The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 27, 1925, Page 4

~——-oxertook him he was conspiring to monopolize the business of news- Page ., ti THE DAFLY WORKER ~~~ hae THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 2118 W. Washington Blyd., Chicago, In. Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall (in Chicago only): By mall (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six monthe | $6.00 per year $8.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd,, Chicago, Iilinole ————— a J, LOUIS ENGDAHL Rittors WILLIAM F.:DUNNB MORITZ J, LOEB... Business Manager —_————$——$ $i eee 7 Pntered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi cago, Til, under the act of ‘March 3, 1879. wap 290 Advertising rates on application. Morgan’s Man Munsey Passes Frank A. Munsey died in New York closing a career that was | strewn with the wreckage of once great newspapers. He befouled and debased everything that fell into his greedy clutches. A chain of newspapers noted for their ability to represent certain political groupings, that had as their editors some of the best political writers and propagardists.of the past hundred years, each of which had a certain individuality when competitive capitalism found its ex- pression in individualism, fell.into the hands of Munsey and became polluted sewers thru which scurried the editorial rats of imperialism. , | This is the specimen whose demise called forth the most ex- trayagant eulogiums from the pens of the denizens of the journal- istic réd light districts of the cities.of this country. He was glori- fied as a shining example of the ambitious country boy who, in spite of all obstacles, ascended the heights of opulence and affluence. As a matter of fact Munsey got his start in life thru launching one of the first magazines of debased fiction and calling it The Golden Argosy. When he could not secure manuscripts from mercenary scribbles of the type of Harold Bell Wright he. wrote serials and published them under his own name. He prospered with this magazine and started others, some of which were The Scrap Book, the All-Story Magazine, The Railroad Magazine and The Ocean Magazine. They were all alike. Later he started another one and named it after himself, which was no better than the others. With the money he accumulated pandering to the most undevel- oped minds of the American public, he began his career as newspaper publisher. The war gave him an opportunity to prostitute his news- papers to the House of Morgan. Just as his magazines were receptacles for the lowest grade fiction that had, up to that time, been produced in the world, so his newspapers, regardless of their standing when he obtained them, sank to one common level of Mor- ganized propaganda of the most crude sort. His one outstanding obsession was contempt for ability and brains. He wanted auto- matons who would take orders and ask no questions. In 1916, when Morgan began his propaganda to get this country into war on the side of the entente to defend the billions he had invested, his man Munsey purchased the New York Sun, formerly edited by Charles A. Dana, and combined it with his own ineffective journal, The Press. In 1920 he purchased the Herald and combined it with the Sun. He finally eliminated the Sun from the mast head of the paper and called it the Herald. He changed the Evening Sun, which he had purchased some time before simply to the Sun. Not a progressive or liberal sentiment ever crept into his publications. They poured forth day after day the same uninterrupted stream of the vilest drivel. To this chain was added the Telegram-Mail. When death} paper publishing in New York. Like the bank combine that he served Munsey was a bitter enemy of unionism and an apostle of the scab shop industry. His death will not affect the chain of propaganda sheets that he controlled. He was the ideal newspaper publisher of this stage of decadent. capitalism. He was the Lord Northcliffe of America, and his passing will no more change the character of the papers he wrecked: than did the passing of Northcliffe affect the British publications serving British imperialism. While we attribute no dominant influence to the individual un- der capitalism it is not possible to consider his exodus with other than pleasure. Lore Answers Tur Datty Worker a few days ago commented on the fact that the supporters of Ludwig Lore in the Amalgamated Food Workers’ convention joined hands with the most reactionary elements in that organization to vote down a resolution favoring organization of a labor party. Our editorial pointed out that the critics and opponents of the revolutionary movement naturally tend towards the camp of the enemies of the working class movement. Once they place themselves sition to the Communist Party and the Communist Interna- adéers in the struggle for the emanciptation of the work- ing class—the tendency is step by step into the cafnp of the enemy of the working class. This deyelopment manifested itself in a half a dozen European countries. Hoeglund in Sweden, Trammael in Norway, Frossard in France, are all travelling the same road. Lore, while in the Workers Party, defended. himse by; saying that his views’ were misrepre- serited, that the Comintulist International was misinformed in regard to his views. Now he openly expresses the views with which he was charged. He ealls Comrade Zinoviev, the chairman of the Commun- ist International, the “red pope,” declares himself openly against the reorganization of the party on the basis of shop nuclei and ridicules the efforts to create a militant working class revolutionary party with a basis in the shops and factories. He supports the opposition to the mobilization of the workers thru independent political action, thru a labor party, altho while in the party, he claimed he was for the labor party, even when by his vote he was opposing it as a party policy. Lore’s answer to the editorial of Tax Darmy Worker is typical of the renegades from the revolutionary movement. He does not dig- cuss the charge made against him; he makes no defense against the accusation that his followers, under his influence, voted against the labor party in the Amalgamated Food Workers’ convention. His only answer to the accusation of betrayal of the working class move- ment by fighting against the effort to organize the workers polit- ically is by slandering the writer of the editorial, Comrade H. M. Wicks. : The gossip which Lore repeats has long ago been exploded thru careful investigation by the party. Wicks was never expelled from the Communist Party, as Lore asserts. Lore appears more and more in his true colors, now that he is free from the fear of disciplinary action from the party, which held him in check during the years gone by. He is already the open enemy of the Communist International and the Workers (COmmunist) Par- ty, and sliding downward to worse. det a member for the Workers Party and @ new subscription By WILLIAM F, DUNN6, ARTICLE Iv, Dangerous Left Wing Maneuvets. ITH the appointment of conven- tion committees the left wing took another step in the direction of a split—a step which the Sigman ma- chine undoubtedly anticipated and which it capitalized to a certain ex- tent, From the important committees of the convention, such as those on the report of the general executive board, on appeals and organization, it delib- erately excluded every outstanding leader of the left wing. On the union label committee, perhaps the most un- important of all, it placed Julius Hy- man, Rose Wortis and other oustand- ing militants. The whole procedure was studied provocation and the left wing reacted by refusing to serve on any of these committees. On this point the Sigman machine did not yield, even under pressure from the left and some of its less hard boiled supporters, and the convention pro- ceeded without representatives of the majority of the membership serving on its committees, Only under pressure from the more disciplined and farsighted members of the left wing did it consent even to its members appearing before the committees in behalf of its resolu- tions. The tension in the convention in- creased and the tendency towards a split was encouraged by this maneu- ver, ESS important but still indicative of the confusion among the left wingers on the question of tactics was the abstention from the official ban- quet of the convention, at which Presi- dent Green was the principal speaker, on the grounds that they could not ex- plain to the membership why they took part in such an affair, Not only did the left wing refuse to attend the banquet and there continue the con- vention struggle but it organized and held an affair of its own. The leader- ship of the left wing cannot be blamed for this separatist policy except inso- far as it had neglected to instil the idea of a fight against the bureaucracy on all fronts and at all times into the rank and file. : The refusal to attend the banquet Was purely a rank and file reaction reminiscent of the days when it was considered. that the height of mili- tancy was refusal) to pay dues to or sit in the same! a ia with “ple-card artists.” Mt Bs contradic} doek arising out of the conflict between the tendency to leave the Sigm; pachine to stew in itg own juice ie real role of the left wing a8 the:unifying force in the union as against the disrupting tac- tics of the reactionaries, hampered the work of the left in the convention and had its repercussions among the rank and file outside of the convention as well, This contradiction was responsible for the convention struggle, upon which the whole attention of the I. L. G. W. membership’as well as that of large sections rest of the trade union moveme: focused, center- ing entirely too veh upoR mere ex- posure of the o¥ganizational methods of the Sigman Machine instead of using its terroristic., tactics as a start- ing point for a 20 complete expos- ure of its esse’ middle class character and tic propaganda for the left wing; gram, HE natural nefvousness of the Sig- man supporteh in the face of the exposure of its ‘pulsion policy and its co-operation with the bosses and police, was underated by the left wing as a genuine fear of the effectiveness of these tactics {whereas, having a solid majority in ‘thé convention insur- ing its control of}thp machine for the time being, and its ‘war on the mem- bership having ly been broad- cast to every aff 1d union, the bu- reaucracy had ofily!to fear the fur- ther consolidation the masses on thé more solid foundation of the left wing program. Caring nothing about the union as a fighting instrument of the needle trades workers, the Sigman machine was quite willing to allow the left wing to expend its energy on organ- izatfonal questions to the exclusion of the more damaging but less spectacu- lar discussion on important points of | the left wing program. AS @ matter of fact the Sigmanites maneuvered, by the organ- izational ‘cane left wing, so that on issues like®: igamation and the shop deleg: tem there was practically no w: While .discussion, | Having spent too mut#-time upon. the report of the credentials committee and other matters of minor impor- WORKER CORRESPONDENTS COMPETE AGAIN TO WIN PRIZES FOR STORIES Start now sending in your stories for the next competition of worker correspondents. Prizes will be an- nounced, with the winning stories, in the full page of worker corre- Spondence to appear in Thursday's issue of The DAILY WORKER next week. The prizes are as follows: FIRST PRIZE.—“The Goose- Step,” by Upton Sinclair. SECOND PRIZE:—“Romance of New Russia,” by Magdalene Marx. THIRD PRIZE:—Original of DAILY WORKER carton framed. Send all your stories to the Edi- tor, DAILY WORKER, 1113 Ww. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ill. By a Worker group of men in the city of Chicago. on the single shift with only two days into a garage with a low booking the pens again, The drivers are employed on a basis of 27 per cent commission of their booking for the first three months and 30 per cent after that, Out of this they are forced to buy their own gas for which they pay 10 cents a gal- lon. The company has an army of slug- gers to bulldoze the men. Stool pig- eons are dubbed “gold star men,” and are rewarded $5 a week more in pay for performing the dirty job. ‘The men must buy their uniforms from the company. They are dodck- ed for the loss of tools and other pieces. For instance, if a chain is lost or stolen the driver has to pay $3 out of his wages. This has resulted in the men taking tools from each other when they miss their own and has brot about a situation of constant stealing from each other. The uniforms are paid for in in- stalments. If a worker should quit before he has finished paying for his uniform he returns it to the com- pany without any refund and this uniform is sold to another driver for the full cost. This is done on an average turnover of three to four times. Organization is the only means whereby the Yellow Taxi drivers can fight against the injustices they now must put up with, for the DAILY WORKER. Take this copy of the DAILY WORKER with you to the shop |Montana Miners Send Aid to Dajly Worker By A Worker KLEIN, i munist) Party here, we know The DAILY WORKER and the Radnik. When we heard that aid was needed for these two papers, we arranged a dance at which we made about $82.20 of which $30:Was sent to The DAILY WORKER, $15.70 for Delayska Slovenia, $3.50 for the International Labor Defense, and $8 for two subscriptions to Radnik. This is a coal miiling territory here and the bosses have got things much their own way, je miné workers here are afraid of their bosses and if a worker dares to talk about working class rights they cafl him a Bolshevik and immediately him out to the boss, MEN DRIVEN LIKE BEASTS BY SCAB YELLOW TAXI COMPANY Correspondent. The Yellow Taxi Cab drivers are the most exploited and slave driven They toil from ten and a half hours to twelve a day on the double shift and from twelve to fourteen hours a day @ month off, The average pay of a yellow cab driver is $16 a week. If a driver pulls garage man accuses him of loafing on the job; commands him to stay out longer the next time and warns him that his car will be taken away if it hap-¢———. CHICAGO STUDENTS WILL WRITE FOR ANNIVERSARY EDITION, DAILY WORKER The following work was planned and organized by. the Chicago work- er correspondents’ class at its last meeting: The students: pledged themselves to each contribute an article to the anniversary edition of The DAILY WORKER whigh’ will be published January 9. After a thoro discus- sion of the type of articles that would be appropriate for the edition, it was decided that each student bring an outline of his article to be discussed and crittcized by the class before it is put into shape to be sent to“fhe DAILY WORKER, How to choose the proper word to correctly express an idea, how to gather information and facts for writing an article and how to “be- gin” writing the article was the inspiration of a lively discussion, It was decided that at the \next session itudent come prepared to give an account of how he. approached the writing of his contribution and the difficulties he encountered, if any. This mises to be a very helpful discussion for all beginners, . mp $25 for Radnik,| tance the Sigmanites continued to de- lay bringing in the report of the gen- eral executive board with the hope of cutting down discussion on it to a minimum, The Left Wing Wins a Real Victory. UT by this time the left wing had learned by bitter experience that the convention debate must be lifted to a higher plane and altho the ma- chine skilfully divided the report into three parts to hamper free discussion of the report in its entirity, the left wing here made the best showing of the convention, The report was sub- divided under the heads of “industrial conditions and problems,” “the inter- nal situation of the union” and “the morale of the organization.” Under\the first head was included the submission of the demands of the union to the governor's commission by the machine after both the Boston convention and a vote of the member- ship had authorized\a general strike in New York. By combining this example of inex- cusable class collaboration with the general problem of industrial condi- tions and future program, the machine hoped to create endless confusion among the left wing. The Sigmanites made two major errors here. First, they were victims of the sterotyped belief concerning all left wing move- ments, i, e., that they know little and care less about the everyday indus- trial conditions and the needs of the workers, that they are entirely wrap- ped up in what_the so practical re- actionaries contemptuously call “vis- ionary schemes.” The second mistake was in not bringing in this matter earlier in the convention, before the left wing had profited by eleven days of convention struggle, N the subject of industrial condi- tions the left wing speakers dis- played a real knowledge; in addition they had an advantage over the ma- chine speakers in that their view of the industry was much broader in line with their superior knowledge of cap- italist development in America, The difference between the two S0/ points of view on both arbitration and the development of the ladies’ garment industry was clearly defined in the debate altho on the question of arbi- tration the left would have made still better showing if it had been less con- cerned with organizational control of Workers Write About the Workers’ Life SHORTER HOURS FOR OFFICIALS, NOT WORKERS Police Stage “Drive” for 1,000 Arrests By L. P. RINDAL. (Worker Correspondent) LOS ANGELES, Calif., Dec. 24.— According to information given out at the city hall the commissioners of the board of public works have passed a resolution reducing their own work from five to three days a week, The so-called common laborers of the city were not mentioned in this connection at all. Notning was said about reducing the pay check of these officials either. Here’s A Reason! The work is piling up, and “mem- bers of the board say that they can accomplish more by meeting three times a week instead of five.” If this argument holds good for commissioners—why not for workers? These officials have put forth some reasons, of course, why they can turn out more work in a short week than in a long one. They no doubt also| have reasons why their salaries shall not be reduced. Now, the workers also have argu- ments and reasons to offer—not only in favor of shorter hours with the same pay as present, but also for less work and more pay. The unemploy- ment situation is one reason out of hundreds in favor of such arrange- ments, Wonderful Plan of Police. The police of Los Angeles arrested 700 men. for vagrancy during the month of October, In-November 848 “vags” were railroaded. On Dec. 1, the police department announced its plan to arrest 1000 men this month, Mark the word “plan.” ‘They are planning such tnings, Those back of the chief of police are very generous with their Christ- mas gifts to the idle workers this year—almost as tender-hearted as the salvation army or Mr, Santa Claus. John 8. Horn, who used to be the boss of the Central Labor Council, is a member of the board of public works, But-no efforts have been made to create more jobs, or cutting the hours, on public works in order to give idle hands a chance. Los An- geles is an “oasis of abundance,” Mayor Cryer sa; but workingmen go to jail by the thousand for no other reasons than the crime that they are alive without being given a chance to make a living. After that talk with your shop- mate—hand him a copy of The DAILY WORKER, It will help convince him. . the union at this time. Nevertheless, the speches.of Hyman and others showed olearly that while the reaction- aries. looked upon arbitration as a weapon of the workers, ignoring com- pletely its ruling class nature, the left wing placed its whole dependence upon the solid organization of the union and the fighting spirit of the membership. As Hyman explained, the union could force recognition of its demands from an arbitration board only if it proved its strength and willingness for struggle and that if an arbitration board made concessions to the union it was still necessary to strike to enforce them. IH “report of the general execu- tive board had based its whole fu- ture policy on a fallacy, i. e., the con- tinued decentralization of the industry with the corollary that the union itself must organize the sub-contrac- tors—a species of class collaboration that the left wing answered in the proper manner by showing that the rise of the sub-contractor was due to the weakness of the union, for which the reactionaries were responsible, and the remedy for which was the or- ganization of the unorganized on a fighting program. The machine received a severe de- feat on this point on the order of business and with it went defeat on the other two sections of the report —internal conditions and the morale Right and Left Wings in the L L.'G, W. Convention of the organization. It was impossible for the machige, in the face of having been forced 6 sign a pre-conyention peace agreemelt with the left which was in itself an acknowledgement of the fajlure ofits attempt to rule and ruin, to defend aits record,» The Sig- manites could have been saved from defeat on the officers’ report only ‘by administefing a crushing blow to the left wingin the debate on the firat portion of the report, HIS it failed to do because’ the left wing refused, altho it wavered at times, to be swayed from the basic class issues involved. Provocative as it was during the debate, its defeat made it fur- ious, and beginning with the venom- ous speech of Yanofsky, former editor of Justice, now completely discred- ited, continuing with the threat of the use Of police to clear the hall by Sig- manwvand ending with the abrogation of the agreement for proportional Te preséntation to joint boards and the submission of certain important ques; tiong to a referendum, the Sigman may chine deliberately tried to ba left wing into secession. ; ‘The reaction of the left wing to thie provocation is probably the mi im: portant event of the convention'ifrom the standpoint of left wing s' and tactics in the present pe! in the American trade union mov nt, (To Be Continued) d Instructions for Liebknecht Meetings Lenin _Liebknecht Luxemburg By Max Shachtman. A pamphlet on the lives of the one most universal and two most heroic Tongans of the working class. $ The saty special booklet to be issued for the Lenin-Liebknecht meetings. Well written—attractively bound—illustrated with three beautiful photos, Single Copy 15c. Orders 10c. Published by the Young Workers (Commun- ist) League of America 1113 W. Washington Blvd., CHICAGO, ILL. Bundle All units must hold Liebknecht meet- ings, no matter how small they are. Notice of date and place should be im- mediately sent to national office. Orders for the pamphlets must be sent in immediately if they are to be. delivered on time. Twenty-five per cent of the cost of the order should accompany it. We must do this be- cause of our, poor financial pondition. Your quota of the sub-cards will be sent you in a few days. At the spe- cial price of fifty cents for six months many cards- should be sold in each district. All pamphlets, sub-cards, instruc- tions to speakers, and any other ma- terial that we issue will go thru the district offices. The district offices must therefore immediately see that these matters are taken care of by every. unit in their district. Fifty per cent of the proceeds of the meetings must be sent to the Young Worker. The district offices will be held re- sponsible for the carrying out of these instructions, Karl Liebknecht and the Working Class Youth . By NICOLA! BUKHARIN. In the Russian ‘Embassy in Berlin we celebrated the release: of Comrade Karl areheneynt from prison. Many people were present—the society ‘was KARL LIEBKNECHT. rather mixed. There was the old rev- olutionist Mehring with snowy white hair, his body was already half-dead, © but his spirit still scintillated. There | were Haase and Barth and many; others with famous names and famous | pasts. We all celebrated the freedom of “Karl.” Some in the belief that hig | enthusiasm would lead the masses’ through the struggles. Others, in dark. fear that this “eccentric” might ‘not interrupt the normal course of things. All spoke, but no one made such a deep impression upon me as a young. worker. A young man with one arm) and a thin face with yellow cheeks. He spoke with such a firm belief in our victory that every reyolutionist present felt that such a eeiyeation must be victoriovs, 1 Karl himself felt this: also,_, I re member the scene as though it ‘were’ yesterday. A long table, at : . of which the young comrade ‘welt, ‘ting as Liebknecht rose.to make his answering speech he turned his face towoards the young man and ‘his:back Most of what Liebknecht said was. ad-' ther. was towards almost everyone else. dressed to him, for their existed a ‘close connection; they bound, Liebknecht was ‘always surrounded by the-youth, it was these “chi above all took part in the street battles and demonstrations. Some days later the young comrade was injured in a street fight sword had hit his arm-stump. Mehring no longer lives, and Liebknecht jis dead; even Haase buried by the hangman of Scheidemann. « comrate with the one arm still lives. But this I know—the German class youth -still lives, the proletariat still lives, the revoutionary spirit mi which Liebknecht was baptized still liyes. This spirit once again begins to fume in the country of Noske, will come when it will avenge its murdere Young Worker, Name: LIEBKNECHT SUBSCRIPTION DRIVE : for the Young Worker ee SPECIAL OFFER—50c for 3 year; $1.00 per year. ————— — Fill Out the Blank Below: — — — — — — ‘Young Workers (Communist) League, Fs ” 1113-W. Washington Blyd., Chicago, Ill, 7 z u Enclosed Please ANA F..cccccsseere LOM seosseeesase year subscription to the Ido not know whether i