The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 4, 1925, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILVY’WORKER THE DAILY WORKER ee, Suntsned by. by tile t DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1118 'W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Il. (Aaah, cease abetted Ree SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mali (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per vear $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months ———_—<—$<$ nt Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Hlinole J. LOUIS BNGDAHL re WILLIAM F, DUNNE bem meio MORITZ J. LOEB... Manager Pea ener SRSA a enenaet Entered as second-class mail September 21 3 © post-office at Chi- | cago, Iil., under the act of Marci 3, 1879, 8 OD application. | ———— Ad vertising r ra! SE <i> 190 Phone Monroe 4712 | ,. Lenin and the Anthracite Strike and that} VERYTHING is peaceful in the anthracite,” says the capitalist press. Four or five workers, suspected of membership in the Communist Party, who tried to point out to the miners that their interests are being betrayed by the Lewis machine in that soft and hard coal miners are not called out together, have been arrested and two of them sentenced to six months in jail. But thruout the anthracite dis- trict there is a great passivity—the |miners are awaiting with pathetic pa- tience the outcome of the strike. No violence of any kind has been charged against the strikers. Comrade Mikhail Frunze | of the Old Bolshevik | ‘Guard is now ready for definite telling. One by one the outstanding | figures of this magnificent a sing and will pass from:the | stage of action. But they leave behind them in their passing” the richest heritage ever bestowed upon mankind for all the ages that are to come—the proletarian revolution. The story of the life history of another y are pa Comrade Mikhail Frunze was not one of those spectacular revo- lutionaries that flash upon the scene of history in a period. of elemental upheaval as a comet flashes upon the horizon. Like his great teacher, Lenin, the leader of the Bolshevik wing of the old Russian party, he devoted himself tirelessly to forging in the storm and stress period preceding and during the revolutionary upheaval of 1905, and the disheartening reaction, following, the party that was to mobilize and lead the proletariat to final victory over ezarism and the bourgeoisie of Russia, and to lay the foundation for the| International whose destiny it will be to lead the world revolution. His life is a lesson and an inspiration to the younger comrades | of today, to some of whom the routine, and many times obscure, | work of the-party becomes irksome. The Old Bolshevik Guard taught the revolutionaries the easentiat'| lesson that without a party steeled in the conflict, with a strong | Marxian leadership, there can never be any revolution. Just as Comrade Frunze carried out the work of the party when | it was struggling to make its impress upon the working class, just'| as he devoted his powers to every post assigned him in the iNegat| days of preparation for the revolution, so he took the post assigned | him after the revolution and with tireless energy covered himself and the cause he served with glory. After filling party and government positions in places removed: from the center of the revolutionary movement, he began his military career as commissioner of the government of Ivanovo-Voznesseusk; he soon became military leader of the district of Jaroslav, from whence he went to the eastern front as commander of the fourth army operating in the Urals. In 1919, at the height of the Koltchak of fensive, he became commander of the whole eastern front and cut to pieces the white guard forces of Koltchak. In quick succession he participated in offensives against other paid military adyenturers of the allied powers, and in 1920 headed the red army that drove the forces of Baron Wrangel into the Black Sea. He then became UuT— At one colliery alone 110 special policemen have been sworn in. The coal capitalists and the state are get ting ready— For ‘what? To “protect lives and property,” course. But whose lives? erty? Not the miners, we may be sure. HE American working class is far from being class conscious, but the most ignorant worker would laugh in one’s face if one told him that these specially organized and accredited of And whose prop- , thugs mobilized by the coal owners and their hand-picked local govern- ments were brot into the anthracite district to protect the lives and hovels of the miners. The most backward American work- er knows better than this. But the great majority ofthe work- ers are not prepared to continue the line of reasoning peehoutad by the concrete facts cited and the premise which they acknowledge as correct. F all the capitajist democracies America has,been the most suc- cessful in maintaining popular sup- port. Nowhere is ithe right of fran- chise more revered or the catch words of the medicine men of the ruling class swallowed with greater gusto. The reason for this we will not go in- co here, It ig enough to say that be- cause city, county, state and national sovernment are looked upon as ex- sressions of the popular willethat the nlistment of armed forces against he workers is not, resented more bit- cerly, HE growth of’ ‘military and semi- military organizations in America s one of-the outstanding phenomena of the last five years. Even before he world war?'the use of force igainst the workets ‘in strikes was a commonplace, Today, an all-embrac- ing net werk of patriotic, militarist, fascist, organizations— official and semi-official—covers ‘the country. They are directed against the work- ing class as is proven in every period of local or national crisis. The socialists and liberals find’ it hard to explain th| contradiction within the frame twdrk of American democracy. Generally they come to the conclusion that “corporation con- trol,” “Wall Street agents in govern- ment,” “official corruption,” or some other phrase-mongering veil for the class struggle is the cause. HEY write and speak endlessly against the Communists because vee latter point out that force is in- separable from’ the state, the present, democracy is a democracy for one class—the ruling class and its hangers-on. These misleaders of the masses are the most ardent defenders of American democracy and believers in the franchise as a weapon for the elimination of all inequalities. They have either never read En- gels, they do not understand him or they do not. want to understand him. Universal suffrage, said Engels, is an index of the maturity. of the working class; it cannot, and it will not, give anything more, in the pres- ent state. UT it was Lenin who punctured the iridescent bubble of capitalist democracy so beloved by the social- patriots. Where is there a better de- scription of the processes by which armed assaults make a myth of the boasted democratic freedom for min- ority opinion in the United States than in the following‘ passage in Kautsky, the Renegade and the Pro- letarian Revolution. dG The fundamental laws of modern states, take their internal adminis- tration, take the right of meeting and the freedom of the press and the so-called equality of all citizens before the law and you will see at every step evidence of the hypo- cricy of bourgeois democracy, with which every honest and _ intel- ligent worker is familiar. There is not a single state, however demo- cratic, which does not contain loop- holes or limiting clauses in its con- stitution which guarantee the bour- geoisie the legal possibility of dis- patching troops against the work- ers, of proclaiming martial law, © and so forth, in case of the disturb- ance of public order, that is, in case of “disturbance” by the servile class of its servile condition, and of at- tempts to strike up a non-servile at- titude. ENIN mentions America as one ‘of the countries where this aspect of capitalist democracy mentioned above is glaringly evident and there will be fio voices of dissent from this among the working class. Yet the social-reformists and liber- als continue to stand as fatheadedly upon the “constitutional rights” of mi- norities as tho the pages of American history contained no record of aggres- sion against the workers and national minorities such as the Negroes in- stead) of ‘being filled with such inei- dents. “We strive for a higher form of} demooracy,”.,say the middle class apostles. of. parliamentarism. Their expressed yiew is that it is because of Lenin and the Anthracite—GAL 2 defects in the democratic structure of American, capitalism that workers in strikes and demonstrations, even in election campaigns, are visited with fe Na andy bloodbaths from time tO rpiese silvery misleaders are care- ful to speak of democracy in the abstract and not of its class charac- ter—thé factor which accounts for the launching of armies of professional murderers upon stfiking workers—in- cidents which they account for by branding them “as perversions of America’s democratic traditions,” etc, To all the American workers who ——_ By William F. Dunne ‘are puzzled by what seem to be con- tradictions between the theory and practice of American democracy, we commend the following sentence by Lenin: The more developed democracy is, the nearer at hand is the danger of a pogrom or a civil war in con- _ nection with any profound political divergence which threatens the ex- istence of the bourgeoisie. HE reason for this is plain. Uni- versal suffrage being the index.of the maturity of the working class, and universal suffrage being the hall mark of capitalist democracy, “disturbance of the public order” under such a system, when based on deep-seated social grievances cannot but involve wide masses of the population, To the striking anthracite miners vho see one coal company alone mar- shall 110 armed deputy — sheriffs against them, we say that it is not only a “peaceful strike” they are en- gaged in, but in the eyes of the coal capitalists and their bloodsucking kin- dred, a widespread “disturbance of the public order.” — The anthracite miners are commit- ting the crime of crimes against American capitalist democracy—they are in an action which disturbs “the servile class of its servile condition, and of attempts to strike up a non- servile attitude.” The Communists who told them these and other things have when thrown in jail—‘“the protection of mi- norities” again, but before long the miners will have to begin to think seriously of these and other matters and translate thot into action. The Sharpening of the Class Struggle in Japan By G. VOITINSKY. Ls S a result of the situation in Jap- an, there is to be seen a general worsening of the situation of the working and peasant masses, as well | as of the millions of middle bourgeois- ie and of the intelligentsia. The most characteristic feature of the impoverishment of the peasant masses is the influx of peasants into the towns in quest of work, ‘which made itself evident during the past year. Unemployment in the towns, however, deprives the young peasants of any chance of being absorbed in industry, and, according to the re- ports of the Japanese chamber of com- trerce, there are at present in the Whole country about three million un- émployed. “The strike movement in Japan in 1924, is regarded as a record since tie time of the world war. Accord- military commander of the Ukraine and Crimea. posts followed until he became vice-president of the revolutionary military council of the Union of Soviet Republics. His long devotion to the party, extending back to his student days in 1904, his military achievements and his sterling ability to work anywhere and under any conditions circumstances imposed, made him the logical leader of the red army, achieved when Comrade Trotsky became ill. Outside of Russia, and the leading circles of the Communist movement in other countries, few knew of the career of Frunze until he became chief of the red army, but his contribution to the revolu- tion is so big that as long as there is a recorded history of mankind} the name of Frunze will occupy a luminous place on its pages. As the celebration of the eighth anniversary of the Bolshevik revolution approaches, our joy will be eclipsed by the sombre thought that this loyal party comrade and. brilliant leader of the army of the Union of Soviet Republics fell at his post while still a comparatively young man. But as we mourn his loss we must remember that the best way in which we can show our devotion to his memory and the cause for which he gave his life, is to seize with a million hands the sword that he so valiantly carried and march onward to the final conquest of the capitalist system. Other important} in, which position he} ? to the inexact returns of the Jap- ahese government, in the year 1924 thére took place more than 700 strikes involving more than 100,000 workers, whilst in the year 1919, when a strike Wave set in in Japan for the first time after the war, the number of strikes amounted to only 497 and the num- ber of workers involved to 64,000. 'NEMPLOYMENT among the intel- lectuals in Japan is at present yery great, altho there are no figures available regarding the exact number. The economic crisis in the country has created a political situation in which the governing clique is fever- ishly turning from one measure to the other in its attempts to save the sit- uation. The Japanese cabinet, with the leader of the bourgeois-agrarian party Kensekai, Vicomte Kato, at the head, consists of a coalition of three parties: Sejukai, Kenesekai and Ka- kuschin-Kurabu. The coalition gov- ernment, which was formed in May, 1924, as a result of a political crisis after the collapse of the strongest party in Japan, Sejukai, which repre- sented. the interests of the finangial Progress Against Reaction According to the Detroit Labor News the issue in today’s elec- tions in that city of Ford despotism is progress against, reaction. Not the class struggle, not the striving to create a mass labor party against the capitalist parties, not a fight against use of police, in- junctions and terroristic methods in strikes, but just progress against freaction. How perfectly delightful! It is still more illuminating when we learn that the Labor News supports the present mayor of the city for re-election, it also sup- ports a candidate for a minor office who received in the primaries the support of the ku klux klan. These are the heralds of progress, ‘heeording to the official organ of the Detroit Federation sof Labor, Henry Ford supports the same mayor. In apologizing for its vile betrayal of labor in this election the Labor News also says: “Their actions in office have shown them to be fair to all elements in society.” Mr. Dennis E. Batt’s name flies at the head of the editorial column of that paper. At one time he claimed fo be a revolutionary and Marxian and today his paper speaks of those who have been fair to all elements in society. This rot is a complete negation of the class struggle and repeats the dull monotony of the phrases of the philistine apologists of capitalism, Those who talk thus and do not know better are simply unconscious apologists for capitalism, but when people who have received training in the revolutionary move- ment repeat such imbecilities it amounts to deliberate prostitution. Rather than quit the gang of labor fakirs in the Detroit Federation of Labor who regularly play the filthy game of capitalist politics rather than go to work to earn an honest living, Batt prefers to re- milin close to the pie counter and repeat the drivel that appears in the Saturday Bvening Post, Colliers and other scab sheets. . Surely Lenin knew how to choose apt quotations when speaking of this identical type, he asked, “Tell me, what is a philistine 2” He auswered it by the quotation; _ “A philistine is an emp! god will have mercy on hi gut, fill that | tion that the * ‘oligarchy, the court bureaucracy and the big agrarians, is laboring under a chronic crisis. The seceded section, Sejuchonto, which has close social connections with the above mentioned groups, constitutes the opposition against the government from the right. And in spite of the fact there exists no organized opposition from the left he coalition is full of elements of de- ‘ay, a8 on the one hand the policy of the government runs counter to the interests of the middle and petty bour- geoisie, not to mention the sharp an- tagonism of the Small holders and workers, while on ‘thé other hand it is calling forth great’ vitterness on the part of the monopdlistig capitalists, the agrarian aristécraty, the higher officials and the mifitarists. . ga the earthquake, that is with- in the space of, about eighteen months, four governments have suc- ceeded one another,,in Japan (the cabinets of Admiral Kato, Jamamoto and Kiura), which have been wrecked ,between the financial oligrachy and the government byreaucracy on the one hand and the, social groups of the rest of, the houtgecisie on the other. hand, , ) The, entry. into or er of the coali- tion government of Kato was regarded in Japan and in-other countries as in- dicating a certaih-era of liberalism in the,country, as a means for smoothing over the;differences,between the mon- opolist bourgeoisie and the remaining bourgeois classes, as a means of decreasing the revolutionary mood among the peasants, workers and pet- ty bouregois, ‘ * The cabinet, which,gn the one hand employed and still employs, cruel re- pressive measures,.against the labor movement, the movement of the small peasants and the intellectuals, who are continually becoming more revolu- tionary, was compelled on the other hand to extend the“ffanchise, to set up the institute of Agrarian inspection in order to allay thé*constant conflicts between the smailtioffing peasants and the big landow#iet$ ,, and to pro- pose arbitration edit’ for the work- ers without, however, formally recog- nizing the trade unions. UT as is to be seen from the recent events in Japan, these measures have brought about results contrary to those which the government eapect- cd. The congress of the:smai nolders en peasants which recently touk Place decided to boycott the institute of agrarian inspect’cn, and meetings «nd demonstrations of workers which Rrotested against compulsory arbitra- tm and demanded labor legislation aLd thé abolition ‘of excep-ional laws against ° “dangero} ideas,” demon- strate the cor ss of our asser- tions. ‘The demonstrations and the collisions of students’ meetings with the police, as an answer to the meas- ures of the governmert to militarize the high schools, are arousing indig- nation against the government in al- most all sections of society. Sullen and bitter resentment has been aroused against the government among the working masses and the reyolutionary intellectuals by the ex- ecution which recently took place of a young revolutionary named Namba, who made an attempt upon the life of the crown prince, The inequality of the development of capitalism in Japan, which was his- torically determined by the economic Mpeness of feudalism in the country at the moment of the revolution in the year 1868, after the military clique cathe into power, which developed in- dustty chiefly on the basis of war pro. duction (especially after the Japano- Chinese war in 1895 and after the Russo-Japanese war in 1904) appears at present to be the chief cause of the growth of the revolutionary tendency in the country. UT the character of this develop- ment of capitalism in Japan showed itself especially after the earthquake, when monopolist capital and the ruling bureaucracy were faced with the proposition which had never previously existed in the history of the country of “rationalizing” indus- try. The advance of the process of the swallowing up of the little banks by the big banks, the bankruptcy of many middling commercial and indus- trial firms and banks, and the simul- taneous increase and extension of the enormous Mizui and Mizuibischi con- cerns are extremely characteristic pecularities in the present economic life of Japan. The introduction of male suffrage some weeks ago was an enforced con- cession in view of the ever increasing hate of the mass of the people; and in order that the working masses and the revolutionary organizations shall not be able to make use of even this mutilated franchise (the law provides that only people over 25 years and possessing at least 2,000 yen will be able to vote, while only people over 30 can be elected), there has been intro- duced at the same time the law against “dangerous ideas,” under which membership of an illegal organ- ization is punishable with 10 years years hard labor. There exists no doubt, however, that even this franchise will serve to rally the forces in the country against the existing governing clique and against the monarchy itself. Among the 10 to 11 million new electors who, under the newly passed law, will par- ticipate in elections, there is a con- siderable number of small-holders, ‘poor peasants and workers, and these will undoubtedly promote and expe- had already commenced some years a'very important question in the de- velopment of this movement: up to now there exists no ¢apitalist and pet- ty bourgeois parties in Japan. HE radical intellectuals, who con- stitute the most active political factor in the country, are beginning to penetrate more and more into the trade, union movement and into the simall-holders’ leagues in order to gain ideological influence there. The idea of a workers or a workers* and peas- ants’ party, which was first promul- gated. some years. ago by the Com- munists, has now been taken up by these. elements and there exists the danger that they will play too great a role in the organizing of the workers’ arty. The trade unions and also the small holders’ leagues, however, are ‘in favor of collective membership in thé coming workers’ and peasants’ party, which will prevent the petty ‘botirgeois intellectuals from penetrat- ‘ih¥ in ‘more or less considerable num- bérs ‘Into the party. It is, of course, the task of the Communists to enter this ‘party for the purpose of combat- ‘ting the petty bouregois ideology of }intellectuals of the type ef Kagava ‘and ‘others, who wish to convert this party into parliamentary party of de- mocracy. > During the past year the working masses have organized themselves in trade union which numerically surpass the trade unions which were destroyed as a result of the earthquake. Thus, to quote an example, in the past year there has been created for the first time a union of shipbuilding workers (Kaikun Renmei) with 42,000 mem- bers, as well as a union of tramway workers, etc. In this labor movement, which is fully organized, a consider- able revolutionary minority has made its appearance, which in cities like Tokio’ and Kioto'”nd in the centers of the métal industry constitute the over- whelning majority. In all the more ago. 'We must here call attention to! | dite the process of the creation of a! \ workers’ and peasants’ party which | 1300 cars moved in five days, or less big towns of the country there is a tendency on the part of the trade unions towards centralization and amalgamation. T the same time the small-holders and the poor peasants are organ- izing themselves more and more, The peasants’ league for the whole of Japan already has organizatory con- nections with the trade unions. The organizing of the radical intellectuals is following after the model of the Fabian societies, of circles and leagues, which aim at democratizing the country, There exists no doubt that the re- vival in the labor movement will pro- duce new revolutionaries and that the young Communist Party will succeed in penetrating into the dépths of the working class and to leading im the struggle against absolutism. R. R. Strikers Stick as Maryland Line Is Blocked with Freight '\ BALTIMORE, Nov. 2.—Reports re- ceived at strike headquarters of the Locomotive Engineers and Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, in Balti- more, for the Western Maryland rail- way dispute, show that traffic at main points on the road is badly crippled. The strike began Oct. 15. On Oct. 19 the Hagerstown division reported com- pared with an average normal daily traffic of 800 cars. At Cherry Run an average of one train a day has been handled during the strike, compared with a normal average of 600 cars.a day. Cumberland is the second largest city in Maryland. The struck road has moved only one freight train out of Cumberland since the fight began. The yard® at Shomoc, which is the junction point of the Western @ land with the Norfolk & Western, was reported jammed with cars which the Western Maryland was unable to move. At Hillen the normal 50 to 75 cars daily traffic has been reduced to a total of 23 in 5 days. The company issued denials of this success, It claimed all yards were functioning perfectly, The DAILY WORKER sub- scription list is a “Communist honor roll, Is your name on it? What Will We Gain From Reorganization? By ISRAEL AMTER The American worker is not so dif- ferent in psychology from the Europe- an worker. Whatever difference does exist is due to the development of the capitalist system in its concentrated form in the United States and to the capitalists and the government em- ploying their own peculiar measures in order to keep the workers doped. “Americanization” is paving ja stupi- fying effect on the psychology. The American worker — even the foreign- born, who has been somewhat accli- matised — does not regard himself as a worker. He is ashamed of being a worker, and does everything in his power to conceal the fact, He dresses as the bourgeoisie deos, he polishes his manners in confirmity with the bourgeoisie. Americanization has as its motive to make the worker forget that he belongs to a class, and to instill in his mind thé false {dea that he is a citizen of the United States with rights and bicge area gu a to any mans. Not to “rise in the world” ~~ which means not to escape from the condi- tion of a w is a di ‘ae stupid, | a] member it man fears nothing more than to be considered stupid."Therefore the mo- ment a worker leaves a shop — after taking off his overalls and washing his hands — hé¢onsiders himscif not a worker but'® citizen. With our presént social-democratic form of organization we approach the worker after the; ve taken off their overalls—and become “citizens with rights the same as Rockefeller,” The result is that’ they do not listen to us — for they have forgotten, or are trying to forget the class struggle. When the party is reorganized’ on the basis of nuclei, we will do our work work at the place where a worker must be conscious that he is a wage slave. He is driven by the foreman of the boss, he silently revolts against the conditions that he must work under, His mind is 0) gestion, It is the gunction of the Com- munists to nor this ‘discontent, help to crystallize it, point the way out, formulate policies and lead the struggle the system. For some yeang,the party has issued the slogan of ;‘grganizing the unor- ganized.” It was a slogan worthy of a Communist but to every party pen to every kind of sug- | task, task. How could the party with a mem- bership of about 20,000 conceive of organizing 24,000,000 unorganized workers in this coutry? This was a stupendous task, and remains one. But it was inconceivable particulary because, altho the party members are working in the shops where the other 24,000,000 are employed, nonethless, they were not working in an organiz- ed manner in carrying on the general work of the party among the masses in the shops, factories and mines, and particularly in achieving the task of organizing the unorganized, It was an idle task that the party set itself until such time as the party itself was organized in such form and at the proper place to carry out the work, The shop nuclei offord the only possibility of accomplishing this For some years we have spoken of organizing shop committees, and thru these committees, aiding in re- volutionizing the labor unions. But how could we orgaitze shop commit- tees effectively if we, the Communists, were not organized in the shop, in order to ematically perform this work nucleus made up of the affords this pos- ibility... Since. .the time of Karl ates we have, been, telling the workers that the, working class is robbed at the point of production. What should have been more natural than that the Com- munists who wish to end this robbery of, the. working class, should organize at the point of production? Instead, owing to the ideas basic to the social- ist movement outside of Russia where the*shop. nucleus system. obtained from the very beginning, the parties were built) in such form as to enable the ‘workers to “capture” the state by means of parliamentary elections, The Communist movement arising out of the rea! struggles of the workers in the period of imperia'ism, has made it clear that the culmination of the class struggle will not be thru turn- ing the tables against the oppressors, Hence, in order to do this work, the Communists must be orgavized at tne point of production, in order, from the pont of production to lead the mir ers Into the struggle for power,» ‘The immediate tasks of the part and the development of the: struvgl for power—demand that the reorgan- ao sible. ‘There s9..n0 dun b vigtslmate are ger of the party losing any of its real Communist elements. Di-gruntled, apathetic members of the party, who have regarded the party as a social institution, or as an adventure, will drop out. The party ‘will weld its for- ces together dnd begin to do real Communist work, / % At the present time some of the branches meet each week, every two weeks and some even once a month. The class struggle goes on day by day, and our comrades meet at the end of the feventh, fourteenth or even thirtieth day to reflect on it! _ Again, comrades are given tasks to perform — tasks essential for the whole party organization — and only at the end of seven, fourteen or thirty days, can one ascertain whether they have performed their duty, When in party is reorganized, discipline and control will become possible for the first time, Coordinated action of the party membership in the real strug: gle will become possible. J What has the party to gain’ from reorganization? The party has eve1y- thing to gain — for the first time it will be able to become a Communist Party not only in name, but im subs