The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 3, 1926, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. Phone Monroe 4713 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mall (outelde of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, IIlinols J, LOUIS ENGDAHL Wittors WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB........mimerereneens Business Manager ——$$ $$ $s Untered as second-class matl September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. laa <i 390 Aroused Against Lewis That the organized coal miners are, in ever larger numbers, coming to realize the monstrous infamy of John L. Lewis in the anthracite strike is evidenced by the adoption of many resolutions demanding that he call out the maintenance men and the miners in the soft coal fields, thereby making the strike general. The grim realities of the struggle force this conclusion upon honest workers. But militant action in defiance of the coal barons would cause Lewis to lose favor with the ruling capitalist class of this country. It would spoil bigger game that he is after. Lewis, like so many others of his type, use the labor movement as stepping stones to-bet- ter positions as agents of the capitalist class. It is rather far-fetched to expect a man who supported the strikebreaker Cal Coolidge for president of the United States—because he hopes some day to be appointed secretary of labor—to put up a real fight for organized labor. Instead of yielding to the insistent demands of the rank and file of the United Mine Workers of America, Lewis continues his dickering with the employers. His latest treachery is to agree to “voluntary arbitration” upon the basis of “facts” obtained by a commission consisting of the soup kitchen statesman, Secretary of Commerce Hoover; Harding’s secretary of state and eminent baptist layman, Charles Evans Hughes; and that other pious mountebank, Governor Pinchot of Pennsylvania. These worthies will gather the facts (?) and present them to a committee composed of miners and operators, which shall have power to settle the question. The only recourse left for the rank and file in order to gain the victory they must have in order to live above the leyel of hope- less slaves is to get into action quickly by pulling out the main- tenance men in the anthracite and starting an agitation to make the anthracite strike general. If the militants in the soft coal region will also take matters into their own hands and start a backfire of strike agitation to make the coal strike general, the treacherous schemes being hatched by Lewis and other republican henchmen will come to naught for the mine barons can be beaten to their knees while Hoover, Hughes and Pinchot are presenting a distortion of the facts in order to prepare a basis for bludgeoning the strikers back into the mines on the terms of the operators. Now is the time to strike and strike hard. Mr. Sisson Again Heard From Mr. Francis H. Sisson, vice-president of the Guaranty Trust company of New York, has again been heard from. This time the notorious scoundrel and liar appears in the role of prophet. Speak- ing before several hundred bankers in Chicago, Mr. Sisson praised the entrance of the United States into the world court and predicted unprecedented prosperity, because Europe is “pulling out of the mire of political and economic chaos.” Sisson, like other Wall Street bankers, sees the world court as a medium thru which his class may more effectively plunder Europe. Unquestionably he con- siders political events in this country as heralding prosperity for Wall Street. He let the cat out of the bag when, in an unguarded burst of enthusiasm, he said: “1 am willing even to be accused as a Wall Street banker who for selfish reasons advocated that our country should join the court.” The assembled bankers loudly applauded this defiant remark. Unfortunately it travelled beyond the circle in which -he moves and became public. It is well for workers to ponder over this remark and when they are called upon to defend the European interests of Wall Street refuse to fight in an imperialist war. If workers are conscrjpted and guns placed in their hands they will know how to use them, not against the workers of Europe, but in the interest of their class. In case our readers cannot identify Mr. Sisson, we remind them that he was the patriot who presented a trunk full of forged documents purporting to show that the Soviet government was nationalizing women and other weird tales long since exploded. These forgeries are still known as the Sisson documents and thus far constitute the greater single achievement of the New York ananias. Get a member for the Workers Party and a new subscription for the DAILY WORKER. A Greeting to Asia The greetings from the fourteenth congress of the Russian Com- munist Party to the second all-Chinese congress of the Kuomintang, published Jast Friday in Tue Dairy Worker, has a double signi- ficance. In the first place it reaffirmed the traditional attitude of the Communist International toward the liberation movement among the colonials and semi-colonials and emphasized the eed for decisive action against imperialism. Secondly it empha the fact that the Kuomintang party can play the role of the leader in the. struggle against imperialist aggression in Asia by cos solidating the alliance of the working class and the peasantry and leading the revolution in the interests of these basic forces. Such greetings are far more than formal salutations. They are exchanges of experiences gained in the struggle against imperial ism and the greeting of the leading party of the Communist [nter- national to the Chinese workers and peasants, thru the medium of Kuomintang, will have far-reaching effects upon the awakening masses of China and bring nearer the day when imperialism is forcibly expelled from all Asia, Impoverished farmers from the stricken states can console themselves with the knowledge that the Des Moines conference selected twenty-two men fo go to Washington and talk to senators and congressmen about the situation. That is all the consolation they will get so long:they permit bankers and small town merchants to speak for them, det a member for the Workers Party and 4 new subscription. vi the DAILY WORKER. By H. M. WICKS ARTICLE Il, The Hand of American Imperialism in Creating the Court. HEN, a hundred years ago, during the heydey of the holy alliance, European nations threatened with their military power the Western Hemisphere, the government of the United States adopted the famous Monroe doctrine prohibiting European military intervention in this hemis- phere, That doctrine did not operate both ways, however. While this hemisphere has been comparatively free from threats of military intervention from Europe, the astern hemisphere has not been accorded the same considera- tion by the United States. Military intervention in Europe, fol- lowing the heavy investments of the House of Morgan in the early years of the world war, was immediately fol- lowed by imperialist diplomats and jurists whose duty it was to consol- idate the victory won by force of arms, While Wilson failed to follow up the military victory for Morgan with a diplomatic victory, another states- man has succeeded in overcoming, to a considerable degree, that failure of the. war president. Even tho Wilson did fail to get the United States into the league of na- tions, American imperialism did not despair, but immediately proceeded to accomplish in an underhanded manner what could not be achieved openly. One man’s failure does not mean the failure of imperialist policy. If one flunkey fails there are many others to step into the breech. When Wilson stepped out Elihu Root stepped in. An Ideal Lackey. TLSON’S league of nations policy was defeated in the senate by the terrific blasts from the camp of the republicans. It was therefore only the logic of diplomacy that a republican be ohosen to continue the work of THE DAILY WORKER The Permanent Court of International Justice Wilson in an effort to gain adherents in the camp of the opposition and eventually change the minority into a majority in the senate. Mr, Elihu Root was the ideal man for this role, For years he had been an ornament of the United States senate, he had a world-wide reputation as an authority on international law and he had served as secretary of state under Theodore Roosevelt. He was also the beneficiary of the Carnegie millions in his capacity as president of the board ‘of trustees of the Carnegie endowment for interna- tional peace, Carnegie’s colossal fortune was made out of steel, not an inconsider- able part of which’ was realized thru the manufacture of armour plate for battleships and other war material. As is well known, old’ Andrew Carnegie, during his life, was a conspicuous apostle of peace and was a great ad- mirer of and greatlyadmired by that other eminent -pa@ifist the Czar of Russia. His international connections created by his “peace” agencies en- abled him to sell Wis armour. plate in all parts of the world. He was one of the first to utilize pacifist slogans for capitalist pl“nderiand it payed him well, The good wdrk continued after his death becausé of his endowment. Mr. Root’s connection with the Carne- gie millions taught ,him the advant- ages of conducting an imperialist di- plomatic policy under the cloak of ad- vocating world peace, The idea of a world court held a strong attraction for Root. While he was secretary of state the second con- ‘ference of the Hague court of arbitra- tion met and Root, in his instructions to the American delegates, urged them to establish a permanent court, similar to the United States supreme court. Its power over nations was to be similar to that of the supreme court over the separate states of the union, Creation of the Court. * RTICLE 14 of the covenant of the league of nations provides that the council of the league shall formu- late and submit to members plans for the establishment of a permanent court of international justice, No one ever for a moment questioned the fact. that such a court would be a part and parcel of the league until after the United States senate refused to ratify Woodrow Wilson’s proposal that this country enter, As a matter of fact the conception of the court was that it would be created strictly within the confines of the league and be the legal cloak for the imperialist depredations of the nations that dominated the league. But after the United States refused to ratify the covenant of the league the imperialist diplomats, at the sug- gestion of agents of the House of Mor- gan, proposed the establishment of the court, The council of the league did not formulate plans for the establish- ment of the court, but at this meeting held in London in February, 1920, de- cided to appoint a committee and give it power to prepare plans for such a court, Great Britain, France, Italy, the United States of America, Japan, Brazil, Norway, Belgium, the Nether- lands and Spain were asked to send representatives, Elihu Root was selec- ted by the council of the league as the representative of this country. Each of the nine other states were repres- ented by one member, From the 16th of June to the 24th of July, 1920, this committee held con- tinuous sessions at the peace palace, the Hague, and prepared a report, which was agreed upon unanimous# It was submitted to the council of the league of nations on the 5th of August, 1920,' After some changes it was ac- cepted by the council, which also con- sisted at that time of 10 members. The council referred it to the assemb- ly of the league which consisted of 55 thembers. After a subcommittee had proposed many changes it was finally adopted. Obstacles Overcome. S we have seen in the second article of this series, the Hague conference of 1907 failed to create a court because it was not possible to reach an agreement upon the manner of selection of judges. This barrier was surmounted in 1920 providing that the various nations could nominate not more than four persons, and that not more than two of them shall be from their own nation and that in no case must the number of candidates be more than double the number of seats to be filled. This arrangement makes it a comparatively easy matter for the powerful imperialist nations to dictate the selection of judges suitable to themselves by.exercising economic and political pressure sufficient to bring the small nations into line. The court itself consists of 15 mem- bers, of which eleven, are judges and four are deputy judges. At any time considered feasable the,council of the league of nations may propose to the assembly to increase, the number of judges and if the assembly desires to do so it may increase the number to 21; with 15 judges. and, six deputy judges. Of the eleven jiidges today on the court, the United States has one, who is Mr. John Bassett Moore, a former educator in international law and for years an untiring propagandist for the House of Morgan. Moore is eminently fitted by training and inclination for the role he is playing as the watch dog of Wall Street ‘or the court, un- til such time as the government is of- ficially in the court. and the league. These lackeys of’ imperialism that drew up the articles of the world court indulge in the‘asual eulogiums to their profession by asserting in article 2: The permanent court of interna- tional justice shall be composed of a body of independent judges elected regardless of their.nationality from amongst persons of high moral character, Just as the feudal czars and kings and emperors who were members of the holy alliance-.considered them- selves the “chosen instruments of god” to rule by “divine right,” so the modern agents of imperialism cloak their predatory conspiracies with puerile drivel about being the embodi- ment of morality and justice and so forth—superior people who are chosen to rule the backward elements of the world. The lower they grovel the loud- er they proclaim their uprightness, As to their boast of being independent, the decisions already rendered against labor, against Russia, against the weaker nations and in the interest of the imperialist powers explode fore- ever that boast. Inseparable From League. Nene world court was created within the league and is inseparable from the league. Just as the supreme court of the United States must de- pend upon the armed force of the fed- eral government to enforce its decrees so the league of nations must act as the military power, the policeman and jailer for and defender of the perman- ent court of international justice, The council of the league may refer any case to the court for an opinion. After the opinion has been rendered, then the council has legal sanction for any aggressive action it desires to take. Such action may be taken under three sections of the covenant of the league—sections 12, 13 and 16. Furthermore the league selects the judges, pays them their salaries, has power to increase the number, and in every manner dominates the world court, And the hand of American imperial+ ism in creating the court was not, as some romantic petty bourgeois sen- ators fear, a betrayal of the nation into the hands of European diplomats and militarists, but a betrayal of the exploited masses of this country into the hands of the House of Morgan so that he can more effectively defend his economic interests in Europe. Next Article—The World Court Decides’ Trade Union Cases. THE IRON CHAIN AROUND THE WORLD By MANUEL GOMEZ N item of transcendent importance appeared in the financial pages of capitalist newspapers thruout the country last Tuesday, and did not ap- pear anywhere else. It was in form a simple advertisement. An Amerl- can banking syndicate headed by Dil- lon, Read and company Offered to American investors $25,000,000 worth of German industrial bonds. The se- curities are those of the Rhé¢inelbe Union, yielding 7.55 per cent on the investment for a period of 20 years. What this means aside from the usual secret provisions. (which no doubt assured Dillon, Read and com- pany fat commissions and “flotation profits”), is the domination of Amer- ican capital in the big international iron and steel trust that is forming. The Rheinelbe Union, also known; as the Big Three group, consists of} the Gelsenkirchener Bergwerks A. G., the Deutsch-Luxemburgische Berg- werks-und Huetten A. G, and the Bochumer Verin fuer Bergbau un Gusstahifabrikation. Together the concerns employ some 106,000 men. Operated as a unit under existing in- ter-company agreements, they consti- tute the largest coal producing and iron manufacturing group in the Ruhr district of Germany. They are also one of the largest steel manufacturers and produce a more diversified line of highly finished steel products than any other manufacturer in Germany. The Rheinelbe Union is moreore: | linked with the big Siemens electrical} interests in the Siemens-Rheinelbe- Schuckert-Union. “The Rheinelbe Union,” says the bankers’ advertisement, “is the larg- est unit in the pending consolidation of German steel and coal companies in the Rhur district.” As a matter of fact the plans for this plunderbund are not limited to the Ruhr, nor to Germany itself. A huge international iron and steel cartel is in process of formation, with French and German manufacturers taking @ leading part. All of the powerfu¥ trusts involved are in agreement regatding the necessity for combination. ‘But on what basis? That has been thé* difficulty. The big German concerns ‘éecupy a strategic position in the Bufopean industry and have insisted on “a! controlling inter- est. The French they had a stra- tegic position mili , 80 they said it with soldiers. of the motivat- ing factors back of the French inyas- ion of the Ruhr was to force the es- tablishment of the’ international plun- derbund on termsfavorable to the French “Comite dea‘Forges.” France's financial breakdown took away all hape of success by ‘this means. Now, under different ciféumstances, nego- tiations are again*’ well advanced. Establishment of tHe combine is a practical certainty’but the terms of agreement have béén kept strictly se- cret. rene France has no ‘ital for new fi- nancing but the @United States: has. The $25,000,000 loag-to the Rheinelbe Union, as well as other similar ven- tures, indicate that American finance capital is to become the real center of gravity in the combine. The American financial oligarchy is interested in the iron and steel cartel not only from the standpoint of the investment of surplus capital but also ‘rom the standpoint of the iron and steel industry itself, from the stand- point of domination of the world’s markets. When Judge Gary of the United States Steel corporation wae in Italy in 1922, he was asked whether or not he would favor >a world-wide steel combine, with U. S. Steel as a unit. His answer,was: “In my opin- ion such a union, js absolutely neces- sary to all concerned, It will have to come to pass, but I do not think the time is yet ripe for it.” Since that time the French and German capitalists have mutually worn down each other's resistance, French finances have collapsed, Ger- many has been put into the strait- jacket of the Dawes plan and Ameri- can finance capital has secured foot- hold after foothold in the money mar- kets of Europe. Undoubtedly things look different to Judge Gary now. Con- ditions for the establishment of the world-wide steel cartel are more “ripe,” from the point of view of the American steel trust. The American trust, even before 1922, was fully awake to the tremendous profits that could be realized by “internationaliz- ing” the steel industry. But unlike the French and Germans, who squab- bled with each other over terms, the American interests were unwilling to offer any terms at all, The time is not ripe, said Gary. U. S. Steel felt itself so strong that it could compete in its own right with any foreign car- tel, until its hegemony should be recognized. Power—industrial, finan- cial, military—is the final arbiter in all international agreements under capitalism. That is why it is a long way from agreement “in principle”. re- garding a proposed cartel, to the prac- tical establishment of the combine, It is also why, once established, the combine has no guaranty of perman- ency. There is always the question of “terms"—of the share each unit Is to have in the booty. The international iron and steel car- tei represents a menace to all oppres- sed pcoples and to the workers of all countries, It means further extension of monopoly price beyond national tar- riff walls; it means still greater dom- ‘nation of markets, “systematizing” of production, and exploitation of work- ers. It oveans playing off the workers of one country against another, in wages, living conditions, strikes and every phase of the “day-to-day class struggle. Inevitably it-means war. Side by side with international. steel partnership goes “an intensified strug- gle for colonial territories on the part of each national unit of the cartel. There is a universal speeding up of armament.production, International partnership is merely a masked form of international rivalry on the basis of assured monoply profits. This is especially true in the iron and steel industry, which besides being the basic industry for each imperialist power, besides being the industry most,intimately bound up with export of capital and colonial exploitation, is also the war industry. In the face of al] this it is useless for the handful-of unruly ‘senators to declaim against America's entry into the world court, on the ground that it places this country within the danger- circle of the clashing, antagonisms of Europe. American’ governmental pol- icy is the instrument of American capitalism, and both have been deeply involyed in the European danger-cir- cle for a long time. American capital is being exported to. Europe at a rapid rate,! especially to Germany, where it is controlling greater and greater sec- tions of German industry, One week's issue of the New York Commercial and Financial Chronicle announces of- ferings by American bankers of “a Mmited amount” of. stock “shares of the Dresdner bank, 600,000 Reichs- marks of capital stock of the Ham- burg Vereinsbank and 100,000 shares of preferred stock of the’ German Credit and Investment - corporation. The last-named is an American firm organized “to participate in invest- ments and loans in Germany.” American capital is thus reachiny not only into German industry but also into German banks. The offering of Rheinelbe Union bonds by Dillon, Read and company helps us to com- plete the picture. In the gossip of Wall Street brokers’ offices, Dillon, Read and company, whose recent me- teoric rise to prominence has puzzled the uninitiated as much as that of the Van Sweringen brothers in the rail- road industry, is spoken of as “the back door to Kuhn, Loeb and com- pany.” The latter is the oustanding representative in investment banking of the great network of Rockefeller in- terests and their allies. Together with J. P. Morgan and company it stands at the ‘top of the investment world. The United States Steel corpo- ration unites the interests of all. With the Rockefeller interests on the board of directors and J. P. Morgan as head of the finance committee—and Pres!- dent Coolidge himself a small stock- holder—the steel corporation is the example par excellence of what Lenin described as the “personal union” be- tween banks and industry, on the ba- sis of which a financial oligarchy is created dominating the economie and political life of the country, Ostensibly a democracy, the United States is, like every imperialist coun- try, ruled by an oligarchy. Ostensibly isolated from Europe, American capi- talism is in fact struggling for hege- mony there. Whether or not the world court “leads inevitably to the league of nations,” whether or not the court will be “a factor for peace’— all these are worse than useless’ as points of distussion and no light can be thrown on them, unless we con- sider at the same time recent trends ‘u the development of American capi- talism. And none is more significant ‘nan the bold drive of American f- ‘auce capital for hegemony in a sivates’ agreement to dominate the ron and steel! markets of the world. Trade Union Congresses--Paris, Breslau, Scarborough (Continued from page 1) on all these congresses. When we have investigated their work we shali see which of the two Internationals has come out victorious from the series of congresses and which was vanquished, Let us begin our review with France. 1. With Briand Against Monmousseau. France is today the classical coun- try of splits. There are in'France two Confederations of Labor, of approxim ately the same strength and, there- tore, the problem of unity has here its own pecularities and difficulties, With- out going fully into the history of the split we will merely point out that each of these Confederations of Labor is in close contact ideologically and politically with a political party, The Unity Confederation-——with the Com- munist; the reformist. with the social: ist party. The anarchists made an at- tempt to create a basis in the federa- tion of autonomous French unions, but nothing came of this attempt. This federation fell thru, In France only two trade union organizations comc into consideration. But the split har been the cause of a number of trade inions, especially the civil servants’ unions, remaining outside both con. federations; they are amalgamated in the Federation of Civil Servants whigh ; is also playing a certain role. This was the position which became more firmly estaifished in the middle of 1925, The ¢a@mpaign for the re- union of bot confederations is of long tanding in Franee, It became very acute especiallyMafter the fifth con- sress of the Coméntern and the third congress of the R@1. L. U., the leaders of the reformist’Confederation of La- or offering determined, nay, fierce opposition to the establishment of unity, All their “arguments” resolved themselves into not-wanting to come inder the influence of Moscow (!), of being opposed to Communist nuclei in trade unions and against factory and workshop committees; they do not want Communist domination, but want to be independent and to work on the lines laid down in the charter of Amiens, - Workers Want Unity...» Despite the existing split the desire for unity is very strong among the workers. This desire gained in magnt- tude ‘when the financial-economic pos!- tion became wore and when military operations were {nitiated in Morocco, “he Unity Confederation of Labor en loavoured to ogjgblish a united front nut the reformiagy would not have any- ‘hing to do with ft, When, in the be: ginning of 1924, the reformists con- vened their co for the end of September in Paris, the followers of the R. I, L. U. decided to transfer their congress also to Paris and to hold it simultaneously in order to be able to establish contact between the two congresses. As soon as the re- formists got wind of this decision of the Unity Confederation of Labor they decided to hold their congress a month sooner in order to avoid a compromis- ing neighbor, but the Unity Confedera- tion of Labor, which was bent on placing the problem of unity before the reformist congress, also decided to hold its congress one month sooner; thus both congresses opened on the same day in Paris and by this very tact made the problem of unity loom big in the eyes of the workers. In order to make a big impression on the forthcoming congresses, the so- cialist party and the reformist Con- federation of Labor brought pressure to bear on civil servant elements un- der their influence to induce the latter to affiliate to the reformist Confedera- tion of Labor, Several weeks before the opening of the congresses, the Na- ional Union of ‘Teachers, which has bout 70,000 members, affiliated to the ‘eformist Confederation of Labor and added thereby to its rn es As s00n as the congress o} Unity Confederation of Labor op a deci- sion was adopted to nt reformist congress to discuss jointly the question of unity at a joint session or a parity commission. At the re- formist congress; unity was not a sep- jion thereon nevertheless occupied several days, At the unity congress this question did,.not, meet with any divergence of opinion. The proposal of a joint congress with the reformist unions was adopted unanimously, Ywhilst at the reformist congress this | point was the main cause of the divergencies of opinion. The struggle centered around the question of unity and opposition. Owing to. the fact of the protracted duration of the split, all the revolu- tionary elements had grouped them- selves in the Unity Confederation of Labor; a certain number of workers remained under the full and sole con- srol of the, reformist leaders. Only during the past 12 months an opposi- tion has begun to take shape within the reformist unions. This opposition actually took definite shape and form only after the agreement between the British and Soviet unions, which play- ed an important role in\moulding the opposition, not only in France, but also in other countri Why did the onfederation of Labor refuse to have hing to do with unity? To hear their chief lead- ors, thelr arguments..-against unity t . consists of: “Objections” to Unity. 1, The unity unions are subject to [the Communist Party and cannot te item on the agenda, but the dis-|}carry on an independent policy of their own, whilst reformist unions do not depend on any party and adopt independent lines on all questions, 2, The reformist Confederation of Labor is an old establishment, an old trade union organization and all who have left it will be welcomed back. 8. Unity must not come from above, but from below, namely the unity unions must enter the corres- ponding reformist unions and thereby @ united trade union movement will be established, 4. No Communist nuclei, no ukase from Moscow, no domination by. pol- itieal parties, but full independence without any reservations Whatever. 5. International unity can be estab- ‘shed in the same way, There is no occasion whatever for an International Unity Congress. The Russian unions must enter the Amsterdam Interna- tional on a common basis, All that is asked of them 1s submission to the statutes and. renouncement of. een 8 whatever, s uch are the official arguments which the leaders of the reformist Confederation of Labor brought. for. ward at this congress against (Te be Continued) «fia ih 2. B