The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 12, 1925, Page 6

Page Six % } THE DAIWUY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING co 1113 Ww, Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il. Phoné Monroe 4712 peta fa ni RY a ily SUBSCRIPTION RATES By. smail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.06 pér year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per vear $3.50:six ‘months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months. —_—_—__ Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER: 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Illinois J. LOUIS EN WILLIAM F, I MORITZ J. LO Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1 cago, Ill, under the act of March 3, Business Manager at the post-office at: Chi- 1879; Advertising “rates on iri chia Armistice Day Seven years have passed since the last of the guns re-echoed over the western front in the world war. The glorious war had come to a| close, with the armies of the “Hun tyrant” at the feet of the defenders of “democracy, liberty, justice.” Delirious mobs filled the streets celebrating the event. It v the dawn of a new era wherein all would enjoy “freedom for all, forever.” After the hysteria had vanished and the grim realities of the aftermath of the war asserted themselves doubts began to arise a to whether ‘the war had been so glorious after all. << 290 nn try’s participation in the war. Beneath the glamorous platitudes that veiled the real motives the malignant features of Morgan. began to emerge. It was not long before every observing person knew that the slogan of Woodrow Wilson to “make the world safe for dem- ocracy,” literally interpreted read: “Make the world safe for Mor- gan’s billions,” | In spite of the lies, the patriotic buncombe, the ignorant clamor about patriotism, one fact stands out clear and that is the United States entered the war not out of exalted concern for that trilogy of capitalism—democracy, justice and ‘right, but for the single pur- pose of defending the European investments of the sordid, venal, murderous House of Morgan, and Woodrow Wilson, who is eulogized as an idealist and humanitarian, was merely the apologetic servant, the high priest and psalm singer for Morgan. Nowhere can there be found a better example of the truism that language is used to conceal thought than in the stilted palaver of Wilson during the world war. As to the ghastly illusion that the world war was the last war, no one, even the most backward dolt, believes it today. On every hand preparations are going forward for the next world. war that will eclipse in horror a thousand fold the last war. Workers on armistice day ought to refuse to participate in the celebration of a ‘lie. Instead they should determine relentlessly to fight against every imperialist venture of the United States, fight against militarization of the youth'in public schools, disrupt and destroy if possible the military training camps established for the purpose of preparing for the timé whén the working class can again be led into thé imperialist slaughter house, perfect organizations that can stifle production of war materials and munitions, thereby crippling the so-called national defense at its most vulnerablé point, in every conceivable manner and with every weapon at hand resist the conspracies of the jackal pack’ of imperialism preparing more carrion feasts. Let armistice day be the occasion’ for reviewing the lessons of the past war and preparing to’ use "the knowledge thereby gained to cripple and crush the imperialist machine as it enters the next war, thereby clearing the ground for® the’ conquest of power by the workers. The New Commissar of War A foundry laborer’ is the new ¢hief of the most invincible army in the world, “Clement Voroshiloff- takes the place left vacant by the untimely death of Comrade Mikhail Frunze. *"" Like his predecessor, Comtrade’ Voroshiloff is first of all a Com- munist fighter of long standing, a member of the central committee of the Russian Party and always a supporter of the dominant group, the Old Bolshevik Guard. Born in 1881 of peasant parentage, Voroshiloff as 4 youth was a foundry laborer, becoming-active in the revolutionary Moyement against czarism. In 1904 he became a mem- ber of the central committee of the Bolshevist faction in the social democracy. The next year he participated in the revolution by or- ganizing armed detachments againsg czarist soldiery. His military experience dates beyond that either of Comrade Trotsky or Comrade Frynze. After the 1917 March revolution that overthrew the czar he maintained an attitude of bitter hostility against the provisional bourgeois goyernment and led attacks of workingmen against it. He participated in thé’ July action, and in the final overthrow of the Kerensky government in November, 1917. He commanded a detach- ment in the Ukraine and aided in forming red army cavalry units on the southern front, Later he led forces against Denikin. With the reorganization of the general staff under Frunze he became com- mander of the Moscow garrison, which post he occupied until his appointment as gommissar of war. Altho he fs unknown except in Russia and to the most intimate Comminist'circles thrnout the world, the appointment of this former foundry worker indicates the tremendous reserves of the magnificent red. army and the party that made possible the revolution. _ We, the reseyyes of the world revolution in the United States, hail the ne cniel of the red army, standing guard at the paper of the revolution. There is one war that knows no armistice day, the war between the workers and their oppressors—the capitalists, that must end only with labor’s triumph. A Day of Shame November 11 has long had a significance to the workers of this country that is not connected with any fanfares of world war armistice. It is remembered because on that day in 1887 from one- seaffold in the Cook county jail four men were hanged on perjured testimony furnished by a degraded police official because they chal- Jenged the industrial and commercial might of the Marshall Fields and MeCormicks. Every worker who knows anything of the history of this country remembers the story of the famous trial of-the so-called anarchists, who were arrested during the great eight: hour agitation of 1886, charged with throwing a bomb that resulted in the death of police- men who were brutally endeavoring to suppress working class gather- ings, _It is generally conceded that a police agent set. off the explosion ax an excuse to stifle the eight-hour movement. "Tt is well for,modern rebels to review this case Occasionally in order to. maintain a proper contempt for courts, capitalist laws, n and the United States constitution. thit'is utilized as an ~onlgcnaial for “ORE 1 Sie Se teSihwig Soon people | other’ than reyolutionists began to question the motives of this-coun- | Before Gomeuatel Women's Congress (Concluded from Yesterday) the masses of proidtaniat <a and ‘hese must maintain @ permanent and -gular organized connection with the Communist Party, working under its jcadership, These organs and organiza- tious, which we require at the same ime for the non-Communist working women, must begin at once to develop on Russian lines into deléZates’ cor- porations, This must of course not e done by mechanical imitation, but ‘In Germany the women Party. func- | {tonaries held a conference participat- ed in by the women shop stewards | ‘rom difterent distric This confer- |unce proposed that the elections to the factory councils and to the local trade | anion’ administrative bodies should be | utilized for systematic work among | the actual given circumstances ruling theswomen, and for their trade union-| in the separate countries must be ist organization and education. For this | taken into adcount, Wirpose working women are to be The beginnings of such a develop- nominated as candidates in the oppo-|ment were noticeable in Germany, in sitional or Communist lists, the form of tontrol and action com- In Erauce the C, G. T, U. has ap-| mittees, during the movement caused nted in Paris a ‘woman secretary,|by the high price¥i¢In England the * the furtheranéé” of ‘bade union | proletarian women's guilds comprise among the workingswomen, and | the proletarian women in sympathy s arranging a national conference at with us. which this question will be dealt with.| Organizations of sympathizing pho: The C. G. 'T, U."intends to’ co-operate | jetarian women havé been founded in systematically withthe national wom- | jtaly; these howeverappear to include s secretariat of (the French C. P./ Communist women as well and thus tor the organization of the women. go beyond the limi! their actual Up to now there has been but little} haracter. In the United States we |party activity in “England towards /nad the “Council for working class | trade union organization and | women” to which not only many leud- chooling of the women workers in | jug women Communists and individual hose industries in which, women’s} ;,embers belonged, put more than 40 work plays a great, if not decisive | non-Communists women's organiza- | role: the textile industry, ready made | (ions./ This was dissolved by the clothing and foodstuff trades, ete » | Workers Party, but it is*certain to be international Women’s Secreta reorganized and called back into ex- proposed to utilize. the last unem- | istence, | pioyed conference for this purpose, us tlso the conferen¢es held by the Min- ority movement. The work being done by our trade.-union fractions among the working women who are not or- It will be one of the leading tasks of this conference to follow Comrade Nikolayeva’s address by a detailed dis- cussion of the practical ways and means to be pursued for creating the ganized in the trade unions, and among women trade union members, must be greatly increased. Detailed repre- sentations on these questions have been sent to England by the Interna- tional Women’s Secretariat, Delegates’ Operations. In districts where women take a smaller part in industrial work, but where the attitude adopted by the housewives is of decisive importance in strikes gud political struggles, snxiliary organs and organizations must be created for the activization of The I. W. W. Convention “ The 17th general convention of the Industrial Workers of the World now meeting in Chicago could dg much not only to bring the L. W. W. out of the slough of despondency and pe apap into which it has fallen under anarchist leadership, but also to encourage the working class, largely unorganized, that there was some economic orginization in the field which really wished to organize them and had‘a realistic program to do it. Nobody can believe—at least we cannot—that iit of the 4,500,- 000 agricultural workers, mostly residential, the Agricultural Work- ers’ Industrial Union of the I. W. W. could not build’ a ‘powerful unionyeven under present conditions, of at least 500,( . That is, of course, providing the A. W. I. U. really wanta to do it. That’s the question. * The same goes for the other industrial unidfis that have a field where they don’t have to spend most of their time, money and energy fighting another union instead of the bosses. So these unions, which are running this convention, have great possibilities in, agriculture, marine transport, metal mining, general construction and lumber— providing they work out a practical program for or; g the un- organized in all these enormous fields waiting for such’ ‘ction. But will they? Dit There is nothing to guarantee that delegates to anyyconvention will do, the wise thing. Chances would be better if the convention were better representative of the membership, if there were present the full delegation of 80 the constitution allows, instead_of about a dozen—which is more of a committee than a convention. The way the A. F. of L. cheats the membership of representation is danger- ously near being copied by the I: W. W. And then, out of this dozen, one was ejected Monday, because he had, in some distant past, paid his dues two days too late. Other technical objections are being made against one or_more delegates. We are forced to wonder whether this be the workings of “pure dem- ocracy” of which the I, W. W. is so proud, or whether it is a method of dissolving the I. W. W. convention by constitutional quibbles and due process of union law. Whatever else it is, it is a mistake, as is the limitation on the voting power of the delegates that has already robbed a fourth of the membership from being represented by votes —thru the difference in dues-paying membership, about 16,500, and the per capita payments for 12,150. It is an appalling fact that in each I. W. W. convention nearly every industrial union’s delegates start out to use every means pos- sible, raising the most hair-splitting arguments, to prevent the mem- bers of other industriaP unions from having any representation. It would only be making the constitution to conform With facts if a clause should be written in it that each union’s delegates should regard all the others.as under suspicion and set out todebar them as if they were representitives of the employers instead of fellow work- ers in one great fightin fraternity. ps: This recurring battle for control of the convention is, of course, natural when one;eonsiders that unions wish to get eontrol to ad- vance their partitular ‘sectional interests. But it isalso proof of the necessity of a political organization of the worl which looks to the interests of the, working class as a whole, which tries to minimize this warfare between industrial unions iy, the I. W. W., the warfare between the I. W. W: and other unions,:and endeavors to get them all’to’ work for the whole working class, including the unorganized masses which are suffering most. So we hope that the I. W. W. convention, oud such great possibilities, will cut out futile tinkering and give hope to the unor- ganized with a real program of unionizing them. We think this is the spirit which moved the boys in prison when they faced the sacrifice of freedom to carry on work in hostile territory. We think this is the spirit of Frank Little, Joe Hill, Wesley Everrest and the rest who died, for the I. W. W. For this we say that on this sixth anniversary of the battle of Centralia the walls of Walla ‘Walla mutely call to the I. W. W. convention to “never forget” and to throw aside all obstacles to building a bigger and better I. Ws W. organs and organizations which are to keep up the contact between the broad masses of proletarian women and the Communist Party. Methods of works among the peasant women have been indicated by a circular with question form sent by the I. W. S. to all Sections. Most’of these have sent no reply. Reports.on small hold- ers’ conferences, press notices, etc., show that slight efforts are being made to take up this important work in Germany. With respect to our press, our Par- urOw The membefsh{p of the Amalgamated Cloth Workers of America is to be congratulated on the victory won the Inter- ‘ter-| national Tail vm, . Let the phat. ‘its union to be able to wir: BES ts A lb abalthaltth es BOR Bo on = LD a, RNR Bl BI 3 SEE a A, Bi En A I = A cence DNL SES EN | CLARA ZETKIN ties have no ciear {dea Uf the tasks and aims of the so-called women’s press. We are all agreed in principle that the theoretical and political schooling ‘ot our women comrades is ¢o be effected by the general Partypress, its politi- | cal and scientific women’s question and women’s demands, for these are at the bottom the problems and de- mands of the proletariat. The “Wom- en’s Pages” and “Women’s Columns” in the general Party press should be adapted, like the ‘special women’s pa- of the Gernian: Communist ,Party and: various working. women’s. newspapers appearing in the provinces; in France the Party papers “L’Quvriere”. Our Party press in Italy appeals to the women comrades, to the Party func- tionaries, and to the masses of the pro- letarian women, Almost all article, notices, etc., are written in such a sim- ple and popular style that they can be understood even by backward: women. In this respect the character of our women’s press in Czcho Slovakia is extremely contradictory and unclear. As a general rule the purport of our women's newspapers of every descrip- tion is not yet sufficiently permeated with Communist principle. The events and facts dealt» with are not linked up vitally with the; daily slogans of the Party, of-the.trade unions, or of the proletarian struggle. We receive valu- able material from the women of the proletariat in.support of ow charges against capitalism, but this does not raise. our women’s press to the level ot an organ for training and leading the masses of women. Working’ Women Correspondents. It is of leading importance for over. coming this drawback that Worker cor- respondents should be organized and schooled from among women, work- men’s wives, afd if possible peasant women. It need not be said that the letters sent by these women must he carefully examined, and brought into Clara Zetkin Reports On. Work Among Women they form personal, reliable and zeal- ous fulcrums for our organizatory work in the factories, and give us can- vassers for our press. I confine my- self to this abbreviated and general survey of the progress of our wore among working women. The experience gained by the. w. S. shows that outside of the Soviet Union there is an international short age of men and women comrades who, schooled in theory and practice, have actually grasped the whole complex of the women’s question as a part of the social question in the ‘sense of Marxism and ‘Leninism. and nave there seen clearly that at the bottom every so-called woman’s question is also a man’s question, a children’s question-—in a word, a social problem concerping the whole proletariat. Our eomprades are not yet thoroly embued with Lenin’s view that without the pers, to the broad masses of working women. This ohject is but partially attained, owing to the double charac- ter of their publications, Their con- tents are adapted in part for women line with’ the principles of Commun- ism, naturally, with the agreement of the writers. This nrust be done with the requisite fine feeling for the comrades, and in part for the masses of women just awakening. This is ex- plained by the fact that the general press organs of our sections do not adequately fulfill their tasks of school- ing the women comrades theoretically and politically, so that the need arises to deal with urgent question in special “Women’s Pages” and women’s pa- pers. Organs which are already fairly well adapted to the needs of the broad masses of women are the following: in Germany 0 the ‘*Kommunistin”, organ Lasted 4 years, 3 months, 11.,days.. (Au- gust 1914, to November 11, Involved 27 nations. Killed (to Nov. 11, 1918), Total dead (estimated), 10,000,000. Estimated total cost of war to April 30, 1921, $186,000,000,000. (*) (*) Minos. A Figures of Prof. Hogarth)(University of weO Grand total died and wounded...... modes of expression of the corre- spondents. Their contributions must lose nothing of their freshness and originality, and on the other hand our women’s papers must not be permitted to become the gathering place of petty bourgeois and un-Communist views, and even of unconsciously anti-Com- munist views. The correspondence carried on by working women, the con- tributions sent by working women to factory newspapers and other organs, educate proletarian women to inde- pendent thought, to independent ac- tivity and self-reliance. Besides this, participation of millions of women the proletariat is not in a position to seize’ and maintain power and is unable to © reconstruct society on Communist lines after seizing power. We must call theory and practice to our aid clear away the Philistinism still clinging to many of our comrades. The whole of the institutions and or- xans of'the Communist Parties are to be so adapted that they not only serve the purpose of general enlightment, but ensure at the same time the de- velopment of Marxist understanding in the women’s question. Thus for in- stance the treatment of this question must be made part of the educational program of the national sections. It is of the utmost importance to ensure that the largest possible mumber of women comrades utilize the education- al opportunities. Lenin emphasized that we can only havé a good revolu- tionary movement if we have a good revolutionary theory. Until this has been realized by both men and women comrades our work among the masses of women is but patchwork. Our ut- most endeavor must be towards gain- ing the right to say: In this sphere top we are Bolsheviks, understanding pupils of the master, ready to convert good revolutionary theory into good revolutionary practice. r—Lest 1 We Forget!—— U. S. IN THE WORLD WAR. Killed in action ... 36,931 —. Died of wounds received 13.673 Died of disease ... 62,668 Died of accident. 4,503 7,450,200. Drowned .. 727 Suicide .... Total wounded .. (Official data as of December 31, 1923, given by the World Almanac, 1925.) Thoughts forA rmistice Day By EARL-R..BROWDER. EVEN years ago the world war came to a close. eral small wars. being fought in Africa and the Near Hast, with the Balkans stething on the verge of war, with China in the throes of a great natian- alist upheaval while the imperialist powers of the earth jealously-maneu- ver for position in the Far East, with the colonial masses stirring in mil- lions—another world war is on the order of the day. Under these cir- cumstances it is particularly timely for the workers, who pay the costs of all wars, to recall some facts about the latest one, the cost in blood and sweat paid by the proletariat. The Price in Dead. and Wounded. MWereen? and peasants furnished the sacrifice of blood demanded fy the world war. Figures can give but the slighest*idea of the monstrous horror that is! war. “But only figures can add to the “knowledge of these horrors the further understanding of the terrific mass séale to which this horror was expanded: More than ten and one-half mililons of men were kfl¥éd in the imperialist struggle, between Aligust, 1914 and November, 1918." More than twenty millions were ' seriously wounded. This amounts in all’ to almost one- third the total population of the Unit- Today, with sev-|. $; it is about half the popu- et Germany; it is two-thirds the Po) jon of France. It is more than five times the total population of Greater New York City, the largest city. in the world. The number of killed and wounded for the principal countries, with com- parison to population, are: Casualties per thous- Total Total and Country Killed Wounded popu- lation Russia 1,758,000 4,950,000 46.5 Germany 887,000 4,248,000 94.4 France »359,000 4,200,000 138.9 Austria- Hungary 1,200,000 3,200,000 $6.3 Great Britain -.... 744,000 1,693,000 64.2 British Do- minions ‘and Colonies -..i: 202,000 420,000 a Italy - 507,000 950,000 41.6 Belgium “...°°267,000 140,000 64.3 Unfted States 107,000 246,000 35 (Figures based upon Official Year Book of the German Republic, 1923). The consequences that followed upon ‘this slaughter, the millions of cripples, thrown helpless upon society, the enormous toll of disease, the more millions of dependents deprived of their bread-winners, the deaths among the civil population, the impoverish- INDIAN*PEXTILE STRIKE HEAD AC SES BRITISH GOVERNMENT OF HOLDING UP STRIKE FUNDS NEW YORK, Nov. 10.—Secretary Jabhwalia of the Bombay textile strikers says in an interview in the Bombay Chronicle, which ha: reached New York, that he has not yet received the 10,000 rubles ($5,000) sent by the Russian textile workers to the Indians and that he thinks the British gov- ernment of India has held up the money transfer. The textile mill strikers are on the verge of starvation, he declares. Not one mill is now working and about 75% of the 150,000 strikers have left Bombay for their homes in the agricultural districts. Many of the mills did not give the strikers their August pay, due the middie of September. But the workers reiterate their determination not to return at the 1144% cut wages, saying they will return to agricultural work instead. A large police force is on duty in the mill districts. and. several strikers have been arrested-and. fined or sent to jail on charges of throwing stones at the mills. ond deputation of workers has sh eg te to the eye ment for an I into the situation but vainly. % Ai oF ortei" ment “6f whole populations—all of these ‘costs in life are so staggering that they can hardly be imagined, much less measured. The definite knowledge we have relates only to the fighting forees, The Cost in Wealth, IKE the cost in life, the toll of wealth taken by the war extends far beyond the direct costs for which figures are available. But even the direct costs stagger the mind, and are beyond ordinary comprehension. According to Findman, in “Interna- tional Finance and Reorganization” (quoted by Varga, Inprekorr, Vol. 4, No. 45), the actual expenses of the war totalled two hundred and forty nine billions, three hundred and sixty two millions of dollars. ($249,362,000,- 000), Do ‘you think that you can under- stand what this figure represants? Tt amounts to almost half of the total wealth of the world at the time the war began. It is more than three times the total wealth production of the’ year 1913. To obtain some dim idea of how much it is, imagine this sum of money distributed among the population of the United States; it would provide each family im ‘the country with more than $6,000 each. All of this mass of wealth was, in the final analysts, wrung from the same working class and peasantry which paid the war-costs of life and limb, ha HE next war, towards which the world is rushing, will be even more destructive than the last. Since the world war closed, all the “civil: ized” nations have had their “best brains” busy at work devising yet more poisonous gasses, inventing yet more poyertul explosives, building yet more cémplicated machines and lar- ger guns—all for the purpose of kill- ing more workers, to gain greater power for the imperialist masters of the earth, And the United States will be in the \vdnguard of the next war.. The dead of America’s working class will then be counted in millions, instead of the tens of thousands of 1918, There is but one thing that can pre- vont’ this—that is the overthrow. of the capitalist system and the blishments of a workers’ and fi government, —~ —= e su = a