The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 30, 1926, Page 6

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t Mena ineetrLaNstii gy Page Six THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, In. Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES i By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): | $6.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months | $2.50 three months $2.00 three months | Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, IItinole Sse bint — J, LOUIS WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB. Bntered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the postoffice at Chi- | cago, lil, under the act of March 3, 1879. sates ea ESS SSE Advertising rates \on application. ee Into the World Court | Deeply involved economically ,in European. affairs the House| of Morgan, thru the vote of the senate in fayor of the United States| entering the world court, now has taken a most essential step for ae 390 its imperialism. The vote means that henceforth the newly acquired political power gained thru participation in the court, which leads directly to| the league of nations, will be used for further economic conquests. That is the sum and substance ofthis country’s participation in the permanent court of international justice. For a time diplomatic intrigue will proceed thru a maze of legal entanglements and precedents established thru the centuries of: in- ternational law. When a given point is reached where the antagon- isms can no longer be settled within the confines of the court, the next logical step will be taken and the world will again rock under | the footsteps of the imperialist legions as they swing into action and endeavor to obtain on the field of Mars the victory that could not be achieved thru the court and the league. | The trail that is being blazed by Morgan’s senators leads from the world court, thru the league of nations to the next imperialist slaughter, where we workers will again be called upon to sacrifice, our lives as cannon fodder. | Guns will be placed in our hands and we will be ordered into the fray_to kill workers of other natoins, with whom we have no quarrel. It is. against this consummation that we, as Commun fight today. Today the capitalists of this nation place ballots in our hand | and we urge the workers and exploited farmers to use those ballots! in the interest of our class; use our poltical power to create a class | party that will challenge alike the pro-court and anti-court agents| of the capitalist class. | Tomorrow, as certain as the sun will rise, they will place guns and other weapons in our hands, and as Communists, fortified with| the lessons of Leninism, we will use those weapons in the interest of eur class and defiantly urge the workers, as Lenin did in the last war, to turn the imperialist war’ between nations into a civil war against capitalism. That is our reply to the traitors who would betray the workers of this nation into the shambles of another holocaust. While the Morgan senators are mouthing pacifist palaver as a cloak for imperialist conspiracies, we point out to the working class that there can be no peace until the workers themselves, by their own might, throttle capitalism and establish workers’ and farmers’ gov- ernments thruout the whole world. Only on that basis and no other can peace be assured. Meanwhile we realize, as Lenin realized, that before that is attained there is much that must ‘be destroyed by) blood and fire and with the lessons of the proletarian revolution to guide us, we prepare with every ounce of energy for the final assault | upon the citadels of capitalism. Not Astronomy—It Was Psychology The saints who wrote the so-called holy bible believed in the) geocentric conception of the universe, the idea that the earth is the center, that it was created especially for man (anthropocentrism) and that everything else exists to shield man upon the earth. Natur- ally such benighted people imagined the sun a small body compared | to the earth. So when one of the bible writers told the tale of| Jehovah comnanding the sun to stand still so that Joshhua could} butcher a few more of his enemies by daylight, no one contradicted it. | But the science of astronomy proved that if the sun had ever| stood still one moment the entire solar system would have been) destroyed, welding into one molten mass the earth, the planets, Joshhua and all the gods. No intelligent person believes otherwise today. Hence it becomes necessary either to repudiate the holy book or devise some other explanation of this clause along with a thousand or so other palable myths. Now eomes a professor from the uni- versity of Chicago ‘hamed Dr. Robert Eisler who says that “psy- chology played an important part in making the sun stand still for Joshua.” The professional gentleman then proceeds to remind us that in times of great’ stress and conflict minutes sometimes seem hours. In the battle Joshua impetuously and fervently prayed that the day light might last longer and he actually believed it did last longer. Thus we have another example of science, that ought to liberate the human mind from the pall of superstition, being utilized to apologize for one of the monstrons stories contained in the most vile, filthy and obscene book published in any language—the holy bible. Perhaps Professor Eisler can explain the psychology of the ‘old buzzards who wrote the obscene stories that abound in the bible. Unquestionably they are objects of physological invéstiga- tion, but an unprejudiced examination of the facts would be a tremendous impetus to atheism, and seriously impair the graft of the churches. , Mr. William Randolph Hearst, in an editorial, assails the world court advocates for following in the footsteps of Woodrow Wilson and implies—what everyone knows—that Wilson lived the last years of his life an imbecile. All of which proves that one doesn’t need brains to be Morgan’s president. Mr, House of the House of Morgan supplied the thinking, while Wilson acted as the rubber stamp. “Shake-up in prohibition forces,” announces the kept press. A few thousand of the agents are to be separated from the pay- roll. We may now look for keen competition in the underworld as many of these worthies return to their former occupations as boot- ggers, hijackers, yeggmen, pickpockets, blackmailers, porch elimb- ers, highwaymen and pimps. Get a member for the Workers Party and a new subscription ‘¢ the DAILY WORKER. By H. M. WICKS ARTICLE I. UMEROUS attempts have hereto- fore been made to create interna- tional legal machinery for the purpose of defending the economic and politic- ical, IE MRRCaROEEAT jal interests of certain groups of na- | tions and without exception such in- stitutions have been utilized to crush formidable rivals and prey upon weak- er nations, Compilers of historical parallels can find many points of similarity between the first attempt of modern times to create an international tribunal and the latest attempt. The great up- heaval initiated by ‘the French revo- Tution at the close of thé eighteenth century which was brought to an end by the Napoleonic wa¥s produced the holy alliance of 1815, The world war and the Russian revolution heralded the league of nations.and the per- manent court of international justice of our day. world reaction to crush the rise to power of a new class, besides furnish- ing a battle ground upon which were fought out the conflicts between the nations participating in the alliances. And, quite significant, is the fact that both of these international combina- tions concealed their greed and mal- evolence under the most exalted paci- fist watch-words, Czar Alexander’s Venture. HEN the misfortunes attending \' his invasion of Russia shattered Napoleon’s forces and the treachery of the wily Prince Metternich of Austria isolated the Corsican militar- ist in Europe the then czar, Alexander I, proposed to Francis I of Austria and Frederick William III of Prussia that an alliance of the three monarch- ies be created for the purpose of estab- lishing and maintaining peace and guaranteeing security against the |spread of the “liberal” ideas of the } French Europe. The monarchists trembled at the revolution to the rest of Both were-used by the | The Holy Alliance and the Hague—Forerunners victory of the rising capitalist class in France and Alexander, as the head of the most backward and viciously reactionary force in the world, and a maniac of deeply religious tendencies, actually believed himself the chosen instrument of his barbarian god to stabilize the ‘monarehial system of Europe. In a stupid pact, bedecked with the most monstrous religious trappings, the agents of the three monarchs created the alliance. Even the wily old Machieyellian diplomat, Prince Metternich of Austria, could not resist the temptation, to brand it a “loud-sounding nothing,” When, a few months later, a quadru- ple alliance was created including the three parties of the original pact (Rus- sia, Austria, Prussia) and Great Britain “to fix the future peace of Europe on a sound and permanent basis” it was characterized by Lord @@sterleight as |“a piece of sublime ‘tysticism and | nonsense.” Lic Metternich and G frleigh, ex- perienced though they*‘were in the most subtle diplomatig, jntrigue, did not properly estimate the significance of this weird instrument and in a few years both of them were exerting their ingenuity to use the maehinery of the alliance against Alexandér, himself, when, in 1821, he tried,to realize de- signs he had long had ppon Turkey. The reactionary nations of that day tried to use the alliance against each other, just as the world court and the league of today is being used by in- dividual member nations against others, So divergent were the interests of Great Britain and the other members of the alliance: that, following the ad- vice of Casterleigh and his successor, Canning, the king of England never became a party to the thing. The primary motive of the holy al- liance “was the domination of the world in the interest of the monarch- ists, with the government of the czars playing the leading role. In two |popular uprisings (1830-1848) the |hordes of imperial Russia*came to the (International Press Correspondence) OSCOW, U.S. S. R., Dec. 23—(By Mail.)—In his address to the four- teenth congress of the Russian Com- munist Party, Comrade Tomsky, sec- retary of the All-Russian Trade Unions, pointed out: As a few members of the politica, bureau declared at the party congress that the politbureau of the central committee had no firm political policy, all party members must understand clearly how the differences of opinion arose. The first misunderstandings arose shortly after the endeof the last party | discussion ‘against Trotskyism, in con- sequence of varied attitudes to the earlier opposition. Some comrades were of the opinion that the party was not so rich in forces that it should prevent comrades who made mistakes which» were corrected by the party, from returning to their normal work, Others were of the opinion that the members of the opposition should not only be defeated, but also, so to speak, crucified. Nevertheless these differences of opinion were not thrashed out inside the politbureau, the majority of which took the first standpoint, but against this majority and against this first puint of view the Leningrad organ- ization and the Young Communist League were mobilized in an irrespon- | sible fashion.” Of course, we knew that the initi- ative did not come from the Young | Communist League, but was pressed upon it. Nevertheless we saw above all to the maintenance of unity and linrited ourselves to calling the Lenin- grad youth to order. HEN the resolution upon peasant policy was worked out before the 14th party conference, no one said that it contained concessions to the Kulaks. The dispute in the central committee concerned the question as/| us nearer to complete equality, to the to whether socialism could be built up in a country, (International Press Correspondence) OSCOW, U. S. §. R,, Dec. 23,— (By Mail.) —The | in today’s Pravda, the official or gan of the Russian Communist Par- ty, entitled: “The Opposition is Looking for a Principle,” compares the lack of a practical program on the part of the opposition to the pol- icy of the party. The opposition consid most important part of its principles to be the task of “fighting against the negative sides of the Nep.” Such a program point cannot satisfy the party. The party and the central committee have never left the negative sides of the N, E. P. out of consideration, they have never ceased in their struggle against the N. E, P. and will never cease. The party under the | ship of the central committee defeated the dangers of the N. and it will continue’ to defeat them. In this connection the party haga nothing to learn from the new op-\ position, for the latter has no single practical proposal for the struggle. And this is the most characteristl USSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY HAS ‘DEFEATED DANGERS OF THE N.E.P. Zinoviey and Kameney all the time declared their loyalty to the resolu- tion of the 14th party eohiference, they always declared to the Leningrad or- ganization that they Were in agree ment with the policy “6f he central committee, but afterwards they came before the party with & co-speech, The Leningrad organization would never have sent delegates to oppose themselves to the poli tral committee. Instead out the differences of the central committee, 6 sition was commenced in Leni . Bucharin again and again withdrew his words “Enrich yourselves!” before the whole party, he recognized publicly again and again his error in this connection and this slogan Was disavowed by the central committee. 2d Nevertheless, criti is raised again and again on tis pt, for a few comrades are not much in- terested in disavowing this slogan as they are in discrediting Bucharin. They attempted to crueify not only the earlier members of*the opposition but also Bucharin. This will not be successful. (Applause.) OMSKY asked in what exactly did the fundamental difference in the the 14th party congress and the Octo- ber plenum of the central committee this year consist. Such a fundamental alteration in the political and econ- omic situation has not taken place. Nevertheless, in his series of ar- ticles written against Professor Ustra- lov, “The Philosophy the Epoch,” Zinoviev made suggestions of this na- ture. In these articles Zinoviev de- clared that equality was the idea which occupied the people most of all in the present moment. Zinoviev treated the question equality not in that great measure, in which we declare that each day’g, work brings complete abolition of;; class society and class contradic! and wage oS. fact. Lenin taught.,¢hat general slogans are of no at a slogan must always inel the special factors of the existi ation. The struggle against the megative sides of the N. E. P., however, is no such slogan, for this struggle will last thruout the whole historical period of the N. E. P. The wish to trans- form this struggle into a daily slogan shows the panic of the op- position. The 14th party conference declared the chief task to be the struggle for the middle peasantry not, however, the “concessions to the Kulaks, as the opposition says. The struggle for the middie peas- antry gives the party tremendous tasks which are not yet solved. The opposition rejects these tasks under the cover of a left disturbance about the danger of the Kiilake. The ar- ticle ends with the declaration that the party congres the whole party would insist all possible forces upon the strengthening of the firm alliances with t istaliers of the peasantry, » socialism could only be built up on this basis. rescue of the reaction. Thru the al- liance Russia was the gendarme of Europe. Bentham’s Proposal 4 ERCEIVING the role of the alliance against the rising capitalist class in Europe one Jeremy Bentham, who posed as an economist, philosopher and sage, formulated, in 1827, what he called a code of international law wherein he proposed a world court to settle international disputes, reason- ing that, if such a tribunal existed, war would no longer follow from “a difference of opinion,” since the deci- sion of the court \would’’save “the credit and honor” of the contending parties, bon 4h é How like the imbééilitiés of the present-day pacifists Speaking in the interest of Morgan's ‘world court was this twaddle of Bentham! Jeremy Bentham’s théoriés attracted considerable attention among Europe- an statesmen, who desired to create something that would-offset*the power of the holy alliance, but nothing came of it. He'consoled himself/by devot ing his energy to plagiarizing and vulgarizing bourgeois economists, un- til Marx excoriated him, for his dull- ness and placed him in his. proper bourgeois pigeon-hole, P Said the theoretical founder of the proletarian revolution: concerning one whom the present apologist of the world court, John Bassett Moore, con- siders an intellectual giant: “Jeremy Bentham, that insipid, pedantic leather-tongued oracle of the 19th century... takes “the mo- dern shop-keeper, especially the English shop-keeper, as the normal man. Whatever is useful to this queer normal man, and to his world, is absolutely useful... The chris- tian religion, e. g., is “useful” be- cause it forbids in the name of re- Jigion the same faults that the penal code forbids in the name of law... Had I the courage of my friend Hein- rich Heine, | should call Mr. Jeremy a genius in the way of bourgeois stupidity.” labor, but he applied it to our epoch. | Under the existing circumstances, desires for equality exist for instance amongst the Kulaks who wish for an eqiialization of their political right with those of the workingclass, fur- ther, amongst the working class itself where the less qualified workers wish for an equalization of wages with ‘the highly qualified workers. It is at least uncomradly to fling such a slogan before the public with- out having previously submitted it to a thoro consideration together with the other members of the central com: mittee, +e The same refers to the question flung up in the same manner_ by Kamenev of the participation of the workers in the profits of their shops. Quite apart from the fact that this slogan even theoretically could only, come into operation for those shops which have profits to show, and there- fore could only represent’ the wishes of a section of the working class and not of the whole, this slogan even as a slogan for discussion, is false. Kam- enev today limits himself to the ex- planation that he only touched in a general way upon this slogan. He fails to recognize, however, that each political situation in the time between {such explanation has its practical con- sequences and he still believes that he is at liberty to attack Bucharin on account of the error of the latter which has been many times recog- nized and many times withdrawn. (“Bnrich yourselves.”) Tomsky point- ed out that Molotov’s resolution on the peasantry in the October plenum was unanimously adopted and that Kameney and Zinoviey had proposed no alterations whatever. Tomsky then asked who it was that underestimated the significance of the Kulak and the class struggle in the village, as the critics of the central committee con- tended, iL eeeny. pointed out that the other party members could see the dif- ficulties in the present ‘situation just as well as the Leningrad comrades. The Leningrad comrades are in error when they believe that the party could easier overcome the difiedities by ad- mitting new great masses of the work- ing class to its ranks! Tomsky regretted’ that Krupskaya, who was well awaré‘ of Lenin's opin- ions, had not mentidnéd’ his opinions ‘in this connection upon the composi- tion and the increase of the member- ship of the party, ‘at the party con- gress. Tomsky quoted {Wo letters of Lenin. The first written by Lenin to Molotov in connection with a motion for the plenary session of the central committee in March, 1922. In this let. ter Lenin proposes to make the ean- didate test period for entrance ‘into the party six months for workers, as proposed by Zinoviev, apply only to those workers who have served not less than ten years in a real industrial shop, for all other workers the period should be a year and a half, for peas- anfs and red arm; for other candid BENIN writes: “I consider it danger- ous to adopt the short period of candidature pro} by Zinoviev, Without doubt we nm regard peo- ple as workers who have not had the least serious large industrial training, amongst such people are: real petty bourgeoisie who have Me tem- ‘The rest of |of the meméry of Alexander I. The Permanent Court of. International Justice of the Court of Today. Yet today Mr, John Bassett Moore, one of the judges on the permanent court of international justice (world court), hails this Benthem creature as a star of the first magniture in the firmament of history. \ Indeed the world court protagonists of today are in dire straits when they have to bedeck their apologies in the trappings of a Bentham. However, there is a certain continu- ity, for while Bentham served the stupid shop-keeping bourgeois of a century ago, Moore serves the equally stupid big bourgeoisie of today when the system is in ‘its period of deca- dance, ‘ “ Another Czar Heard From. ITH the ascendency of the young capitalist Class tHruout all Europe after the series ‘of'bourgeois upheavals the military power of the czars be- came the handmaiden of capitalism. The autocratic,government of Russia gradually became the collector of revenue and a supplier of raw ma- terial for the more highly developed European nations, Czar Nicholas, JT, a half-imbecile monarch, filled’ with the most de- ed agents that comprised a panel to be called together whenever it became necessary to adjust disputes referred to it. ‘. In 1904 Roosevelt, president of the United States, started a move to call another conference at the Hague, for the purpose of strengthening its pow- er, but the Russo-Japanese war and the revolution of 1905-6 kept the czar so busy that he could not aid the paranoic president. When the czar was able to resume his job of czaring Roosevelt again ap- pealed to him and he called a confer- ence for 1907, Everything was pro- ceeding nicely until it was discovered that small nations would have a right to select judges the same as larger nations.. It was apparent that the large nations dominating the greater number of smaller nations would con- trol.the court, so on that question the conference deadlocked. War Upset Plans, OT daunted by the failure of the conference the delegates went home and the Hague tribunal remain- ed merely a board of arbitration, They |all agreed to meet at some future time basing superstitioa and a prey of reli: at the call of that eminent lover of gious fanatics; Was a devout admirer This admiration for the creator of the holy alliance was the-inspiration for the famotis rescript of Nicholas II, em- bodied in the circular Count Muraviev sent to the Huropean courts (August 8, 1898) which resulted in the first international peace conference at the Hague in 1899. The minions of the czar hoped to be able to launch a tribunal that would re-establish the Russian monarchy as the policeman of Europe and incident- ally place that nation in a position to eventually subdue Turkey, capture Constantinople and thus secure an outlet thru the Black Sea, the Sea of Marmora and the Dardanelles. The conference ended with the crea- tion of a court of arbitration, or more properly speaking, a board of arbitra- tion, for the 23’nations present select- Trade Union Secretary Addresses Russian Porarily become workers. All intel- ligent white guardists nourish the hope that the allegedly proletarian| character of our party will in actual-| ity in the visible future not be able| to secure us from the preponderance of petty bourgeois elements. If we haye three to four hundred thousand members even that is too many, for it is certain that many members are not. ufficiently trained.” ~, Ewo days later Lenin wrote a sec- ond letter to the central committee in which he expressed this thought still more in detail. He writes: “One must always consider how great the temptation is to enter the govern- mental party. The crowding of petty hourgeois and directly anti-proletarian elements in our party will increase enormously in the near future. -The six. yths’ test period for workers will not be able to prevent this crowd- peace and democracy, the czar of Rus- sia, at which time they hoped finally to create the court. But the next year, in 1908, the first Balkan war threatened to inflame all Europe. The Hague was impotent. In 1911 the second war covered all the Balkan states and in 1914 came the world conflagration in which all great nations participating in “the Hague court were involved. Before the war closed the people of Russia decided they could do much better without the czar, so instead of permitting the eminent pacifiist on the throne of Rus- sia to sacrifice the workers and peas- ants for the glory of the imperial diadem, the masses sacrificed the czar and so the third Hague conference was never called. (Tomorrow—The League as an Ambitious Dream of World Imper- ialism.) Congress party and for lengthening the cand. dature period. Tomsky regretted that Kamenev and Zinoviev had mentioned: nothing about the role and the situa- tion of the Communist Party in the present historic circumstances, name- ly with the capitalist encirclement. Tomsky pointed to the absurdity of the talk as tho someone wished to push Zinoviey and Kamenev on one side. The party leadership is not 60 rich in forces that anyone could have such insane ideas, the attempts of Kamenev to represent the situation as tho Stalin was fighting for absolute power, and that the majority of the politbureau supported him in this, were just as absurd. Tomsky declared that real collective leadership existed in the politbureau, never be permitted there, this sys- ing, all the more as it will be easy for the petty bourgeois elements to be- come workers temporarily. In order hot to deceive ourselves and others, we must only apply the term worker to those who in consequence of their course of life have actually acquired a proletarian psychology, and who in consequence of the general social and economic circumstances and not for ulterior purposes, have spent many years at the bench. To speak plainly, it must be recognized that at present the proletarian party policy does not depend so much from its membership as from the unlimited tremendous authority of that thin stratum which we call the old party guard.” , 'N this letter Lenin proposes various concrete measures for testing th suitability of the candidates for th tem ean and will not exist. (Stormy {applause.) Tomsky demanded that the critics of the central committee should re main disciplined and work as com- rades and he pointed out that Zino- viev and Kameney had never put the questions of the party leadership in- side the central committee which they now put to the party congress. Zino- viev and Kamenev had never made any concrete proposals for altera- tions to the important proposals of the central committee. The party can see the difficulties, but the critics of the central committee should not create fresh difficulties thru their at- titude. They should recognize their mistakes in time and respect the will of the party. (Protracted and stormy applause.) FORTY-TWO PER CENT WAGE CUT SMASHES COMPAN WORKERS Y UNION IN SOUTH; ARE NOW OUT ON STRIKE , By ART SHIELDS NEW YORK, Jan. 28—A company union that failed because it did not cut wages deeply enough to suit the boss! It took the worker's shirt, but the boss needed his skin too. It happened in the south where even company Mnionism was not conservative enough for the employer. The stofy ofthe company union failed is laid in the 15 mille of the biggest stocking concern in the country, the Durham Hosiery Co, at Durham, N. “¢ and fall of the Durham “plan of co- operation” is told in the “Story of Dur- ham, a $3.00. cloth bound book, fi- nanced by Durham chamber of com- merce and published from the press of Duke. University, the institution that got the $40,000,000 endowment of James Buchanan Duke last year, This company union was for whites only. The plants having Negro workers were left out. It started in 1919 and died in 1921, There was the customary house, consisting of the workers, and a senate and cabinet with executives, The cabinet, made up of the president, vice-president and directors of the firm, had full veto power. In 1921 the management asked for a big wage reduction. The house and senate agreed to 25 per cent, And here the union fell, The management Sr: a 42 per cent cut, over tl y union’s head and the “plan of co-operation” col- lapsed. ‘ : He tale of the tse4———_——_______. in the book—by the American Federa- tion of Full Fashioned Hosiery Work- ors, affiliated with the United Textile Workers’ Union, In 1921, the union says, only small reductions were made by northern mills and the latter were still paying twice what the Durham firm paid before the cut. Finally the Durham workers saw the need of a labor union, not another company union, and last summer the Marvin Carr plant of Durham hosiery, ite biggest plant where full fashioned hosiery is made, was shut down by a strike for union recognition. ‘The workers had been averaging only $20 a week and they were amazed at strike relief of $16 a week each, The strike was won but the company violated its agreement and another strike is in effect. i —_L “The party is the instrument for the dictatorship of the proletariat.”—Len. in, Hear the the Lenin Memorial meeting ‘ f a system of absolute absolutism will

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