The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 26, 1926, Page 6

Page Six T THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, I, Phone Monroe 4713 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall (im Chicago only): By mall (outelde of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year 33.60 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Iinole — J, LOUIS ENGDAHL Sitors WILLIAM F, DUNNE {™ MORITZ J. LOEB... Business Manager ata $e Bantered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the postoffice at Chi- cago, Iil., under the act of Marci 3, 1879. <i 290 Advertising rates on application. a! The Ladies Are Indignant A group of elegant ladies of Chicago organized what they call the Women’s Roosevelt Republican Club. Being, for the most part, female appendages of various and sundry republicans of uncertain repute, and having nothing of importance to do except please the male members of the families, these ladies dabble in various ques- tions revolving around political problems. They hold, meetings and listen to Borah speak against the world court and Senator Pepper for it and like parrots repeat in the most solemn and austere man- ner what they have heard. Being refined specimens of humanity they hope to cleanse and purify politics, Just when they were progressing nicely the politicians who play the game for what there is in it for them, rather than as a pastime united their formerly warring factions and the ladies are horrified. Here they had been supporting the nice Mr. Brundage and the pure and undefiled Senator Deneen, while these’ worthies waged war against the terrible villian, Mr. William Hale Thompson, and the obnoxious crook, Governor Len Small, when all of a sudden the upholders of good unite with the personification of evil. The ladies express their deep aversion to this latest move in Ulinois state polities thusly: “Whereas the Woman's Roosevelt Republican club always has been working against policies of Gov, Len Small and William Hale Thompson; and “Whereas the club has co-operated with Edward J. Brundage, Charles V. Barrett, and Senator Charles S, Deneen in their fight against these two; and “Whereas the Brundage and Deneen forces apparently have aligned themselves with Thompson on the one hand and with Small on the other for the county primary; therefore, be It “Resolved that the board of directors of the Woman's Roosevelt Republican club protests these alliances vigorously and refuses to indorse either of their county tickets.” The Woman’s Roosevelt Republican Club will have to Jearn that there is no such thing as good or evil in politics, or elsewhere. Politicians talk of these things and revile their opponents with the same sustained invective that Brundage and Deneen pilloried Small, but when, for practical reasons, they must unite with their former enemies they do that without any qualms of conscience. A party that traffics in deceptive promises to the yoters in order to remain in power never lets such unimportant questions as stealing a million or so from the state treasury stand in their way. We further venture the opinion that this indignant crew of females will soon reconsider their compaints and line up with the corrupt Thompson-Small outfit. In consideration of the new alignment it might be interesting to know what Johnny Walker, John Fitzpatrick and other labor fakers who have supported Small as a “friend of labor” think of his alliance with Brundage, who while attorney general, did every- thing within his power to destroy organized labor in Illinois. Echoes of the Harding Administration Harry M. Daugherty, chief law enforcement officer of the United States under the administration of the late Harding, was before a grand jury in New York which was investigating certain irregularities of the alien property custodian’s office. The eminent Daugherty who was so staunchly defended by Coolidge after his crookedness had been proved and after suspicion of murder of his pal, Jess Smith, who knew much’ too much about the Harding-Coo- lidge gang, was laid at his door, and who was permitted by Coolidge lo “resign,” was questioned regarding the affairs of a certain bank at Washington, Court House, Ohio, in which his brother is interested. The questions dealt with deposits made in this bank by the two Daughertys during the years 1921-24, while Harry M. was attorney general and devoting his talents to stealing money and breaking strikes. Mr. Daugherty, the political crook and grafter, who elected Harding to the presidency,-in a letter to the grand jury protests that he cannot answer such «questions as they might:tend to in- criminate him and might also. “reveal confidential relations with the late President Harding and Mrs. Harding and other dear and per- sonal friends.” In plain words the whole damn Harding family, with the possible exception of the dog, wassinvolyed in the wild orgy of pillaging the public treasury that was rampant in every branch of the government while the great and good man was in White House, Harding, Denby, Fall, Daugherty, Mellon, Weeks, Hoover, Davis, all members of the cabinet of loot, the government of grafters, set the example for the lesser agents of the government even down to the prohibition agents who perpetually hold out their hands for bribes that the bootleg trast may hand them. While the late unlamented Harding is forgotten except on those oceasions when Harry M. Daugherty or Edwin L. Denby or Albert Bb. Fall, or, some of the others who were made goats in order to shield Mellon and Hoover, disturb the stinking corpse, it is well, in order to be able to hold the present administration in the proper con- tempt, to remember that Cal Coolidge was vice-president during the time the looting was going on and that he sat in at the cabinet meetings where the predatory campaigns were hatched by the brigands. Vither the present White House “spokesman” aided and abet- ted the crooks in the cabinet or he was so imbecile he didn’t know what was going on. ‘ Admirers of Coolidge can take their choice. ‘The president of the United States is never-queted in interviews with newspaper correspondents on controversial questions, so when he utters some imbecile defense of his policy the bourgeois reporters “courteously” refer to him as the “White House spokesman.” The latest from this sourée is a denial of charges that he tries to inter- fere with the interstate commerce and federal {rade commissions in the interest of the mergers of combinations in évér more powerful trusts. The denial is taken for what it is worth. The government EDITOR'S NOTE—in today’s in- Stalment of the report of the four- teenth congress of the Russian Com- munist Party, we publish the sum- mary of the speech by Gregory Zino- viev, president of the Communist In- ternational, who led the opposition against the party’s political bureau. Tomorrow there will be published the speech of Nikolai Bucharin against Zinoviev's position. se 8 |\ Foscow, (By Mail)—Com. Gregory Zinov- iev, president of the Communist In- ternational, made the second speech \"pon the report of the central com- |mittee of the Russian (Communist) Party at the fourteenth congress here, {ference of opinion before the party jas a whole is good and the time |chosen is absolutely correct. Without }doubt a solution will be found upon |the basis of which the party can con- |tinue its great work undisturbed.” | Zinoviey summed up the situation up to the time of the party congress as follows: 1, After almost five years of the new economic policy, a wide- spread economic and cultural work of reconstruction is commencing in the Soviet Union; 2. These five years prove the correctness of the way to socialism thru the new economic pol- icy; (3. It is absolutely positive that in the Soviet Union socialism is being built up. It is only discussed whether in a peasant country like the Soviet Union the socialist order can be final- ly built up and maintained. We do not doubt the possibility of socialist reconstruction in the Soviet, Union, for the preliminary economic and pol- |itical conditions are there, but the final building up of socialism is only possible on an international scale; 4. It is absolutely positive that socialism is being and must be built up in close .| @lliance with the middle and small peasantry; 5. The extremely great in- crease of political activity of the whole population of the Soviet Union, above all of the working population, is characteristic. HE following difficulties exists: 1, The delay of the world revolu- tion and the partial stabilization of capitalism, which constitutes a whole period; 2. The building up of social- dsm in a backward country with a predominantly peasant population; 3. The creation of a collective party leadership after the death of Lenin. In this situation, vascillations and mistakes on the part of individuals amongst us are natural and the party congress should not pass them over. The present peaceful period brings with it the dangers of a spirit of stabi- lization and liquidation. INOVIEV then dealt. with the essence of the differences of opin- ion and declared that in the dispute over state capitalism, a tendency showed itself to deny the existence of any capitalism in the Soviet Union, to idealize the new economic policy, and to proclaim it as socialism. (Laughter, interruption: “Name those who think that!”) The dispute is not concerned with the formulation, but with the system, with the policy, with the estimation of the economic structure of our coun- try. It cannot be doubted that our state industry represents, as Lenin said, an industry of a logical social- istic nature. From this however, does (EDITOR'S NOTE.—The Interna- tional Workers’ Aid has received a copy of an appeal just issued by the teaching staff on the National Uni- versity of China, located at Peking. These professors some months ago called on the intellectuals of the world to protest against the massacres car- ried on at Shanghai by, the foreign powers. In response the International Workers’ Aid issued an appeal for help signed by some of the most fam- ous personages of Europe and Amer- ica, including Henri Barbusse of France, Bernard Shaw of England, Edo, Fimmen of Holland, Clara Zet- kin of Germany, and Upton Shuclair of the United States. The fact that this group of Chinese intellectuals has is- sued this second call just at this time when the diplomats of the imperialist powers, including our own, have made a gesture of meeting the Chinese de- mands is of the utmost significance, The letter of an American butcher of the Chinese workers in this paper a few days ago shows the terrible atroc- ers there, Help igs utgently needed for the Chinese-relief, All contributions should be sent to the International Workers’ Aid, 1553 West Madison St., Chicago, Ill, for ftorwdarding , to China), eee The Appeal, Peking, China, Jan, 1926. TO ALL FRIENDS OF THE CHI- NESE PEOPLE! TO ALL THE INTELLECTUAL GROUPS OF THE WORLD! TO THE LABORING MASSES IN ALL LANDS! The pressure of the imperialist pow- ers upon the Chinese people continues with unprecedented severity, Thru armed expeditions and. wars by their (International Press Correspondence) | U. S. S. R., Dec. 21—| “The treatment of the existing dif- | j ities wreaked on the struggling work- | 210 HE DAILY©WORKER GREGORY cialism in our state undertakings. State capitalism does not limit itself to those shops which are leased or are working under a conéession, as is now said, but it extend# itself also to the free commerce, to the growth of cap- italism in the indivi@wal peasant econ- omy. It is natural ‘that state capital- ism grows into socialism and that it is, as Lenin declaréd;three quarters of socialism. * Zinoviev called td imind how Buch- arin in February, 1922, in an article refused to recognizé’the state under- takings as socialist “undertakings ‘in the exact sense of the word and Zino- vev asked why théi*such a reserva- tion should be attackéd today as here- sy and liquidation. “Phe dispute over state capitalism is m0 terminological dispute but a serioiié® political ques- tion which cannot hg ignored. FROCEEDING to ‘tite peasant ques- tion Zinoviey ‘feclared: Only those who do not wish to see the full truth about the growth of the Kulaks, accuse the other party comrades of underestimating thémiddle peasant- ry. Zinoviey then quoted from a re- port made by him in''November 1918 upon the peasant @iestion in which he opposed the underestimation of the middle peasantry. In the present year also, in his spééch at the Lenin- grad party conference’in January he had declared that thé’economic inter- ests of the middle péasantry must be respected. For this fedson he reject- ed the accusation of underestimating the middle peasantry, the central fig- ure in the Russian village. Zinoviev declared that the conten- Zinoviev States Views to Russian ZINOVIEV President of the Communist International. party conference (party conference: the conference of party officials held before all party congresses to prepare the work of the congress) and that he wished to do away with these deci- sions was false. We are and will re- main in complete agreement with the decisions of this conference, which are absolutely correct, E slogan for the development of the productive forces of agricul- ture is correct. And so also are the party decisions in relation to certain concessions to the richer peasants, namely in the question of land leases and of agricultural wage labor. Zino- viev declared that when he character- ized these measures in the peasant policy as a retreat, in the session of the Communist fraction of the Soviet congress, the majority of the polit bureau made no objection. In the same speech he had declar- ed that this partial retreat proceeded from the main retreat in 1921, namely the new economic policy which had proved itself as necessary and useful. The actual differences of opinions be- gan already at the time of the four- teenth party conference when Buch- arin let loose the slogan applicable to the peasantry “Enrich yourselves!” We shall fight logically against such an interpretation of the decisions of the fourteenth party conference, It is true that now Bucharin with- draws this slogan, but it was taken up by others and a few comrades went so far as to propose a slogan for an extension of the New Economic Policy to the village which was almost iden- tical with the Neo—N. EB. P. which tion that he was not in agreement not follow that there is complete so- | with the decisions of the fourteenth | struggle they imposed treaties on China which} have deprived her wholly of the na-| tional right of selfdetermination. England, Fran America and Japan entered into the world war with the slogans: “Self-determination of all nations” and “Li for the cultural and economic develgpment of all peo- ples.” Yet these. the same powers which force fore’ stice” upon our people in Chines rritory and have extorted the right of extra-territorial- ity for their citizens in the expoited sections of our country, stolen from us, and which have blished foreign control of our customs and financial institutions. It is these same powers which have so outrageously and with |such bloody measures violated our | right of ome her ton _and trampled on jhe liberty of our | people, who suff rievously in con- | sequence, * | Down with Unfair Treaties. | It was our dead, leader, Sun Yat Sen, who termed these treaties vio- lently forced w China, “Unfair | Treaties.” The people of China de- |mand unanimously the annulment of these unfair treaties. The limitations \imposed by foreign powers upon the | customs duties of our country have ruined our national finances and most | seriously hindered our economic de- | velopment. At this time the customs ‘conference delegates of the imperial- ist powers are meeting in Peking to devise ways for maintaining their cus- toms control in the future. And yet all over the Chinese republic the ery “Down with the unfair t- ‘Away with foreign customs Full ttriff autonomy for But the customs delegates, control! China!" eager to serve the capitalist groups in the countries of which they are repre- sentatives, pay no attention to this outery. Like arests they repre- mercenary generals they have con demned China to a defenseless posi-/ exigts for the one purpose of aiding these great combines. ] tion. By force and political pri sent in Amer France, they nation from our opponents wished for, If the party has been concentrated raw materials, to which they can sell their manufactured products, and in which they can invest their surplus capital with all the advantages of a cheap labor supply. With this point in view, the representatives of these nations intend to bind China as in the past with a customs system respons- ive to the profit-hunger of the impe- rialist powers for years to come, What they want is to exploit China to the limit and prevent its independent na- tional development. If they succeed, it will mean a complete collapse of China as a nation, Friends of China! of all countries! world! The Chinese people are struggling desperately for their very lives, If the new imperialist plans for their en- slavement succeed, its intellectuals, its workers, and peasants will be de- livered to even greater, almost incon- ceivable suffering. No less, however, will the masses of the west be injured by the fact of millions of our people being broken down by the unlimited exploitation of imperialism, Intellectuals, workers, and peasants of the west and of afl the world! You it was who furnished the slogan: “Exploited and slaves of all coun- tries, unite to destroy imperialism!” That slogan expresses what must be done now. Fearlegsly the Chinese ‘people fights against its mortal en- omy--imperialism. Down with the customs robbers! We count upon you, the working and peasant masses of the west to join us in our mutual struggle. We are sure that the masses of the west will no longer permit their imperialist governments to rob us thru the cus- toms system and to : erish our country. We address ‘ou this call, together with our fraterna® greetings in the name of the struggling Chinese people, confident of your solidarity with us, We are convinced * Working masses Peasants of the S aTRIgene age? ey against these people instead of against the Leningrad comrades, then, many differences of opinion would have been Saved. . If you are convinced that the ‘digression which overestimates the danger of the Kulaks’ is more dangerous for the party than the di- gression which underestimates them, then say so openly, and say openly that ‘the decision of the fourteenth party conference in this connection must be revised. Is it not symptoma- tic enough that’ in Soviet Georgia there were people who began to write in the party press about a partial denationalization of the land and who had to be rejected by the Georgian party committee? .One’ must consider that in the present period of drawn out stabilization such dangerous opin- fons will grow,“ HE numerical strength of the Kulaks is insignificant. They re- present approximately three to four per cent of the whole peasantry, the absolute number is about 1,500,000, approximately the same as that of the land workers, the economic strength of the Kulaks, however, is by far greater. 7 The Kulaks have their supplement in the town in the new bourgeoisie and in certain 'élements amongst the specialists and employes who seek to establish a political contact with the strengthening Kulaks. Finally the Kulaks support them- selves upon the whole bourgeois sur- roundings ofthe Soviet Union. One could accuse us of panic in face of the Kulak danger if we pointed only to the danger and not to the means for limiting the growth of the Kulaks, the measures for the economic sup- port of the village poor, and the firm alliance with the village poor and the middle peasantry for the isolation of the Kulaks. , That is; however, not the case for together with the party we point to these means. One should not idealize the middle peasants, one should not deny that the middle peasant is a pet- ty bourgeois. One should not be in a hurry to declaré that petty bourgeois capitalism no longer dominates in our country, oné Should not leave millions of peasant éédnomies and the ten mil- lard rublés fiom’ peasant production out of consideration. The new pédsant policy of the party has caused’) certain confusion amongst the’ village Communists, as this poliey'‘has been understood by them as a réversal of the policy based upon the assistance for the village poor, It has gone so far that a state- ment appeared in a Communist peas- ants’ paper'‘that one middle peasant was worth more to the party than ten Poor peasants. Such mutilations of the Bolshevist peasant policy hag no- thing in common with true Leninism. Ww: are maturally opposed to the commencement of a civil war in the village:"The Soviet power is to- day strong ‘enough not to have to ¢adopt the méthods of war Commun- ism in struggling against the Kulak danger. But‘the poor peasantry must be shown ‘that’ we shall not allow the Kulaks to’ ‘pluider the poorer peas- antry economically. Theré is no ne- cessity to go Wack to war Commun- ism, we should’remain upon the basis of the deeisiéns of the fourteenth party conferéne¢e;' nevertheless in car- rying out the’ecOnomic measures for the developiiient of the productive forces of the Village, we must never overlook the political essense and the significance of the Kulaks. Naturally, new economic policy, nevertheless we that neither intellectuals, workers, nor peasants will hesitate to support the oppressed and exploited people of against. imperialism, Away with-the unfair treaties! Away with thé customs robbery and dependencef {0 "" Coniplete “*wstoms autonomy for China! Down with ifnperialism! Long live the united front of the exploited clas#és of the west with the suppressed peoples of the east! (Signed) The Professors of the Na- tional University of Chai, Peking, China. igo Sirs, Mie. Ad Reply of the W. I. R. Berlin, Gerthany, rs of the Pekin Na- To the prot tional University! To the Chinese people! FTER a year of profitable business, a firm, instead of paying a cash dividend on its stock, declar: 100% stock dividend, Each stock-holder, then, receives for every one of his shares another of like denomination, giving him stock drawing twice us much dividend-profit #8 his original holding entitled him to, In the suc- ceeding year, It is conceivable, an- other 100% stock-diyidend can be do- clared. Bach stocK-holder then re- ceive avdecdt hd four times the amount of his investment. If, then, in the tht ear, a cash divi- dend of twenty-fi reent iy enlled, that percentage on four timas the amount vested in tho business (as represented by the value of the original shares) and is therefore really a 100% dividend on the original Party Congress shoud not sweeten the N. E. P. (New Economic Policy). We should not, as Comrade Bubnov proposed, strike out the word “but not for ever” from the formulation “the New Economic Policy seriously and for along period but not for ever.” The proletariat has become stronger, its influence amongst the peasantry has very much increased, but in order to make our further strengthening still quicker and without friction, we must reject all those tendencies which are in contradiction to Leninism. ITH regard to the third category of the differences of opinion, this concerns the composition and the col- lective leadership of the party, In this connection. we should simply ¢orro- borate the decisions of the thirteenth party congress which instructed the central committee to carry on its work in such a way that in the im- mediate future the majority of the party membership should consist of workers engaged in production. It is not understandable why the:con- crete proposals of the Leningrad com-' rades in this connection are attacked so sharply. The pre-war level of in- dustry will soon be reached, the dis- solution of the proletariat has ceased, the cultural level and the activity of the, working class have increased enormously. Why does one fear a dilution of the party if a large num- ber of workers are taken into it and why do people believe that the en- largement of the party would take place at the cost of those new work- ers coming from the village? One must understand that the old and trusted proletarians will influence and guide the new comers and not the other way about. Zinoviev quotes statistics according to which since the thir- teenth party congress despite the fact that the absolute number of workers in the party had increased, percent- ually they had fallen from 40 to 37 per cent. . With regard to the party leader- ship, in various basic questions there were vascillations, its policy was not always firm, otherwise it would never have tolerated a slogan such as the one Bucharin put, forward “Enrich yourselves” for one moment. Natural- ly, our central committee consists of the best people that the party has, but for that reason we should not fall into self-glorification, and mistake firm gestures for firm policy. Even if no internal difference ot opinion existed and even if Lerfin was still at the head of the party leader- ship this would not do away with the existing objective difficulties which are of quite another nature than those of a few years agg. R HESE are difficulties of growth, of the stabilization period, difficult-. ies which come from the peasant question, particularly in the present international situation. The differen- ces of opinion have been brought be- fore the whole party rather too late than too soon. There are digressions, but they are not those which havé been mentioned here. We did not un- derestimate the significance of the middle peasantry, there was no single difference of opinion upon any prac- tical measure in relation to the mid- dle peasantry since the fourteenth party conference, with regard to the underestimation of the Kulaks, how- ever, we could point, to dozens of degressions, It is not we who suffer from liquidatorial pessimism, but those who attempt to represent the N. E. P. as socialism. These are our I China in their, most difficult fight opinions which we shall not give up. we shall build up socialism thru the | (Applause of the Leningrad delega- ‘tion). Urge Protest Against Massacres in China The fight for the emancipation of the Chinese pedple and the appeal of the professors of the Peking National University rouses the sympathy of the working class in the western ‘couh- tries for your historic movement; We are firmly decided to arou fraternal feeling towards nation in the wide masses, 1 and work with all our might.for prac- tical aid to your great people, Full freedom to the Chinese peo- ple! % For the united action of the labor- ing massés in all lands! MLSCE STOCK DIVIDENDS AS A MEANS "OF CONCEALING PROFITS | International Central © Committee Workers of the International: Relief, Ledebour, Minzenberg. This reply was also signed’ by the national president of the Friends’ of the W. I. R. in Germany. other world-famous signers fessor Einstein, investment, $ i For example: The original invest ment is $100 (one share), Ist 100% stock dividend increases number ot shares to 2. 2nd 100% st6ck dividend increases number of shares to 4, 4 Shores represent $400 of the capital of the firm, A 25 per cent cash divident on $400 equals §100, which is equal the amount of money originally” vested in the firm, This is actual therefore, a 100 per cent divid it appears in stock records ag @ per cent dividend, ‘ ———— “The power of the working el organization, Without pons the masses, the proletariat—is ing. Organized—it is all. © tion is unanimity of action, of practicat.activitir=” P v ‘die |