The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 23, 1926, Page 6

oh dy X\ withering under the blows of the employers the reactionary of- ] nr know who Ruth is, but the last name is quite familiar. ‘The particnlar, but J. P's. Page Six THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER Russian Com Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 2118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Il, Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall (im Chicago only): By mall (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.60 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, lilinole pencils bein etcaieeenakie tc ——— EE J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB......nnmnnennnunnnn Business Manager —$— Batered as second-class mat] September 21, 1923, at the postoffice at Chi- cago, Itl., under the act of March 3, 1879. —————— << 190 Advertising rates on application. creemeemececameccensemmnamnennen SICOTS The Fraudulent Farm Bureau A few weeks ago the American farm bureau, meeting in Chicago, repudiated the officials of the organization who had supported Coo- lidge and who brought him. here.to address the conference, The Coolidge president of the farm bureau was defeated and a “radical,” one Sam H. Thompson, a banker, of Quincy, Illinois, was put in his place. At that time we advised watching Thompson, as we were convinced that the farm bureau itself was a fraud and that under no conditions could the farmers expect a group of retired farmers, small town merchants and bankers to fight for their interests . Now, on the eve of the conference of the Illinois agricultural association, starting today in Urbana, we learn that the whole thing is to be staged, not for the benefit’ of the farmers, but in order) to forward the political interests: of former Governor Frank O. Lowden, who is seeking the 1928 republican nomination for presi- dent of the United States. This Quincy banker, Thompson, elected as a “radical” against the Coolidge man, now comes forth with an extravagant eulogy of Lowden, which reveals the fact that he is part of that crooked gang of industrialists who, in 1920, were so anxious to put over Lowden that they spent their time flagrantly buying votes in the agricultural state of Missouri. Lowden is as much an enemy of the farmers as.is Coolidge. The difference being that Coolidge serves Wall Street and his panaceas are easily detected, while Lowden and the industrialists want to get their greedy clutches upon the farmers so the profits can continue to roll into the pockets of the harvester trust, the grain trust and enrich the stock gamblers of La Salle street. The American farm bureau is a fraud, a contrivance used to betray the farmers first into one camp and then another of capitalist exploiters. At present it is the football of the Pullman millions, the International harvester trust and other combines trying to put over the labor-hating, vote corrupting Frank O. Lowden in 1928, and all-farmers should repudiate it. Figures for American Trade Unionists With the trade union movement in the United States rapidly t whose total incapacity to direct the masses of organized labor toward more effective forms of organization is apparent—try to overcome criticism at the hands of Communists in the unions by false statements that unionism in Russia is practically non-existent. The actual figures on membership in Russian trade unions for the year 1925 prove that not only are the unions thriving in Russia, but they are more powerful than the unions in any other country on earth. Their total membership for 1925 is 6,950,000.. Over. 90 per cent of all wage workers in Russia are members. of unions, which is a far higher percentage than in any other country. Then, in actual membership, Russia’s unions are Jarger by 2,500,000 members than those of Great Britain, with 4,348,000 trade unionists and Germany with about 4,000,000. In the Unitéd States, the American Federation of Labor, under domination of the most veactionary labor leaders and the most brazen flunkeys of capitalism on earth, has about one-third the number of members of the Russian unions. In activity and influence the American trade union, movement registers almost zero compared with the Russian unions. The Amer- jean trade union movement has not one single daily paper in the country, while the unions in Russia publish six dailies, many weeklies and semi-weeklies, and 88 magazines. Innumerable bulletins are published and special factory papers are issued in all the large industrial plants. This in addition to the Communist Party press. We have had occasion before to prove the superior advantage enjoyed by workers in the Soviet Union in the way of better condi- tions, shorter hours, guarantees against unemployment, etc. These are just a few facts relating to Russian unions under the Bolshevik government, facts that Bill Green and his associated liars never mention. palidge Respectfally Declines President Coolidge has announced that he willk-not accept an invitation to attend the farm-conference to be held at. Des. Moines, Towa, January 28. His experiences in the middle west have not been of a nature to inspire enthusiasm about further visits, partic-| ularly when the agricultural erisis is under discussion, The few farmers that ‘maybe in attendance at the so-called agricultural conference (composed. mostly of bankers, lawyers, polit- icians, small-town merchants, ete) might want Coolidge to explain how it comes that the government: ean cancel seventy-five. per cent of the debt owing the nation by the blood-streaked. government of Mussolini in Italy, yet cannot arrange to cancel the mortgages now weighing heavily upon the farmers and foreing thousands upon thou- sands of them into bankruptey. « Coolidge dare not admit that the government is the agent of the House of Morgan and that Morgan can invest profitably in Italy, but sees no opportunities for the disposal of investment capital in the farm territories of this country. The farmers, however, have the’ patriotic pleasure of paying} increased taxes to make up for the cancellation of Mussolini’s debt. Instead of aiding them, the benevolent government of’ the United States forces its own impoverished population in the rural regions to bear increasing burdens in order that the fascist government of Ttaly can get loans from the House of Morgan. The facts are becoming known to ever increasing numbers of farmers and hence when the small merchants and bankers ask Cal to come to address the Des Moines conference the White House spokesman respectfully—declines. Telegrams urging individuals in-every part of the country to flood congress with demands in favor of the world court were sent -outftrom New York bearing the signature of “Ruth Morgan.” We) world court proposition is @ Morgan scheme—not Ruth’s in nen ne munist Party Congress Hears Report by Molotov on Organization Work (International Press Correspondence) OSCOW, U. S. S. R., Dec. 21. — (By Mail) —Comrade Molotov made the organizational report in the name of the central committee of the Communist Party of Russia, The speaker divided his remarks into four parts: 1, The party and the leadership of the working class, 2. The party and the leadership of the peasantry, 3. The party and the lead- ership of the state apparatus, 4, The internal party problems of the lead- ership. In the first question Molotoy point- ed to the following: The growth and the enlivenment of the proletarian mass organizations and the growth of the non-party proletarian activity for the party demand an increased in- fluence of the party on this field, The growing activity of the non- party proletarian expressed itself es- pecially in the growth of the trade union organizations to seven million members. At the same time the per- centage of Communists in all trade union organizations, afove all, in the shop councils, increased. Apart from the trade unions the ac- tivity of the non-party workers deve- lops in various forms, Of these, the so-called productive councils deserve special attention for they draw the working masses into the work of s0- cialist reconstruction. Moscow alone has 371 productive councils with 34,000 participators. The voluntary mass organizations such as the organization for the struggle against illiteracy, the cultural organ- izations in the country and the Red Aid, experiences a tremendous for- ward move. The movement of workers and peas- ants correspondents plays a particul- ar fole in the building up of socialism. The chief errors of the leadership of the voluntary organizations mention- ed were bureucracy and protection- ism. « ieee speaker then dealt with the question of the Young Communist League. The Young Communist League is an organization of workers and peasants, but its kernel must re- main proletarian. It has. at present 1,633,000 members. The chief task of the party consists in the correct leadership and education of the Young Communist League in the spirit of Leninism. The speaker summed up the tasks with regard to the party and the lead- ership of the working class as fol- lows: A further activization of the mass organizations iny accordance with their growth. The questions of the quantitive increase demand great- er consideration to the quality of the work. All proletarian mass organiza- Moscow---Two. Decades Ago | | I was eighteen. Comifides came to ourabout me. There were hundreds of | (Special to The Daily Worker) MOSCOW, U. S. S. R., —(By Mail) —Twenty years ago the workers. of Moscow and other industrial centers came out into the streets armed at the best with rotten little revolvers, but generally simply armed with en- thusiasm. The inscription “Down with the Autocracy” on the blood red flags was provoking in the eyes of the czarist government. It is true that the Russian proletariat met with de- feat at that time, but this defeat taught it a great deal, It made the Russian workers unite with the peas- antry and it brought them to the vic- tory of 1917, and a safe existence to the present day, despite hostile bour- geois encirclement. Yesterday a meet- ing of the factory nucleus of the R. Cc. P. together with the non-party workers, took place in our factory club, The meeting was devoted to the 20th anniversary of 1905, Allow me to describe this meeting. The hall was filled to overflowing. The presidium. elected, was composed almost exclusively, of participants in the 1905 insurrection, The meeting is opened. The chairman of the meeting speaks briefly on the significance of the 1905 revolution and ends with the words: “We will respect the memory of our fallen comrades by standing.” We all stand up, remove our hats, and deep silence reigns, Then the band (which is our own, and one 01 the best of the Moscow ‘workers’ bands) plays the revolutionary funer- al march, The sobbing metallic notes fill the low hall, and one cannot help whispering the words of the march and see others doing so, “You fell victims in the stern struggle; You loved the people with your heart and soul.” All is quiet. The voice of the speak- er rings tensely. He explains the sign- ificance of 1905, A ceaseless flow of little notes with questions are sent up to the speaker, “Why did Leningrad keep silent when Moscow was rising?” “Why was there no organized con- nection between the workers and peasants?” “Why was the rebellion on the battleship ‘Potyomkin’ premature?” Finally, participants in the 1905 in- surrection have the floor, The first to speak is Comrade Caleyev, worker in |a bolt.factory, He is of small build, thin and unhealthy, pale, “Beat the Spy System. “IT was still a young chap then... Prd tions must take a maximum part in the work of the Soviet organs and the work of socialist reconstruction. The increased influence of the party in the mass organizations exists and presupposes a decisive struggle against bureaucracy. The active non- party masses around the party must become a reservoir for the develop- ment of new batallions thru a careful political and cultural educational work, HB next question is the party and and the leadership of the peas- antry. This question is characterized by the strengthening. of party influ- ence and the strength ming of party control in the village, ‘and thru the creation of an active #tratum of non- party sympathizing peasants. The party carries out.the leadership of the peasantry thru the organiza- tions of workers aid peasants, for instance the Sovietssand the co-oper- atives, or thru the pure peasant or-| ganizations which work together with the village Soviets, for t€stance the agricultural co-operatives, the credit organizations, the peasant commit- tees, the village cultpral organiza- tions, ete. a In the latter part of the period dealt with the report, the party concentra- ted its chief attention upon the acti- vities of the work , of the village Soviets. A growing participation of the peasantry in the elections for the Soviets can be obseryed. Altho the number df Communists in the Soviet organs has very obvious- ly decreased, nevertheless the Com- By JOHN PEPPER. A SINGULAR uneasiness seems to have s@ized theyeapitalist press. In quite a numberof countries, in widely scattered party of Europe, G practically identical {Qxpressions ap- pear in the capitaligt press concern- ing the menace of ‘thé union of the Communist movemgng,with the move- ment of the opp nations and peoples. The “Revaler Bote” views with quaking alarm’. thee “signs of the times.” It states thatp“the nationali- ty policy of the munist Party ‘begins to develop n-ever more effective magnet in the European na- tionality chaos, pe \The balance of power which ‘today assures Eu- Tope a necessary rest'can only too easily be endangered@;by: the callapse of one of its tottering supporting col- we, factory and agitated; 'We formed a circle. I distributed panifestos. This was a difficult work. We used to bring them and put them “ifito the pockets of the workers’ ‘oveticoats when no one was looking. Ang afterwards we’ looked to see how y read them. There were many spies. It was diffi- cult then to set things moving in our factory. I remember how we, took workers away from the factory. We came to one workshop where the workers met us with hammers and spanners, The» boss ‘Was with them. They threatened us with them but were not allowed to hit us. And we let steam into the boilers. In other words, the factory rose up... We began organizing fighting groups. There were only a few of us. The main fighting was on the Presnya and with, us there was not mugh of a show, We exchanged a few Be with the police and when the troop: clear out. I reme: into a house and hgw_artillery was placed in the yard. to fire on the Presnya, Being the athallest, they sent me with literature notices to an- other district ... Fal ot thru the lines,... No one thong it what it was to take part in the revolution. And afterwards they sladghtered everyone of us they recognized. How They Seeured Food. “It was aitoult Tf us to strike. We needed money for bread. So we made expropriations and swejled our mutual aid funds. During tlé*rising, cabmen and traders at the? shunting station pulled the food subpiies out of the wagons. We got on fy this job also. We brought everything away to the shop which is now our co-operative. We piled up a heap of food supplies right to the roof (if was a one-story building) and shared -out amongst everyone: a goose to one, half a sheep ;to another—and we satisfied all, And afterwards we got run in just for ex- propriation alone. Twenty years pen- al servitude. And the comrades only got tree in 1917," The old engine-driver, Platon Mi- ronoy takes his place, In his hand: he has an old notebook. He writ ame we had to how we got frequently in it and glancing over the bles .balanced top of a pair of 9) on the end of his lution before 1905.41 remember in 1903 how the gen munist influence has been greatly in- creased by the creation of a broad sympathizing mass of peasantry. The party has paid great attention to the organization of the village poor. The principle is the creation of a firm al- Nance of the village poor with the middle peasantty against the village usurers, without opposing the inter- ests of the village poor and the mid- dle peasantry. The party must declare that the question of organizing the village poor is an urgent one, The speaker then discussed the de- velopment of the agricultural co-oper- atives. From January 1924 to. July 1925 the membership has grown to five millions, that is to say, it has trebled. 93 per cent of the organized co-operators are middle peasants and the village poor. HE tasks in this connection are: A further enlivenment of all the mass organizations of the toilers in the village. Instead of a petty pro- tectionism a real proletarian leader- ship throu the party. Secondly, a bet- terment of the methods of leadership amongst the non-party active peas- ants. Thirdly, an improvement and a strengthening of the building up and the leadership of the organizations of the village poor and the land workers. Molotov dealt then with the ques- tion of the party and the leadership of the state apparatus. The chief task in this connection is the ever greater participation of the worker and peas- ant masses in the work of the Soviet apparatus, The composition of the leading umns, and like a house of cards col- lapse under an easy breath.” The “Revaler Bote” is, o@ course, chiefly perturbed over the “New East- ern States.” It fears that these new states “will not be able to withstand the combined explosive force of the national and social movement.” Peculiarly enough this same alarm was expressed in an entirely different part of Europe. The results of the last parliamentary elections in Czecho- slovakia, the great successes of the Communist Party, the mass, support of the party by the oppressed na- tionalities, alarm the official “Prage Press” which writes the following: “It is beyond doubt that the Com- munists have in part received the votes of the national minorities.” When the distribution of the Com- munist votes are analyzed it will be found that particularly in Slovakia and in Carpatho-Russia, in the dis- tricts of the most suppressed national minorities, the Communist Party has spies then. And I had just received literature to read, I just sat on a chair, The ‘spirit’ of a revolver hoov- ered over me. One stood guard over me and the rest searched, They turn- ed everything upside down, burrowed into pillows and mattresses. They searched the kiddies under their coats but they never thought of looking in the harmonium I had just bought. In the Revolution state organs shows an increase in the number of Communists. The general number of state em- ployes increased to 1,850,000: At the same tinte we can observe a grow- ing participation of the working peo- ple in the work of the state appara- tus, The working class itself educates new administrators and economists thru the productive councils and thru the local and central trade unions. This is proved by the statistics upon| the participation of the workers in the practical trade union work in Leningrad and Moscow. The enliyen- ment of the Soviets and the proletar- ian mass organizations leads to a gradual building .up of a real Soviet democracy, HE speaker summed up the tasks in this connection as follows: 1. We must march at.the head of the workers’ and peasants’ organizations, for the building up of socialism and in the struggle against bureaucracy, etc. 2, It is, mecegsary to increase the quality of the state employes and also the responsibility of the Com- munists for the work of the state ap- paratus, sen Molotov dealt the question of the internal ip of the party as the. last, A- First of all to the question of the growth of the party membership. On the first of Novem- ber the party, had+1,025,000 members. The social composition of the party is: workers 57.4, peasants 25 per cent, employees 17.6 per cent. The workers form three-fifths of the whole. Since Notes of an Internationalist No. 5—“SIGNS OF THE TIMES” become the actual mass representa- tive not only of the proletarian strata but also of the oppressed nations. A fearful voice chimes in from a third district'of Europe, from Alsace- Lorraine, The “Elsass-Lothringer Heimatstimmen”:writes: “Because the Communist Party of Alsace Lorraine, jointly. with the entire French Com- munist Party, “pushes ever sharper the defence’of the rights of the sup- pressed national forces in Alsace- Lorraine to the,foreground of its propaganda it is gaining ever greater results.” In the border states, in Czecho- Slovakia and in Alsace-Lorraine— everywhere where suppressed nations suffer—the, Communist Party appears as the defender and champion of these oppressed people. The “Revaler Bo- te” is really.right, it is really a “sign |of the times,” a sign of the correct | Leninist method, a sign of the Bol- shevization of, the Communist Parties of Europe. “It is useful for them to know how |much you know. When you get out you will have no more patience and will begin: talking, and they will get you by the seruff of the neck and back you will come.. Why that’s what they are paid for aren’t they. Understand?’ ” “Then once I heard him knocking and I had only just answered, when he began knocking very quickly on ary Days of 1905 'HE battleship Prince Potiemkin Tavricheski, .o1 whieh, the first revolu- tionary uprising in the Black Sea fleet took place in the summer of i 1905. After a sailor was killed by an officer the lors under the leadership of Matiushenko, another sailor, shot the murderer and arrested the remainder of the officers, throwing overboard the most bru@al ones ‘and raising the red flag. They left the Russian waters when the uptising did not spread ‘ani disbanded in Roumania, leaving the battleship, t That's where the literature was, But |the wall,;J could not understand why. though they never found it I never-}I listened for a long time, I could hear theless got out inside. Comrades in Prison. “And so I sat there in a clink, I heard knocking from the next cell. ‘Who is knocking’? I ask, “‘Village school teacher,’ a voice replies, and he asks me what I am in Jail for, “I don't know myself,’ I reply, for I thought he was a But afterwards I found out that he was not, He was areal revolutionist and he taught me 4 great deal. Once he knocked and said: “Make an application for liter- ature.” 4 “Will they give it?” Wi “Of course, they will.” " “So I wrote for revolutionary and they sent them in to me. I knocked again and asked him: “ .. n MA Iet 4 kind of hustling. Then all got quiet and in the morning I found out that they had strangled him. Well, com- rades, they soon let me out... “What can I tell you about 19057 Comrades have already told you prac- tically everything. I can also say a few words about Ivanov and Belenky. They nailed up Belenky to the barri- cades with their bayonets, And Iva- nov lay up behind an advertisement sign and fired down upon the drag? gons. First they dismounted, then they got confused. He peppered many of tiem. Afterwards they realized where he was firing from. They per- forated the whole sign with bullets, him included, of course.” His voice trembles, and he shrugs n {his shoulders, “What else can I say, You know 1922 the proletarization of the party has considerably progressed. The questions of regulation in the party growth are: In the acceptance of non- workers, great attention must be paid to the quality of the candidate, also in the acceptance of peasants an in- dividual choice upon the basis of the general party directions is necessary. Im relation to the acceptance of work- ers the directives of the 13th party congress are still valid, namely that at least half of the party member- ship must be workers from the bench. This direction has not yet been ful- filled, the 14th party congress must stress it definitely. i ine speaker then proceeded to ® polemic against the opinions of the Leningrad comrades upon the in- crease of the proletarian section of the party to 90 per cent and proved their disunity. With regard to the composition of the leading cadre, one can ‘observe, that young elements have been drawn in. Still further; one can observe a strengthened parti- cipation of the whole membership: in the work of the party. New forms. have developed in the party, such as the institution of the agitprop organ- izers, the institution of the group or- ganizers in the factories and in the activization of the work amongst the women. The proletarization of the leadership is noteworthy. The central committee had 53 per cent workers, similarly the workers in the central control committee have increased. A great forward move has been made in the education of the party and in the mass education and in the distribu- tion of the party press, Noteworthy in this connection is the development of the peasant press and the press of the national minorities. The speak- er declared that the growing activity of the patty masses made a growing development of the internal party democracy neessary. UMMING up Molotov formulated the tendencies in the internal party work as follows: The regula- tion of the growth of the party is not yet sufficient. A strengthened con- sideration of the recruitment of work- ers and an increase of the number of workers in the party is necessary. A strengthening of the party cadre thru tried members in particular thru the education of workers for the lead- ing work, A further development of the party educational work with in- creased attention to Leninist funda- mentals, Upon the basis of the growth of the party activity, is growing the signifi- cance of the collective leadership. It is the preliminary condition of the growth of the internal party demo cracy. The development of the latter is absolutely necessary. The speaker closed: Despite the difficulties we are making progress in the building up of socialism, (Applause), By ALEXEI] POGONCHENKOQV (Worker. Correspondent) yourselves what a time it was. Miro- nov will tell'you every time the Czar came to Moscow and on other ‘cere- monial’ occasions, they invited him to prison as a ‘guest’ .” Five more speakers had the floor and also described how and what things happened without any elabor- ate words, Youth Listens, The youth listen eagerly and heed what is being told them and the eyes of many are glittering. “Oh, what a shame I was not in k then.” . And the old workers of 1905, “1917 we all know. And in griey- ing over those who perished for the revolution we are proud of their vic tory and our attainments. “Dear comrades, we have learned from our errors, have corrected them and have attained the desired: results, \ “You also have committed errors. 80 told us And now you must take stock of them, — take stock of ours and do the same we did.” ‘ Late in the evening we went ‘home, ‘The fires of the furnaces. were’ blaz- ing. Streams of light gleamed out on . to the» snow-covered streets and the black outhines of the Martens-ovens. The Diesel engines roared and. be- tween the crunching of the snow be- neath the tread of many feet, snatch- es of separate conversations could be heard. “In those days I wa; erry “This Is where the cossacks used - ” Memory is a fine thing, You comrades, must remember and never forget. School Kids Strike * : in National Capital (Special to The Daily Worker) WASHINGTON, Jan, 21.—More than a thousand students at Arm: strong high school went on strike today and walked out of class rooms in protest against the proposed de- motion of Arthur C, Newman, the principal, who is extremely popular. “The power of the working class is organization, Without organization of the masses, the proletariat—is noth: oa pues is all. Organiza. is unanimity of action, un of practical activities.” Lt