The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 23, 1925, Page 6

| a Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 2118 “W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Mt. Phone Monroe 4713 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): 98.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, IIlinole J, LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB.....nasenemerresenn Business Manager ——<—<—$<$ Entered av second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, lil, under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. =i Mr. Lowden—Farmers’ Advocate Since Frank O. Lowden, former governor of Illinois, received a staggering political blow in the primaries leading up to the repub- Mean presidential elections in 1920, when his agents were caught buying votes in the state of Missouri, he has been diligently trying to recover his standing. Himself adopted by marriage into the circles of industrial capital by way of the Pullman millions, he was a political creature of industrialism in the United States. Next to Major General Leonard Wood, he was the favorite of Standard Oil and the steel trust in the pre-convention fight of the republican nomination. Wood was disqualified because of his vile record asa strikebreaker and scabherder in the steel strike. The Indiana primaries, where the industrial centers snowed him under in the balloting, made Wood dangerous timber. Lowden was eliminated not because he did anything the others were not doing, but because he was unfortunate enough to be caught corrupting votes. Now this discredited darling of the industrialists comes forth as} the advocate of the interests of the farmers while in reality endeavoring to destroy them. He proposes a federal farm board which would utilize government resources for the farmer as the federal reserve board aids the banks. As is well known the federal reserve system “to aid the farmers” is a means of enslaving them to finance capital. Country bankers, most of whom are directly controlled by Wall Street or La Salle street, obtain money from the federal reserve at 4 per cent and lend it to the farmers at 7 and 8 per cent and even more, for they frequent- ly collect interest in advance by deducting it from the loan, also when the farmer is hard pressed they actually deduct’as much as ten per cent, with the result that the real interest paid by the farmer mounts as high as seventeen to twenty per cent. Now comes Lowden with a proposition that other ee resources be used “to aid the farmers.” Lowden’s game becomes clear thru his observation: “It is significant that the eastérn in- dustrial leaders are now studying the farm situation.” It means that those farms not already mortgaged to the banking combine will fall into the hands of the industrials and is a plain bid for gev- ernment aid in bringing about this condition. ' Government agents will advise farmers to purchase new -ma- chinery and nitrates and other chemicals for replenishing the soil so that bigger crops may be realized. Farmers will have to mortgage --their farms in order to do this. When the mortgages are foreelpsed, as they eventually will be, the land will fall into the hands ofthe industrialists who will merge the individual farms into large-scale production by introducing large tractors. 1d With the industrialists falling in line with the bankers. for.a general expropriation of the farmers, which will proletarianize mil- lions of them, it will become impossible for the capitalist mews- papers and politicians to befog the minds of the agricultural. work- ers with the illusion that their interests are opposed to the interests of the workers. * In this respect it is significant that in North Dakota, -where large scale farming is proceeding at a, rapid:rate, we have.a ‘mass impulse toward independent ‘class political action. Effective leader: ship for the labor party can only arise thru a national labor-party that will consolidate the interests of the workers and farmers into a.class party. The Next Step Now that Col. Edward M. House has returned, after almost five years, to his old room in the White House, so that he can “advise” the president as he advised Wilson, there can be no doubt that the world court project is really the threshold (whether it be called back or front door) to the league of nations. It was House, the trusted silent partner of the Morgan banking’ combine, whose influence sent Wilson on his sea yoyage to Versailles where the treaty and the league covenant were hatehed. The league is referred to as the “pet * project” of Col. Touse. ‘ The pacifist crew that, under various names, is boosting the world eourt proposition, and trailed in the wake of Col. House dur- ing most of the Wilson administration, now again finds itself ‘ander the direct leadership of House. The entire political history of: Wil- son, proclaimed “neutrality in thought as well as in deed” to his ‘fourteen points, is the history of the changing and developing in- terests of finance capital. . ‘ Foreign policy at Washington is now back to the point where the scepter of the House of Morgan fell from the palsied hand of Wilson.. After an interregnum of five years we have the complete _evestovation in the White House of Mr. House’ of the House of Morgan, This is ominous, a herald of great upheavals that will soon rock the world in another clash of imperialist interests, and it is a chal- lenge to the working class of the world to rise and in no uncertain terms defiautly challenge the brigands of Wall Street and the con- flieting imperialist group of. Lombard street, London. It was the hand of Colonel House that directed the policy of the Wilson’ ad- tninistration and paved the way for the United States entering the last world war. As the conflicts between the capitalist powers become ever sharper the same hand again directs the destinies of the United States government. The silk glove of the wily colonel will soon change to the mailed fist driving the workers into another blood bath, unless the workers themselves can concentrate sufficient power to stay the blow. The only reply to the preliminaries for war that are proceeding apace is the revolutionary struggle against war and that struggle ean only be carried under the policy formulated by the Communist -, Intertiational. Against the war of imperialism toward which Wall Street is driving we mnst mobilize the batallions of labor under the Holshevist slogan of changing the predatory war between nations int a war of the oppressed peoples against imperialism. is at et the American Féderation of Labory in calling for relief tor tne striking anthracite coal miners, has-iade a belated move io give some aid to the workers in th: important industrial i By WILLIAM F, DUNNE ARTICLE I. The Character of the Left Wing Struggle, T Philadelphia the left wing in the International Ladies’ Garment Workers convention made history. For the left wing movement in the American trade unions the proceed- ings of the eighteenth biennial con- vention, the actions and accomplish- ments of the left bloc, the general line of policy followed and the tactics employed by the Sigman machine are of immense importance. Every strug- |gle of the workers against the union | bureaucrats is of importance and each furnishes us with additional experien to guide us in other struggles but be- cause of the size of the union—only five A. F. of L, unions exceed it in point of numbers according to the per capita tax payments given in the re- port of Secretary Morrison for 1924— because of the high level of political ; consciousness of the membership as compared to the great majority of the A, F. of L. unions, because of the tre- mendous influence of the left wing in the union, a majority of the member- machine, because the Communists en- joy the undisputed leadership of the whole rank and file opposition and because the bureaucracy is of a dis- tinct social-democratic color, the I, L. G. W. convention has given us the richest field for investigation and an- alysis of our trade union policy, tac- tics and form of organization. laboration, which has now been of- ficially endorsed by tne American Federation of Labor, we are told that the magic formula has finally been found which unites into one happy family the employing capitalists and the employed workers. As evidence of the beneficence of tne new scheme, it is pointed out that whereas, former- ly, certain employers were militantly fighting against the labor unions, un- der the slogan of the “open shop,” they are now “recognizing the unions.” How does it come that these bitter enemies of labor, the “open shoppers,” are now so ready to sign agreements with the unions? The reason is, that the unions have surrendered to the “open shop,” and the new agreements that are being signed transform the labor organiza- tions into company unions in sub- stance. Under such conditions why Shouldn't these employers be ready to sign the agreements? Similarity of Company Unions and “B. & O. Plan.” How does the “B & O. plan” change the labor unions into company unions? First we must establish definitely what are the characteristics of “com- pany unions.” These are: (1) Re- place the union as a fighting organ- ization of independent working class power, with a machinery for “con- sultation” between employer and worker; (2) eliminate strikes and speed up production; (3) soothe the workers with the form of consulta- tions about their working conditions, while keeping all power in the hands of “management”; (4) to draw the worker directly into the process of increasing his own exploitation. This is the ideal union in the eyes of the “open shop” employers. Stated definitely in the words ofthese em- ployers themselves, the “open shop” or “company” union has the follow- ing purposes (From the “Open Shop Encyclopedia” published py the Open Shop Department of the National As- sociation of Manufacttrers, 1922): “(a) To provide regular means of access by employes thru the repres- entatives to the employer, and for consultation by the employer with employes thru representatives, “(b) To avoid interruption of pro- duction and to maintain maximum production. ‘i “(ce) To give employes an oppor- tunity to discuss conditions under which they work and the means of improvement. “(d) To further the common inter- est of the employes and the employer in all matters pertaining to work, or- ganization and efficiency.” Compare the foregoing statement oi “open shop” principles with the prin ciples of the “B. & O.”' plan,” which were formulated by Wm. H. Johnston, president of the Machinists Union, and Otto S. Beyer, Jr., “consulting engineer” for the railroad shop unions (see the New York Times, March 22, 1925): ™ ‘ “(1)” Full and cordial recognition of the federates’ shopmen's unions as the agents of the employes, “(2) According to these. unions and their spokesmen constructive 4s well as protective functions «in rail- road management. “(3) Agreement between these unions and the management to co- operate for improved service to the public, “(4) Agreement to share fully any consequent benefits, “(5) Perfection of definite admin- strative ‘machinery to accomplish these purpgses.” The B. & O. plan, it will be seen, contains~al the” principles of the ‘open shop” plan, with the addition of the idea that the best ins Right and Left Win ship supporting it against the Sigman | } " On the other side: Daniel Willard, . ie THE DAILY*WORKER —~-————- i HE convention marked the end of one period of the struggle of the left wing in the I, L. GW. The his- tory of the left wing bloc with our party playing an active part can be divided roughly as follows: 1. The period from the appear- ance of the T. U. B. L. up to the Bos- ton convention where mass expulsions of left wingers were authorized. 2, From the Boston convention un- til the suspension of Locals 2, 9, and 22, and the organization of the left wing Joint Action Committee, 3. From the organization of the Joint Action Committee and its suc- cessful fight for the reinstatement of the suspended locals until the con- vention. ats With the end of the '@6hvention the left wing fight for a niliitant program based on the class struggle and rank and file control of the*uhion enters a new phase, -Its successful issue de- pends upon strategy ‘aid tactics a- dopted as a result of*/# correct esti- mation of the strengtti and weak- nesses displayed by thé’ left wing in the convention and upoh the success or otherwise of the péliéy, its method of application as well;piirsued so far. eo Le ie drawing our conclusions we must not be misled into vigwing the left wing struggle in the I..L. G. W. as something apart from the rest of the labor movement. We,;must look upon the fight merely as pagt,,an important part, it is true, but ngyertheless only part of the broad struggle in which we are engaged thruout-the American labor movement. of carrying out these principles is N the “B. & O. plan” of ¢lass col-|the very union organized by the men themselves. Whereas the employers of the “open shop” movement have been fighting bitterly against recog- nition of the union, they are now ask- ed to recognize the union as the in- strument for carrying’out their own plans. The full for’e:of this argu- ment (which has cartied weight with the employers) that the B. & O. plan is an improvement Swpon the “open shop” scheme fromthe employers’ point of view, is shown at its best in the words of Wut. fH. Johnston at a meeting of railroad ‘executives in St. Louis, at the titieof the launch- ing of the plan. Jo&nston said: “The idea underl¥ifig our services to the Baltimore ‘dif'Ohio railroad may be compared to the idea which underlies the enginieewing services ex- tended to railroads #y Jarge supply corporations which Mave contracts with these railroad’ # furnish, let us say, arch-brick, supeteaters, stokers, or lubricating oils.10 ¢): From all the alitwe,"it becomes clear that the essemtAl difference be- Company Unions and the “B. & O. Plan” tween the “companyJamion” plan of the National Association of Manufac- turers (the “open stop”, movement) on the one hand, and’the B. & O. plan on the other hand; s«simply that in the latter propositiompthe union offi- cials enter into a comtract with the employers to use: the. powér of the labor union itself\te¢ establish the principles of ‘the “open shop.” The labor union Officials had thei: own reasons for being anxious tc make this kind of a deal with the em ployers. Their criminal mismanage- ment of the great strikes of 1922-23 had demoralized the unions, to such an extent that the officials became alarmed at the danger to their sal- aries. They had to find a new method of renewing the flow of per capita tax into their treasuries. As for the “open shop” employers, they began to get interested in the B, & O. plan because, first, they were having trouble with sthe operations of their private “compapy unions,” and second, they realized, the need of a second line of forceg»inside the work- ers’ own organizations to prevent even the “company, ypions” from be- ing captured by the workers—the em- ployers needed the ,@xpert assistance of the labor offici: So the junion leaders and the “open shop” employers fofind a common platform. And the B/'® O, plan spread trom the railroad tha’ gave it a name, first to the Chicago Northwestern, and then to the great 'Ganadian Pacific railroad. At Atlantié City the A. F. of L. convention endéied the idea for the entire labor m@Wément. Capital- ists, liberals, and labor leaders unite in proclaiming an‘#fa of industrial oeace and well-beitig'as a result of he new “Holy Alliitice.” The “Struggle” Between Company Unions and "B, & O. Plan.” Of course, there are differences, as well as points of unity, between the two plans. These differences bring about a “struggle” between them— or, more properly speaking, competi- tion, This competition takes the form of struggle to see which can best serve the interests of the employer. Wm. H. Johnston, first sponsor for the B. & O, plan, but the case as fol- lows: . ‘ “I want to emphasize as strongly as I know how, the fact that in the task of positive co-operation in the railroad industry can be no sub- stitute for the genuime unions of the railroad employes. ¢ “IT maintain that, such a manage- ment (as has tried the B. & O. plan) would never again, long as it re- tains its good sen esire to see the affiliated shop eri unions effaced from the scheme things on its road.” ae gs in the L 2 THREE LEFT WINGERS ON EXECUTIVE BOARD OF GARMENT WORKERS PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 21.—The following were elected to the exe- cutive board of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union at closing session of the convention here: Louls Hyman, of Local No. 9; J. Borokhovitch, of Local No. 2; Julius Portnoy, of Local No. 22, represent- ing the left wingers in the union; and Gingold, S. Ninfo, J, Halperin, D. Dubinsky, L. Antonini, H. Green- berg, E, Reichberg of Philadelphia, M. Amdur of Canada, Molly Freed- man of Chicago, C, Kreindler of Cleveland, J. Hochman, D. Goddes \ of Boston, Delegates to the American Fed- eration of Labor including B. Desti, A. Nagler, F. Oretzky, L. Pincoffsky all represent the right wing. It can™be said without hesitation that the convention gave, in testimony submitted by the reactionaries them- selves, the most convincing proof of the correctness of our general line of strategy and tactics. As in all other trade unions, both here and in Europe, the battle strategy of the bureaucrats has as its principle objective the iso- lation of the Communists. That is, the Sigmanites, more skilful than the average A. F, of L. bureaucracy be- cause of their socialist and anarchist - training, well-equipped ‘with “the phraseology of the class struggle; both in the pre-convention struggle and in the convention itself, tried ‘to drive the rank and file following from the Communists and compel them to fight for the right as Communists to be- long to the I, L, G. W. or on the still more demagogic issue of the do- mination of a union by a political party, UR strategy was and is, by forcing the bureaucracy to fight on the clear-cut issue of their failure to carry on a struggle for the basic needs of the workers and their wrecking of the union instead of building it, to gather around us every honest worker in the union. We carried on the strug- gle that the bureaucracy had abandon- ed and betrayed and proved‘to thous- ands of workers that the Communists have no interests separate and apart from those of the working: class. The Sigman machine was defeated by the failure of a maneuver ‘on'which it had staked everything. The confession of failure is to be found on pages 48-49 of the report of the general executive board to the convention: The conflict had started as a fight against Communist control of some of our local unions but soon, partly thru tactical oversight on our part and partly THRU ADROIT MA- NEUVERING OF THE OPPOSI- TION, THE ISSUES OF THE FIGHT BECAME DIVERTED TO OTHER CHANNELS, which benefit- ed our opponents _and befogged the real issue of the fight.’ THUS THERE WERE BROUGHT INTO THIS FIGHT SUCH ISSUES AS HE BRIDGED THE GAP BETWEEN TRADE UNIONS AND ‘COMPANY UNIONS’ WILLIAM H. JOHNSTON President of the International Associa- tion of Machinists. president of the B. & O. railroad, said after two years’ experience with the olan: “I believe that it has now been ‘ully demonstrated that the co-opera- ive plan has more than justified it- self from many angles.” The reason for Willard’s enthusi- asm Jies in the fact that the increas- ed exploitation. of the workers, oper- ating under “efficiency engineers” of their own hiring, had suddenly put the B. & O, railroad on the road to rich profits again, after several lean years. The men had themselves, un- der the B. & O. plan, abolished their own protective rules (seniority, etc.). speeded up production, eliminated waste, driven out the less productive workers, and received in return— nothing but “recognition” of their officials, and the same wage as paid by all other roads, Meanwhile, the operating expenses of the railroad dropped from 82 per cent to 78 per cent from 1922 to 1923, while net pro- fits increased from 23 millions to 42 millions. In 1924, the operating ex- penses dropped further to 77 per cent. All of which was a “great victory” of the B. & O, plan over the company uniéns—it had convinced the employ- ers that it was even better for pro- fits than the “open shop,” and not a bit more dangerous to caPitalism. Another definite result that accrued to the workers, was loss of employ- ment, and increase in layoffs. In May, 1925, the speed-up system had work 2d so well that the railroad announe- ed @ reduction of the shop forces. This operation was repeated in Aug- ust, when 7,000 men were laid off at one blow. The “Open Shop” Triumphant. The ¢ompany union is merely one side of the “open shop” drive of the capitalists. This is a well-organized movement with a definite program. In 1920, in reported definite branches in 240 principal cities of the United States. Its national center is the open shop department of the National Association of Manufacturers, Its principal organizers and boosters in the various cities are®united in such powerful wecret societies of employ- ers as the Rotary Club, the Kiwanis Club, the Lions’ Club, and the yarious chambers of commerce, etc., all of which endorse and suppo' open shop movement. And the)B. & O, plan is but another one of instru- ments of this same move : The progress of the ape shop” | movement as a whole has gone for- ward unabated. The National Asso- ciation of Manufacturérs boasts in its official publication, “American Indus- tries,” of September, 1925, page 27: “During the last few years the in- dustries of the United States, for the greater part, have enjoyed a gen- eral condition of industrial_peace. This has been due, to a large extent, to a constant décline in the prestige, | numerical, political, and — financial strength of the American Federation of Labor, And while the forces of closed shop unionism have been suf- fering organizational anaemia, the principle of industrial freedom, wide- ly known as ‘the open shop method of industrial relations, has steadily ad- vanced_in all manufacturing indus- Cie And how has the “open shop” been able to” eve its victories? Thru a well-Iaid: plan of operating within the unions, using the agency of the labor officials. “The B. & O. plan is one part of this larger strategy. An- other part if the War against the left wing’ and the expulsion of ‘Commun- ists from the unions. ‘This was not the orig inal idea of Gompers, Sigman, Green, Kaufman & Co. These labor officials . ‘took the idea ready ~ made from. ne “ope the bitterest ‘énemies of labor in Am- erica. Wall ‘Street lays down the strategy, and tactics for the reaction- ary labor_officials. That is how the “open shop” ‘is able to win. Is there ahy worker who thinks such a statemient is an exaggeration? If so, then read the following quota- tion from “The Minnesota Banker,” under date of December 16, 1920: “The closed shop. is zealously fought for by the radical wing of la- Labor Yesterday we read of the activi- ties of the different Red Labor Unions of Indonesia and the ter- riffle persecution against them. To- day we read in the second article by Comrade Semaoen, of the General Labor Fedération, the relation of the Communists and these Red Unions to it, of the fight by the left wing for control of these unions in order to bring to the workers a beneficial, policy of class struggle. ARTICLE. Ii. ‘ By-SEMAOEN. TPHERE isa Red Labor secretariat in Indonesia’ acting asthe central body regulating the general propa- ganda. of these unions*and linking them up with the movement abroad, This does not,” however, mean that these Organizations have left the Gen- eral Federation of Trade’Unions, the, chairman of which is a 60-called “neu- tral” leader (neither COmmunist nor nationalist, but only a trade unionist). The executive committee of the Gen- eral Federation is made up of Com- munists and nationalists. To this federation there are also affiliated the reformist teachers’ unions (6,000 members, among whom there are of course Communists to be found); the Union of Governme ,000 members. the Union of Pawnshop employ (3,000 members), for the most part op- posed to their so-called “leade: small reformist unions that of the opium sellers (who até {if government service, the opium tradé"being @ state monopoly, as is also thécase in gard to the pawnshops!) These small unions have membership of about. ity of those unions is ‘side there is. a “open shop” movement, from, Seti cee cee seat ee | G. W. Convention THE CHANGE OF REPRESENTA: TION AT THE JOINT BOARD; THE. QUESTION OF HIGHER DUES, FRAUDULENT ELEC TIONS, THE EXTRAVAGANCE OF THE JOINT BOARD AND OF LO. CAL OFFICES, THE ELECTION OF OFFICERS BY REFERENDA— and a widespread impression was created to the effect that we wera fighting to retain the status quo in the unlon, that we were opposed te the bitter end to any reforms, and any organizational improvements, and similar stories to which the op- position was trying to give wide circulation In order to arouse sym: pathetic publicity for itself, HE history of the American labor movement records no more com- plete confession of political and .or- ganizational impotence than the above, while at the same time it reveals fully the utter cynicism of an officialdom. which regards the raising, of stich questions as fraudulent elections and — official corruption as obscuring “the teal issue of the fight.” So successful had been the appeal of the left wing to the membership before the convention, so damaging to” the machine had been the struggle waged around mass needs and ‘de-. mands, so. widespread nace been the revolt of the membership in. the: deci- sive garment centers, so severe had been the loss of prestige suffered: by the Sigman machine when it had been forced to sign a peace agreement with the left wing, that at the convention a complete re-modeling of its tactics was necessary, (To be continued.) By Earl R. Browder bor organization The open shop can be the most readily brought about by the elimination of this element (the left wing—E. B.) as a power in or- ganized labor. The conservative la- bor man is one to whom sound argu- ment and horse sense appeah He ts the hope of the open shop proponent and upon him, in the final analysis, will rest the matter of accepting the idea philosopohically, in the right spirit, without. disrupting the entire industrial situation ‘by means of dis- astrous strikes and lockouts. The open shop argument must be address- ed therefore, to. the conservative in organized labor.” Since the war, the labor unions in the United States have lost more than 1,000,000 members. This is the per- iod of the “open shop” movement. And during that. period, we saw an- other development, concurrent with the loss of the union membership-~ namely, the growth of “company unions,” “work councils,” “employes’ representation,” etc., until, between the years 1917 and 1924, there had grown up more than 800 such “unions,” with something more than 1,000,000 members, approximately the same number the A. F. of L. unions lost. gd } s So we see the “open shop” move- ment. triumphantly advancing outside the labor movement by smashing it, and inside-the labor movement by cor- rupting it with the B. & O. plan and similar schemes, and by smashing the left wing thru the expulsion policy of Green, Sigman, et al. \ In another article we will enter in- to more detail on the status and work- ings of company unions and rélated forms of the “open shop” and class collaboration movements, in the Far East struggle between the many national leaders, the “neutral” leaders, and th Communists, Wek us take for example, the pawn- shop employes’ union. Its 1924 congress decided to elect Sosrokar- dono a revolutionary ‘as an as well as ‘many Communists to the central committee. | Thereupon the retiring chairman, Surjopranoto, stay- ed in to’ nominate himself c! n and, together with the minority, -he “flationalized” the printing office, the bureau, administration and the name. The police and the courts, refused, of course, to intervene in favor of the Communist «majority. The questio still remains . unsettled _the brazen-faced Surjo held a “pawnshop ress” last June, visited of course, only by the minority, the major ty not having been allowed to attend. ‘Itds, therefore, small cau: won- der that these pars nay of late shown no increased activity. Only when the Communists succeed in capturing these unions will they play an active part in a progressive movement. The history of the pawn- shop employes union, shows, how- ever, that the task of capturing it will be a difficult one indeed, {Continued Tomorrow) Moscow Will Need. About 60,000 New _ orkers Next Yea . MOSCOW, U. S. 8. R,, Déc! 21—In the Moscow industry pte! > i 0, rent year from’ 60,000 new workers will be ich 40,000 to 50,000 semi-skilled. Of these f