The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 29, 1926, Page 6

~~ shattered, : Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blyd., Chicago, [ll Phone Monroe 4713 | SUBSCRIPTION RATES | By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outelde of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six monthe | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, IIlinols a J, LOUIS ENGDAHL | WILLIAM F. DUNNE f bd | MORITZ J. LOEB.......0.. women business Manager ners | Entered as second-class matl September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Iil., under the act of March 3, 1879, | | ————————— Advertising rates on application. | SSO Walsh and the Court’s Moral Force Senator Thomas J. Walsh, of Montana, while trying to separate the court from the league of nations made the totally insipid asser- tion that “the statute (of the court) makes no provision for enforcing the court’s decrees.” | <p 100 “So far as It is concerned it adopts the view that if two self- reapecting nations solemnly agree to submit a dispute between them | Kamenev | were three basic questions: | economy. jthru and thru with the principles of THE DAILY WORKER (International Press Correspondence) OSCOW, U. S. S. R, Dec, 22, After Antipov had concluded, Sok- olnikoy, the people’s commissar for finance spoke. He declared that there (1) The question of the socialist elements in (2) The question as to the alterations which have taken place in the relations between town and coun: try in consequence of the growing differentiations; (3) the question of the relations between the Soviet econ- omy and the external market. The first question is the question of state capitalism and socialism, The speaker then made a polemic against Bucharin and contended that for in- stance the railways with the trans!- tion into the hands of the workers’ state did not yet represent a social- ized, organized economy, Similarly foreign commerce is car- ried on as a state capitalist undertak- ing. The money system is permeated capitalist economy and has simply the to the court they will abide by the decision—that the force of world opinion will constrain them no less than their own honor.” Mr. Walsh bases his argument upon purely hypothetica premises. If one can accept the fiction that there are members of | the league of nations or the world court that possess any self-| respect or even the most infinitesimal particle of what usually passes for honor it is possible to. reach the conclusion that moral force is sufficient to put into praetice the decisions of the permanent court of international justice. Such arguments may be in place inj the nursery, in the realm of fantasy and romance, but they cer-} tainly have no place in political life where the clash of imperialist rivalries impels each group to strive to gain an advantage over the other groups. The founders of the world court did not rely upon any such metaphysical moonshine as moral force to impose its decisions upon| the nations its judges have decided. to victimize in the interest of | the great powers. Witness the case of Turkey’s claim to Mosul.| The covenant of the league of nations, which created the court,| also provides the means of enforcing the decisions of the court.| Article 16 provides that in case one nation attacks another, a third nation has the right to march troops over the. territory of any other nation to the defense of the, nation which, in the opinion of | the league, has been assailed. This. article alone offers sufficient basis for the creation of armies to, enforce the decisions of the court, the same as all other decisions of capitalist or imperialist courts are enforced—by might. The pro-court gang know this,-but they dare not frankly admit that they have conspired to hurl the workers of America into the} shambles of every armed struggle necessary to enforce the mandates | of the world court, so they conceal,their chicanery under meaning-} less twaddle about self-respect and honor among imperialist brigands who substitute terror for respect, deceptive roguery for honor and formulate new and more ghastly wars under slogans of pacifism. The Stuff of Which Saints Are Made Each of the kept ladies of the editorial red light districts tries to outdo the other in extravaganf{,eulogiums to the late Belgian prelate and jingo propagandist, Cardinal Mercier. Since his role was one of the most degraded in the war, that of manufacturing lies to stimulate hatred of the “Hun,” his death was the signal for a revival of the Jong exploded atrocity stories that he so diligently encouraged while fulfilling his godly mission of trying to prove that Jehovah was on the side of the triple entente instead of, as the Kaiser claimed, on the side of the central European allies. The New York Times, in a delirious editorial, pictures this old vindictive, garrulous, prevaricating clergyman as a hero standing amidst the ruins of his home city in Belgium and “speaking boldly when every word and gesture were reported to military rulers who had the power to end his life at once.” If the atrocity stories that he diligently peddled had been true he would not have lived to tell the tale, and finally die in bed fumbling a crucifix—the emblem of superstition and slavery. The difference between Mercier and the British military in- telligence officer who fabricated stories of atrocities, such as burn- ing corpses for grease to use for the manufacture of ammunition, is that the latter admitted he was a paid liar, while the former still posed as a saintly martyr. Now that the pious propagandist is dead there is talk of sending | | |the dictatorship of the proletariat soj purpose of organizing economy under} that the socialist elements can grow. HE relations in the factories are it is true socialist, but it is an- other question how far the really so- cialist character has been achieved. Private capital has also its share in the processes of reproduction, The mistakes which were made in connec- tion with the provision of cereals re- sult from an overestimation of the present possibilities of a firm and systematic leadership. With regard to the second question the speaker declared that in the fu- ture the rich peasant would receive ever new economic fields, the capi- talist elements in the village would grow. For this reason it is necessary to concentrate our fire spon them. It is necessary to turn the agricultural taxes into a weapon for the limitation of the growth of the Kulaks. With regard to the third question, the speaker expressed himself as not in agreement with the formulation of Stalin. Industry must, it is true, be developed to a maximum, but its prog- ress depends upon the export of ag- ricultural products, FTER Sokolnikov, Kameney took the floor. He protested immedi- ately against the demand that the minority should maintain discipline, because as far as the dispute was not yet settled and” the party congress had made no decision, such demands were identical with attempts to stifle every extension of the, N. E. P. means the strengthening not only of the so- cialist elements, but also of the capi- talist elements in town and country, Kameney denied that the decisions of the fourteenth party conference upon the facilitation of leasehold and agri- cultural wage labor, would bring any advantages for the broad masses of the middle and poor peasantry. He considers these decisions, the correct- ness of which he does not deny, ex- clusively as concessions to the Ku- laks, N the dispute upon state capitalism there appeared also an attempt to idealize the N. E. P. We do not deny the logical socialistic gharacter of the state industry, but this socialist char- acter consists in the socialization of the means of production, while the labor conditions in these shops are not yet socialistic, There are people in the party who contend that our state industry is completed socialism (Interruption: “That,dg your imagin- ation!”) ma The accusations broy. against the oi Congress Is of historie ‘importance. minority that it does not understand the necessity for civil peace after the period of civil war are incorrect and betrayed similarly a ney to ideal- ize the N. E. P. and tojfail to recog- nize the class struggle tinder the N. BE. P. There is no danger df doing away with the N. E. P., bit’ there is an ever growing resistanée ‘of the capi- talist elements and thet@anger that if we remain backward |i supporting the growth of the sotialist economic elements, then we can’ ruin very much. ut the discussion. The minority had come forward with decisions and demanded the sec- ond speech above all because it is convinced that a new theoretical school is growing upon the party and incorrect principles of this school are not rejected by the party with suffici- ent energy. The minority wishes to warn the party of this tendency. The second reason for the co-speech was the fact that only in the course of the party congress were the serious accusations of liquidatory tendencies and defeat- ism put forward, accusations about which the party knew nothing up to the time of the party congress and about which it had conducted no dis- cussion, Kameney pointed out that a great open discussion should have been held before the party congress to clear up all the differences of opinion, Inter- ruption: “Then you would even have lost the present minority!”) Stalin, in his speech said that the struggle must be concentrated against the digression which overestimated the danger of the Kulaks, Bucharin accused the minority of seeking to withdraw the new economic policy, of wishing to return to war Communism. The October plenum of the central him to a sainthood. This suggestion undoubtedly will be carried out. Then we will have the spectacle of the dead being promoted. The basis of this superstition, is,that even after death the spirit of the great direct the destinies.of their people. This system was first inaugurated by the Chinese, who also promote their dead. But regardless of what the church does with the name of Mercier his place in history is definitely. established—that of a snivelling ecclesiastical scullion of Albert, king of the Belgians, who murdered his own people in the interest of the bankers of Paris and London. Sic transit gloria mundi. Bunking the Farmers Special corn meetings are being held thruout Illinois ostensibly to discuss the deplorable condition of the farmers of the corn belt. Most of the meetings are initiated by business men and bankers of the towns and cities. A typical example was the so-called rally at Henry, Illinois, Monday. It was arranged by the local chamber of ecommerce and civie organizations and the Marshall-Putnam county farm bureau, an organization controlled by yetired and well-to-do farmers. “Corn days” are to be celebrated in Joliet, Peoria, Streator and other cities in the stricken area and thousands of farmers anxious for some signal of relief will attend. Their expectations will be for these meetings are nothing more nor less than maneuvers of the greedy politicians to popularize their own shoddy wares, Instead of real assistance the farmers are offered a political gold brick by the venal gang of shysters and lame ducks around the Pullman presidential candidate, Frank O. Lowden. The proper course for the farmers in these conferences is to “drive out the impudent judges and state senators that try to befog the issue by harrangueing them, about achieving anything thru sup- ~ port of old party candidates;—The only relief any farmer ean hope “to realize from the Lowden ‘gang is the price he might get if he committee declared in its resolution that two digressions existed, (1) The under-estimation of the negative sides of the new economic policy; (2) A lack of understanding fer the neces- sity of the N. BE. P, Kamenev decis- ively rejected the accusation of a lack of understanding of the necessity for the N, E. P. and declared that after five years carrying out of the N. E. P. there was no member of the party who did not recognize the significance and the unavoidability of the N. EB, P. (interruption: “Is not the under-esti- mation of the middle peasantry a mis- understanding of the N. E, P.”) There exists only a tendency in con- tradiction: to the correct party policy which has formed itself in the party and that is a tendency to idealize the negative sides of the N, EB. P., to con- ceal the difficulties arising from the growth of the capitalist elements, the confusion of the N. E. P. as a way to socialism with socialism itself. The attack must be concentrated against this tendency. The whole in- ternational situation, the delay of the world revolution, and the whole gen- form fruitful ground for the growth of this tendency to idealize the N. BE. P. Sooner or later the party will have to concentrate its struggle with all possible energy against this tendency of stabilization. Already now in the party we have to struggle in the prac- tical economic work exactly against this tendency and not against the al- leged attempts to do away with the N, BE, P. TALIN'S mistake is that without © has a. vote to sell, and is depraved enough to sell it, that will enhance @ Lowden’s chances of landing.the republican nomination for president bin 1928. But that contest is two years hence and meanwhile the 1 is likely to starve . agreeing with these idealizing tendencies, with this digression whose deologician iss:Bucharin, (Laughter) | he covers it, The representatives of this digression fail to recognize that} to eral situation in the Soviet Republics | AMENEV stressed’itae fact that the economic plans(of the state were subjected very mti@h to the pres- sure of the village ich showed itself particularly in thé! reduction of the cereal provision ‘Interruption: “Exactly where you mi leulated!") One must not fail to recognize that the Kulaks in the vill@ge attempt to exploit the development’of the produc- tive forces in a capitalist sense. We are not liquidators, Wwe are merely pointing to the existing’ dangers. The Discussion at the Russian Communist Party UTSUTAK, the people's commissar for transport, theti spoke. The (Continaed from page 1) | wees over night. In 1920 it secured control of the state government by electing its man, Len Small of Kan- kakee, (now trying to raise funds from the faithful to pay for a million dollar graft from the state while he was state treasurer).. In Cook county the Thompson machine elevated one of the criminal court judges, Robert E. Crowe, to the office of state’s at- torney. When the exposure'f Thompson's connection with variow$ vice rings and boodle gangs of various sorts broke Mr. Crowe, the labor-hating, strike- breaking union-raiding, state's attor- ney and others of his stripe~deserted the macihne like rath abandoning a scuttled ship, F Defeat rore Unity. FTER this explosion in the repub- lican camp the democrats walked away with the Chicago city adminis- tration, Unless the, dight is patched up the republicans are in danger of losing the approaching » congressional elections. Thus the,gyrn in the polit- ical wheel of fortunegorced the Crowe and Thompson gangsyo-reunite, But Thompson hag, interests that bind him to the camp,@f republican in- surgents who speak fgr the industrial- ists and hence is an,gpponent of the world court, McKinley, as one of the old guard of the ad: tration, sup- ported the world court proposition, So the Thompson-Crowe outfit are back- ing Colenl Frank T, Smith, chairman of the republican state committee, who is the darling of the Chicago Tribune, spokesman for the Interna- tional Harvester trust, for the repub- lican nomination for United States senate. The Tribune fights against the world court and the league. | Smith entered the campaign with an onslaught upon the world court and those senators who support it. Me+ Kinley became alarmed when he re- ceived information regarding the Chi- cago situation and left Washington for Mlinois where he held a number of conferences with ¢ ‘hompson-Crowe gang, all of which futile, Direct to t Peepul.” Ff ag to win ge support of his former lieute of the Thomp- son-Crowe outfit al ‘ / speaker made a polemic against the opinion of Sokolnikov that our econ- omy contaimed no socialist elements and that Bucharin had fallen into chil- dren’s sickness, Lenin has already pointed out that the transition of in- dustry from the hands of the capitalist class into the hands of the working class brings with it all the conditions for the building up of socialism. It was not the “children’s sickness” of Buch- arin which was responsible for the collapse of the fine economic and fi- nancial plans of Sokolnikoy, Sokolni- kov wanted by means of our state bank to regulate the financial market of the whole of Europe. Now that economic hindrances have appeared, and we have made mistakes in con- nection with the campaign for the provision of cereals, Sokolnikov “chil- blames it all onto Bucharin’s dren’s sickness.” Why did Kamenev also protest against the introduction of Stalin and Kubishev into the collegium of ‘the council for labor and defense. This was ,only a very justified attempt of THE DAILY WORKER, fortunate in Being able to presentsaccurate accounts of every phase of them, draws attention of our readets to the development of events as object lessons of the manner in which frank, open and intelligent conduct of affairs is made in the world’s first workers’ government. Many of the problems under discussion are of immediate pressing importance to all workers. Tomorrow’s issue will carry the speech of Tomsky, secretary of the Russian trade unions, analyzing the situation in Russia and problems of the Russian Communist Party. the central committee to create a still closer contact between the leadership of.the questions of politics and the questions of economics. Comrade Zinoviev presented a very depressing picture of the situation in respect to the incorrect estimation of state capitalism and the disbelief in the working class, etc. But the co- speech of Zinoviey brot still greater proofs of pessimistic digressions. The Leningrad organization suffers from too good an opinion of itself. The central committee must create a firmer leadership than previously, then such errors will no longer be made, then there will no longer be) any room for such plans like those of Sokolnikov according to which our industry should develop upon the ba- sis of foreign imdustry. Our way is that pointed out by Stalin, we must develop our economy upon the basis of our own industry in order to secure the firm proletarian foundation fo the Soviet power. ¥ HE next speaker Sarkis (Lenin- grad) defended himself against the -the party to be reduced by peasants incorrect interpretation of his demand that the proletarization of the party McKINLEY PATCHES HIS POLITICAL FENCES with the Coolidge administration, the traction baron went direct to the voters and tried to connect the agri- cultural crisis ,with the propaganda for the world court: “There is a crying need at this time for a foreign. market for our corn, or wheat and our hog prod- ucts, Europe needs all the food we can sell her. One hundred million people in Italy, Germany, England, Austria and Hungary are living on half rations. Why? Because work- ing conditions have never become settled since the war. What will settle them? An assurance of con- tinued peace.” How utterly vile are these unscrup- ulous old party politicians who take advantage of the misery, the desola- tion and poverty that capitalism has brot to the agricultural regions of this country! While advocating entrance into the world court so that the sons of the farmers as well as the workers may be herded like beasts into military camps to fight in order to defend and extend the interests of the House of Morgan, McKinley, like his cohorts in the senate, tell their deluded constitu- ents that the court is an instrument of peace. He would further have the farmers believe that the world court will remedy conditions so that the workers of Germany, England, Aus- tria and Hungary will not’ be impover- ished, when the very condition of the existence of the court and the league of nations depends upon the impover- ishment of ever larger numbers of in- habitants of the whole globe. McKinley and hig outfit would have the farmers, wait for a settlement of their grievances until working condi- tions in Europe have been improved thru the establishment of peace. Cox- sidering the irreconcilable contradic- tions existing in Europe and the im- possibility of ever establishing peace the farmers will have to wait forever, according to McKinley's view of the situation. He, of course, cannot be expected to percieve that the devasta- tion in Europe cannot, be overcome within the confines of the capitalist system, Back in Time to Vote. ‘ FTER this preliminaty*to tis ‘cam: unable to break pelgn the traction seg@tsr rished j) yi membership should take place up to 90 per cent. One. may not simply permit the~proportion of workers in and employes. Stalin is incorrect when he consid- ers the digression which underesti- mates the significance of the middle peasantry far more dangerous than the digresison which underestimates the danger of the Kulaks, HEN spoke Larin. He pointed out that the opinions of the opposi- tion upon state capitalism have impor- tant practical results. Sokolnikov said that we must turn purely state undertakings into private economic undertakings and draw in foreign cap- ital, Lenin spoke of a transformation of the private large and small bour- geois undertakings into the form of state capitalism. Lenin called us to go forward, Sokolnikov, however, backwards, * If one speaks therefore of a purely academic interpretation of the N. E. P. rearguard, this has the practical conclusion that one must also speak of an abolition of the monopoly of foreign trade. To many also the question of the possibility of a “stofcism” in a coun- try, seem purely theoretical. But when Kamenev and Zinoviev stake everything upon the international rev- olution on account of the technical backwardness of our industry and our economic backwardness, that is to say the petty bourgeois character of our country, is not that much worse than the opinions. of the opposition in 1923? It is a question essentially of basic differences of opinion between the minority and the majority, for in- stance in the question of the exist- ence of the Soviet power, upon the task of the N. E. P., and upon the abolition of the monopoly of foreign trade. We shall say that to the Len- ingrad workers, we shall propose to them not to discuss upon the aca- demic formulations of the differences of opinion, but upon their practical results, OMBOV then received the floor. He declared that the questions in dispute would find their solution in the practical work. The speaker made a polemic against Sokolnikov who had spoken for the development of Kulak economy and against the de- velopment of industry. The new cen- tral committee. must receive instruc- tions from the party congress that everyone who makes mistakes must be energetically fought. : The next .speaker Kiroy spoke against Sarkis and Sokolnikoy and de- manded that the Leningrad delegation adopt the standpoint of the major- ity. HE next speaker Shdanov defended Bucharin as one of the best theo- reticians of the party. The speaker accused Zinoviey of regarding the N, E. P. simply as a retreat. This was the expression of a disbelief in the forces of the working class, it was a panic, The standpoint of the Lenin- grad delegation is’in no way a stand- point which the advance guard of the organization ought to take. The back to Washington in time to prove how much he thinks of the so-called inalienable right of free speech by voting to shut off further debate on the world court and jam the thing down the throats of the opposing senators. While in Illinois the senator let it be known that he was not averse to debating the issue of the court, so and Sokolnikov Speak of Russian Problems speaker, closed with a protest against the attempt to form two central com- mittees in the party. HE next speaker, the representa- tive of the central committee of the Young Communist League, Tchap- lin, declared that the plenum of the central committee of the Young Com- munist League had declared itself by a majority before the party congress completely in agreement with the pol- icy of the central cémmittee of the party. The questions in dispute have an immediate significance for the edu- cation of the youth. After describing the history of the struggle inside the central committee of the,youth, the speaker said that in consequence of the attitude of Zino- yiev the youth had been placed in op- position to the central committee of the party.” The speaker said that the youth movement must develop under the leadership of the whole party and the whole central committee and should not be the monopoly of indi- vidual leaders who used the youth in the interests of their internal strug- gle in the central committee, The proposition of Zinoviev to or- ganize delegate meetings of the mid: dle peasant youth showed a panic be- fore the immense growth of the Com- munist youth in the village. The Youth Communist League according to its members is a workers’ and peas- ants’ league, in its essence, however, and according to its task it is a pro- letarian, a Communist league. The leadership of the party must be se- cured in the league. The speaker pro- tested agaMst the idea that the youth should be lefter than the party. This would lead to a destruction of the party leadership of the youth. The speaker closed with the promise that the leadership of the Young Commun- ist League would be always and every- where carried on in harmony with the whole party and its central commit- tee. a bas next speaker Safarov, declared, that the covering up of the ques- tion of state capitalism and the strug- gle against petty bourgeois tendencies was a tremendous danger for the party... The speaker spoke against those comrades who shared the opin- ion of the majority of the central com- mittee. The next speaker, Lomov, declared that’ the opposition consisted of var- ious and contradictory elements. On the one hand from left elements like Sokolnikov. The speaker declared that the opposition lacked principle and closed by expressing the hope that the Leningrad organization would overcome the individual voices of var- ious leaders and go together with the central committee, (Applause.} ‘VPReesinoy, the people’s commis- sar for war, declared: Our oppo- sition is. built up upon a territorial principle. (Laughter and applause), The Leningrad comrades declared that, the discussion had surprised them. That is incorrect, the white guardist publication “Dni” wrote al- ready. on Dec. 10, that at the Lenin- grad government conference, Zino- viev discussed the necessity’ for a sharp struggle against the digressions in the Communist Party. This means that, the Leningrad comrades opened the struggle against the central com- mittee. How was that possible? Only because the Leningrad organ- ization was isolated for a number of years from the party and from the central committee. We value the serv- ices of the Leningrad organization very highly, but a privileged situation of individual organizations is impermis- sable. The system of privileged situe ations must end. ‘The Moscow organ- ization has overcome this error and Smith, the Tribune candidate, took up| #* “ealized a real example of Lenin- the challenge and wired McKinley that he was ready to debate. It seems that the senator changed his mind ang retorted that Smith might debate with himself and accused Smith of desert- ing the republican party’s platform declaration in favor of entering the world court. Smith, as state chairman of the re- publican party in Illinois, will have a dfiicult time explaining how he hap- pened to support Coolidge in the last presidential election when he knew that the republican party stood for the world court. But being a politician, he does not permit a question of con- sistency to interfere with his game. Both Smith and McKinley are’ ag- ents of the capitalists. Their roguery is identical, tho it may take different forms. Their attitude toward labor is that of open antagonism. Both of them are advocates of the “open” (scab) shop, and either of them would strive to crush the aspirations of labor. Both of them also professed to be horrified at the recent political scandals in Illinois, but both of them are anxious to get the support of the identical Thompson-Crowe-Small bood- le gang that left in its wake a trail of corruption such as would evoke the envy of Al. Smith and Tammany Hall in New York, (The difference being that Tammany is less crude these days and avoids being caught with the goods). Never has there been a greater need for a party that will serve the inter- ests of the industrial workers and farmers, Such a party in existence at this time would sweep a number of the middle west states and send to the senate representatives who would use it as a forum from which to ex- +08e, the government as the active agent of Morgen tie enemy of the workers and farmers ~ s ist unity thru collective work, ee shortly before the Party con- ference responsible comrades from the opposition have denied the exist- ence of essential differences of opin- ion, but at this party conference these comrades have come forward with their own platform which actually is not very different from the platform of the central committee. The reason for this lies in the question of the or- ganizational structure of our leading centers. It is a “question of the formation of a really collective leadership, Upon this point the opposition has peculiar opinions. According to it this collec- tive leadership should He in the hands of two to three persons, others want,a collective leadership in which the whole power and author- ity lies in the hands of the whole cen- tral committee, Young members of the central com- mittee have shown thru practical work that they are really capable of collective leadership and work. The opposition want to alter the recipro- cal relations between the politbureau and the secretariat, but the opposition does not understand the great work ae is carried out by the secretar- at. The secretariat does not concern itself with policies, but Stalin ag gen eral secretary is naturally also a mem- ber of the politbureau. The opposi- tion believes that because Stalin had the apparatus in his hands, he had everything at his disposal, that is to say it does not understand the organ- ization and the structure of our party. The party represefits today a tre- mendous crganism. This organization “emands attentive treatment in order +o develop correctly and to lead the whole state. Those comrades who be- lieve that one could alter the leader shipeor-the party hay empty false opinions, yh ey 4 ) We-