un- der conditions of universal scabbery, is another staunch supporter of. the Borah group. But, in spite of the labor hating records of the Borah group, and the total inability of any of them to un- derstand the real sinificance of Mor- gan’s move, they did do a good job exposing the warlike nature of the permanent court of international jus- tice and the league of nations. On the last day of the fight, after the shameful “gag” rule had been im- posed upon the senate, Moses pre- ented the following reservation: “That the adherence of the Unit- ed States to the statute of the world court is conditioned upon the understanding and agreement that the judgments, decrees and (or) ad- visory opinions of the court shall not be enforced by war under any name.or in any form whatsoever.” Here was a reservation that, if adopted by the court, would make it precisely what the pacifists pretend to desire. In his speech upon the re- servation, Moses asserted: “Thousands of people who have addressed the senators by letter, by telegram or by petition, urging the adherence of the United States to the league of nation’s court, have equally stressed the point of their belief that the court is an agency to prevent war, “t hold, Mr. President, that those senators who expressed those opin- ions and that those citizens who have addressed us in those terms are wholly misguided. It has been my opinion from the first that if we trace the lineage of the proto- col back to its origin in the cove- nant of the league of nations we shall be sure to find the court as an essential element in the mechan- chanism of the league of nations and that the league of nations is designed as a military alliance and in no sense whatever as a peace machine. In the course of his speech he quoted the late senator from Penn- sylvania, Philander C’ Knox, who, in discussing the league in the first sen- ate fight under Wilson, asserted that “The scheme holds out a_ higher promise—nay, assurance—of @ fu- ture world wide war greater than any which has gone before than any other document in the history of re- corded time.” Concluding, Moses emphasized the fact that his reservation was calcu- lated to make the world court an in- strument of real peace instead of war. Thus the pro-court senators in’ the republican-democratic coalition were placed in the position of being fore: ed to vote directly on the question of whether the court should be depriv- ed of its war powers before the Unit- ed States enters or whether they would enter knowing full well that it is an instrument of war. Senator Oscar W. Underwood, of Alabama, a prospective candidate for president. on the democratic ticket and long a valiant flunkey of Wall Street, tried to befog the question by evasiveness, but under the fire of questions was forced to admit that the nations now ‘in the court would never accept such a reservation. 5 shy Supports Borah Because He Is Afraid Negroes Will Sit on World Court and Decide Fate of Elegant Ladies and Chivalrous Gentle- men from South Carolina, ~” Court Has no Right to Tell Union Who Shall Become Member WASHINGTON—(FP) — No feder- al court has jurisdiction to compel the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engi- neers to restore to membership a man whom it has expelled: That is the meaning of the federal supreme court ordering the appellate court to dismiss the suit of D, J. Burke against Monumental, Division No. 2, Baltimore, Be of-L. BE. to force Burke's restoration ‘to its rolls. Burke was expe led because he as- sisted the Pénnaylvania on which he enforcement sofsthe- Adamson - §- was employed, in trying to prevent Jaw in 197° ng Garment Bosses for Open-Shop and More ST. LOUIS—(FP)—Resolutions re- |commending the opén shop “as the only solution of strike troubles,” and |favoring- salary increases for federal | Judges featured the closing session of \the National Association of Merchant Tailors, held in St, Louis’ Spealers declared that the merchant tafloring industry is partiewlarly free from “la- |bor union domination.” Teachers Want Wage Increase. SALEM, Mai Feb, 14. — Salem teachers have turned down on their third appMeation for wage iné’ creases. The board refused Item $300 per your more, Pay for Boss Judges) When pressed regarding the warlike character of the league and the court he could only say “Unfortunately, the political power of the world has been sustained for thousands of years by the military power.” Pepper Flounders, Bae pea WHARTON PEPPER, one of the Coolidge-Mellon ma- chine, tried to defend the republican side of the pro-Morgan coalition against the reservation and, in a speech notable for its weakeness and confusion, state that it would be ab- surd for the United States to try to dictate to other nations whether they should or should not go to war with each other, In his defense of the court he was forced to take an iso- lationist position. He wag only clear upon one thing and that was that the court would never accept such reserv- ations, Jim Reed, of Missouri, plac- ed Pepper in an exceedingly embar- rassing. position by reminding him al force and “public opinion” the oth- er nations could easily pledge their governments not to go to war to en- force a judgment of. the court. Senator King of Utah, tried to res- cue Pepper by suggesting a reply un- der the guise ‘$f"asking a question, but he also ixed up and con- cluded by asking whether Pcpper thought the Le¢ tes ought to Ibind a ano pn ssacng to. « > that if the court was based upon mor- | force against another nation, after a decree has been entered in its favor. While Pepper was trying to regain his composure, Reed shot this query at him: “Mr, President, if the senator will pardon me, the senator’s position is this: That if we have a court and We agree to submit our disputes to it, and do. submit them and the court’s decision is not obeyed, then war will result anyway, if the na- tions feel like going to war?” Pepper flabbergasted, blurted out: “THAT IS EXACTLY WHAT JI SAID!” The End of the Fight. HE “gag”. rule limited debate to one hour for each speaker and with the *pro-court.senators being pil- crits who talked peace while prepar- ing for war, but few speeches were made before. Borah, again took the floor. In ‘his argument, replying to the Wisconsin administratiqn senator, Lenroot, he suggested that the Moses reservation might. result in securing an amendment to the covenant of the league, of nations. to. the effect that it could not employ. force for the pur- pose of executing a judgment of the court. Lenroot dnterrupted with the qusetion: -“Does the senator from Idaho think that they would make that amendment?” Borah replied: “They would do it,'Mri President, unless ‘they regard the covenant of Borah’s Aids in the World Court Fight j\, the league of nations as a military alliance. If they regard the cove- nant of the league.of nations as an instrument of peace | have no doubt they would accept it; but if they re- gard it as a military alliance, found- ed upon force, capable of exerting its judgments only by force, of course, they would not accept It, and that would be the best reason in the world why we should stay out.” “The Moses reservation was put to a vote and was defeated by the usual coalition with the exception of Sena tor Watson of Indiana and McKinley of Illinois, who are up for re-elec- tion this fall and who were permitted by the machine to cast their votes for the reservation in order to en- loried as agents of Morgan and hypo gheite their chances in the election in he hope that Coolidge may be able to retain their support in the next congress. Within an hour and a half after the reservation was voted down the Swanson.resolution, known as “Senate Résolution No, 5" was adopted. As soon as the nations affiliated with the court accept the five mean- ingless resolutions accompanying the Swangon resolution, the United States will be a part of the world court wherein it will strive to use the poli- tical and military force of the league and the court to extend the economic power of the House’of Morgan, Next Article—Communist Tasks in Relation to World Court. (International Press Correspondent.) MOSCOW, U.S. S. R., Dec. 28.— (By Mail.)—After adopting the re- solution upon the report of the Russian Communist Party delega- tion to the C. I., the party congress decided against 36 votes of the Len- ingrad comrades, for ‘an appeal to the Leningrad party organization and in consequence of the continual struggle against the décisions of the party congress by the Leningrad Pravda to undertake* alterations in its ‘editorial staff.” The appeal of thé party congress to all members of the Leningrad party organization, sald amongst other things the ‘following: “The party congress draws the at- tention of the Leningrad organiza- tion to the incorreét actions of the Leningrad delegation’ in the party congress. A co-speech to the re- port of the central committee was made and a special declaration dan- gerous to thé Unity of the pary with the signature of Kameénev was published in the Lehingrad Pravda. “The Leningrad district party conference recorded its competence in the central Committee and in- structed its delegatfor' to vote also in this spirit. The Leningrad con- ference stressed the necessity for party unity. The Léhingrad party delegation, however, Voted against the whloe party corigress and op- posed itself to the congress. All Leningrad workers and Commun- ists declared from the beginning the necessity of keeping’ in step with the whole party, however, the Len- ingrad Pravda began a campaign against the decisions of the party congr that is to say a campaign for the destruction of party unity. The Leningrad district party Committee prohibited the meeting of the Viborg district organization to demonstrate their solidarity with the party congress. This injured the elementary rights of the party democracy, OSCOW, U.S. S. R., Dec, 28 — (By. Mail)—Before the adoption of the appeal of the Russian Commun- ist Party congress torthe Leningrad organization already reported, Zino- viey spoke in the name of the Lenin- grad delegation and declared that the declaration of Kameney before the voting upon the political resolution was not an ultimatum, but had con- tained only proposals for alterations. The rejecting of the proposal of the Leningrad delegation to form a com- mittee for working..thru the poljtical resolution, was in.contradiction with party usage, With regard to the ac- cusations that the Viborg district or ganizations had -been..prohibited by the Leningrad party leadership to take up an attitude for the decisions of the party congress, the truth was that the Leningrad party leadership which had sent its leading comrades to the party congress, did not wish that the discussion upon the decisions of the party congress should be begun in Leningrad in their absence, By voting against the political resolution, the Leningrad comrades had in no way created any danger of a split. In the history of the party there are dozens of cases where strong minori- ties have voted against the decision of the party congress, nevertheless these decisions had become law for all party members. The decisions of the fourteenth party congress are just as strong for us as for all other party members. The Leningrad comrades are just as much interested in the party unity as a Voutes party comirades. tn short reply to Zinoviev, Rykov stre#éed upon the basis of quotations = + that THE RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY CONGRESS ISSUES AN APPEAL TO THE COMRADES IN LENINGRAD “The party congress demande that all Leningrad party comrades make an end to these attempts to endanger the party unity. The op- position in the party congress has exposed itself completely. Whilst the leaders of the opposition spoke of no differences of opinion with the central committee at the previous district conferences, and won votes under the flag of loyalty to the party leadership they appeared at the party congress as a closed and special group. “Their contention that the party does not see the danger of the Kulaks is false, their. attempt to weaken the_significance of the Len- inist slogan of the alliance of the proletariat and the village poor with the middle peasantry is dan- gerous, their contention that the party congress would have rejected their proposals to alter the reso- lution upon the political report, is incorrect. 4 “The opposition did not introduce proposals for alteration, but a dec- laration which took the form of an ultimatum. The decisions of the Party congress are obligatory ror ail party members and after the party congress they may not be discussed. Each worker and Communist 's that the resolution upon the politi- cM report is from the first to the last line written in the spirit of Leninism and always with the greatest care for the unity of the party. In the name of this unity the party congress weakened various formulations, but neverthe- less the Leningrad delegation voted against it. The contention that the party wanted to reduce the Signifi- cance of the Leningrad organiza- tion, is a calumny. The party con- gress does not doubt, that the Lenin- grad organization, which always stood in the front ranks of the party, will do its best to repair the mistakes of its delegates.” Rykov Replies to Zinoviev the tone of this declaration was that of an ultimatum, This declaration made a unanimous adoption of the resolution depend definitely upon an acceptance of the proposals of the Leningrad comrades for alteration. It Was a question therefore not a mutual working thru the draft/of the resolu- tion, but of a demand for the adoption of the Leningrad proposals for altera- tions, The majority has never re- fused to work thru all questions with the minority, The party history con- tains no party congress where the op- position has had an unlimited possi- bility of presenting its standpoint. The sixty opposition speakers spoke more than all the other six hundred, Zino- viev has declared that he stands upon the basis of party unity and party dis- cipline, nevertheless his attitude and the attitude of the Leningrad delega- tion proves the contrary, After the acceptance of the basic decisions of the party congress the Leningrad Pravda continued its daily campaign against these decisions and attempted to undermine them. It is difficult to reconcile this with Zinoviev’s state- ment upon the binding nature_of party decisions for all party members. The significance of the appeal to the Leningrad organization is in the fact that it attempts immediately to put an end to all breaches of discipline and to create a‘complete guarantee for a real party unity. (Stormy Ap- plause), The roll-call upon the speech of Zinoviev, upon the activity of the Russian Communist Party delegation in the executive committee of Communist International as demand- ed by the Leningrad delegation, unanimous with the exception of abstentions, ;