The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 31, 1925, Page 12

| Teaching a NEW YORK, Oct, 30,--The problen of teaching adult workers in nigh‘ school classes is a technical and or- ganizational question that agitpror ‘directors and teachers of our classes all over the country are up against at the present time. Educational work is beginning, altho slowly, due to the convention, and the reorgan- ization of the party. But our educa- tional work is going to be one of the thief means of achieving the Bolshey- zation of the party. Unless we polit- icalize our teaching, it becomes not merely useless, but ‘positively danger- nie Working Class Education. i Our aim is not to help the worker coming to our classes to make up for a lack of culture. Our party member or sympathizer hasn’t a selfish aim to urge him on, such as hope for advancement, love of learning for its own sake, or the like. The difficulties facing him and us are very great, and it is almost a miracle that we accom- plish as much as we do. I shalt enumerate but a few of the difficulties we must consider. After a hard day’s work, the worker-student is too tired for very effective studying. His vocabulary is often poor, courage and self-confi- dence are lacking. He hagn’t had a change to develop the habit of study- ing, and abstract thinking comes with some effort. The difficulty of sum- marizing rapidly, of getting the cen- tral thot of a page or a discussion, of taking notes, of reviewing, etc., must be taken into account by the teacher or class leader. Most workers have no facilities for home study (a‘quiet corner, time, books, and the like), especially if they are active in the party, their shop, and their union. And we must remember that most of those coming to our classes are at the same time among’ the most active members in the movement. The small amount of general education most workers have, and the “natural” dis- inclination on the part of adults to x me effort needed for ah w Has ee tecneae the difficulties “facing the instructor. These are but a few of his troubles, and yet they are enough to put teaching methods on the order of business for special consideration and for radical revision. Lecture Method Faulty. Our teaching methods (and these thoughts are not only for the teacher; the student who sees in them a way Why do you think it happened hat... .?” “You know that such and uch was the’ case, What would be rour explanation for it?” ‘For those who might disagree as to “telling versus asking,” I recommend John Dewey’s little book on “How We Think.” Or the following remark by A. Fichandler, “Never give any in- formation that-some one else can give, and never draw a conclusion that any one else in the class can draw... . The student who answers a question or draws a conclusion before the teacher is filled with an electric joy which makes that work really worth while, ... The teacher who answers the question for ‘the class without giving them a chance commits a crime.” Just-.a few more suggestions,—and it is the duty of the student, to him- self and to the class, as well as of the teacher, to see that a cut-and-dried class is vitalized. The teacher should be simple and patient in presenta- tion, proceeding step by step, and not going to the next one till the previous ones are understood by most of the class. It is often difficult to know when this is so, but it can be done by questions, watching the class, etc. He should watch the students for interest and attention, and when these lag, should renew them by a new attack, a lively touch, a change of voice (pitch, rapidity, etc.), a provocative statement, a “heresy,” nd Workers’ Education etc. Titles should be made interesting. “Where do profits come from?” po- pularizes “surplus value,” and “Why and when do we have unemploy- ment?” does the same for “periodicity of crises.”. A last point—the teacher should begin with and constantly recur to points of contact in the student’s own life and activities, especially in the branch, shop nucleus, shop, union, etc. The constant aim of every course’ must be bolsheviza- tion and politicalization, even in Eng- lish, in literature, and in art courses. In closing, a short sample of how the discussion method, as differing from the lecture method, might be used. 1. Brief review of previous lesson, with students doing most of the ex- plaining. 2, Short talk by teacher, with use of maps, charts, and blackboard. Questions discussion should be per- mitted to interrupt, not relegated to end of lecture, when most will be forgotten or the point have become hazy. 3. Questions by class, with students answering as many of them as pos- sible. 4. Discussion, with guider, not monologist: 5. Questions by teacher—to ensure that silent students got points of les- son; to fill in gaps; to further clarify understanding and add to knowledge on a point; and to apply conclusions teacher as By A. G. Bosse (especially to the working conditions, hours, wages, profits, propaganda possibilities, etc) to workers in. the class, : 6, Students make outline of lesson, for future review, reference, etc, The fact that they make it means they are likely to understand it better, and to remember it. If they can’t do it, mimeographed outlines and notes should be given them, and carefully gone over with them. Extra Aids Essential. Some extra aids are the library, visits to museums, shops, and exhibi- tions, plays, lectures, talks by speci- ally qualified persons, correlation with English, courses, etc,, recourse. to reference books, files, clippings,..in- | dexes, etc. The problems are great and varied, write in to the paper and to the national agitprop . dept. their ex- periences, failures and successes with special methods and devices, and the like, we shall be able to compile a body of experiments, experience, and tested methods that will make our work easier every term, and will en- able us to put advanced and quali- fied students into the work of teach- ing. To raise the level of the whole party, and to penetrate with our agitation, propaganda and education to every party member and sym- pathizer—that is our task, and proper methods will in large measure enable us to succeed. The A. F. of L. and the Class Struggle (Continued from page 3) ficialdom has succeeded only in satis- fying the amorphous liberal group which has no economic power. The big bosses who speak thru the Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, The Brooklyn Eagle, etc., ac- cept willingly enough the sections of the statement on wage policy that have to do with ng grou tion “and “elimination ste, “but thoke sentences dealing with facrédses | in real wages, reduction of hours and resistance to all wage reductions are interpreted correctly by them as an encouragement to the rank and file of organized labor to go out and raise hell—and therefore a violation of the “union-management co-operation” com- Pany union polciy endorsed by the big bosses and blessed by Green, Woll and out must insist on the teacher of his Co, class giving some thought to them, and some trial) must consider wheth- er the old lecture method is not ready for the discard. It is a fine way for the teacher to learn his subject. Our purpose is not to provide a laboratory for the perfection of the teacher’s art. We don’t dispense knowledge; we try to help our comrades use their brains, think out problems for themselves and finally to put their thoughts into clear language. There- fore’ the lecture method should be used sparingly, if at all. Cut and dried lectures poured into the brain- pan don’t.germinate and bear thought. They result in the mouthing of glib phrases. and. stereotyped formulas, which disable us in a new situation or an unexpected attack. When the lecture.is absolutely ne- cessary, (and it sometimes is, to give information not. otherwise easily attainable), it should be short, in- formal, and must permit interruptions in the way of questions, brief, re- levant discussion or disagreement, ete. The argument that it breaks the train of thought of the teacher, that it prevents him from making a beauti- fully rounded and polished. oration, must be given short shrift. The lec- ture should be self-contained, giving only the necessary facts and should not overflow into a complete handling of the subject. Discussion by the case should take up most of the time, the instructor only directing its relevan- cy, preventing verbosity and showing- off, and encouraging the shy or back- ‘ward students to participate. The Discussion Method, Instead of telling, the teacher should ask questions, even if often they must be leading questions, such as, “Isn’t it a fact that... .?” or RO ee sain AT the A. F. of L. officialdom set out to do was to demand a larger return for the aristocracy of labor as’a further reward for its sup- Port of the Dawes plan, war on the Communists and the left wing in gen- eral, opposition to the recognition of Soviet Russia and world trade union unity and the betrayal of the Mexican labor movement to Wall Street, Faker- dom was going to take steps to get a larger share of the loot—nothing more, But the entire absence of theoretical knowledge which characterizes the American labor leadership, led them into making a grave error. | ited the usually comatose Mil- waukee Leader is able to see the implications involved. torially: ; If labor succeeds in its efforts to enforce a general eight-hour day or shorten it, keep up real wages, raise them with productivity, and attain to a voice and vote in the management of industries, it will amount to an economic and political revolution, CAPITALISM HAS REACHED A STAGE IN WHICH EVEN A PURE- AND-SIMPLE TRADE UNION DE- MAND CAN SET OFF REVOLU- TIONARY RESULTS. THiS IS DRASTICALLY ILLUSTRATED BY THE SITUATION IN GREAT BRIT- AIN, WHERE THE SIMPLE DE- MAND OF THE MINERS FOR A MAINTENANCE OF THE OLD WAGE SCALE THREATENS TO START A GENERAL LOCKOUT OR A GENERAL STRIKE, The New York Times says that The circumstances that gave rise to thia declaration somewhat dampen It says edi- optimism . . . . . Organized labor has not hitherto co-operated to make economies of production. Yet it de- mands a full share in the pro- ceeds ,.... the process will be de- layed unless labor takes seriously and very intelligently its promises of co-operation, € bee Brooklyn Eagle, a militant ad- vocate of the open shop, is even ess encouraged by the new A, F. of L. official policy: General extension of the use of automatic machines and general ex- tension of the use of electric power were cited in the council report, ad- vocating such a new wage policy... Trade unionism formulates and puts forth a fierce defiance ..... What impresses us most in the formulated defiance is the intransigeancy of the language—“in proportion to man’s increasing power of produc- tion.” Literally applied it would take away from the employer any motive .... for using new devices + +++. He would be no better off for his new investment .... in many fields they (the employers) have found that shorter hours are not pPoducing as much per worker per hour as did the ten-hour day .... Also aggression on one side causes aggression on the other. Employers may stand on the principle that la- bor should get less in return in proportion to the slacking it is do- ing .... Logic would come as close to justifying the one position as the other, HE Nation characterizes the con- vention as “optimistic and ag- gressive.” ’ B. C. Forbes, financial writer for the Hearst papers, has his article on the convention headed: American Federation of Labor Wage Policy Should Meet Approval of Bosses, He concludes by saying: American labor leaders have acted much more sensibly at their con- vention than British labor leaders have been acting at their recent con- ventions. f ipa chop suey mixture of opinion from the American press and labor officialdom is a result of the conflict- ing interests in the economic and po- litical structure, but it is also probable that the labor bureaucracy has been stung by repeated criticism that it has no theory to guide its actions either on the industrial or political field. In less pressure from every side brought on by the crisis in which world cap- italism finds itself, forces the bosses to war on labor, than “No Wage Re- ductions,” “Cut Down the Hours of Labor,” “Increase of Real Wages,” etc. iS aeETING to deny and avoid the class struggle, the A. F, L. bureaucracy has Shown to every con- scious worker the, futility,.of such a | es policy. to turn the ‘class struggle into class collaboration made than the alert sec- ; tion of the capitalist press declares — war because by the very fact of be- ing a labor organization the A. F. of L. had to deal with the wage question from the standpoint of the wage earn- ers if its officials were to maintain their following. a Wyre the left wing has to do now is to further expose the double- dealing of the officialdom—to show that even their truckling to the im- perialist masters by repudiating Purcell, the British and Russian unions and world trade union unity, by expulsions of Communists and war on the left wing, by refusal to endorse and ‘work for a labor party,’ by be- trayal of the German workers to the Dawes plan, by vilification of the workers’ and peasants’ government of Russia, by eulogies of American cap- italist democracy, by their fight against industrial unionism and their perpetuation of 107 warring unions— all have failed to alter one hairs- breadth the undying attitude of. hos- tility to the most elementary de- mands of the workers in the form of higher wages, shorter working hours and better living standards, ‘ pus absolute minimum of, all these things that can be forced upon.the workers, coupled with a.negation of the class struggle by the workers themselves, are upon what the life of capitalism depends, Forcing down the standards of the workers intensifies the class struggle. It is for the left wing leadership to give it conscious direction in spite of the A, F, of L. officials, The Com- munists in the left wing must and will direct the whole struggle against the state power—that power which has murdered so, many of William Green’s fellow unionists, but in which he claims we are all “sovereign.” “Increase in Real Wages,” “No Wage Reductions,” “Shorten the Hours of Labor” and “Organize the Unorgan- ized,” these are the immediate slogans for building up a left bloc which can be developed into a real revolutionary force, Hardly are. its verbal.attempts |