The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 13, 1925, Page 6

Page Six - ‘THE DAILY WORKER Ti Pabligaed by tn, by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. aus W. Washington Blyd.,"Chicago, I. Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mall (outside of Chicago): 88,00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1118 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Illinois sen atthe RAE J, LOUIS ENGDAHL Wattors WILLIAM F, DUNN® . si MORITZ J. LOEB..... Business Manager naa RTC ANSRSETSSSSSSSRS ASSASSINS ASSIS RLS Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, lil, under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. <i 10 The Proposal to Deport Purcell Green’s attack on Purcell at the American Federation of Labor convention is followed by a broad hint from the Washington Post, organ of the Coolidge administration, that he should be deported. The close connection between the officials of the American labor movement and the blackest forces of imperialist reaction is revealed clearly in this one incident. The moment that the, strikebreaking Coolidge aiiniintiteation is sure that A. A. Purcell, chairman of the International Federation of Trade Unions, is unwelcome to the Greens, Wolls and Lewises it throws off all restraint. Capitalist imperialists and labor imper- ialists unite in opposition to the spokesmen of the most powerful section of the trade union movement—Purcell is fraternal delegate from the British Trade Union Congress—and the international or- ganization, not of revolutionary but of reformist unions. American imperialism dominates the world. The American Federation officials, supported by the labor aristocracy, are carrying out the schemes of their masters. Purcell spoke for world trade unity. He urged unity with the Russian trade unions and pointed out, in a manner that President Green could not and did not atempt to answer, the need for solid- arity of the organized workers as against that of their exploiters. This is his crime. The German fraternal delegates—social-demo- crats who praised the Dawes plan and licked the boots of Wall Street, Haberman, fraternal delegate from Mexico, who lauded the A. F. of L. for its participation in the conspiracy to betray Mexican labor to American imperialism—these trucklers to the power of the American dollar backed by bayonets, are weleomed by Green and no proposal for their deportation comes from any source. The Pureell incident is an international scandal and will cause every honest trade unionist to hang his head ‘in shame, but it will serve to show to the mass of American workers the eunuch-like character of the leadership of the trade union movement here. Pureell is to make a speaking trip thru the industrial sections of the United States after the convention. It is probable that. the government, acting together with the executive council of the. Amer- ican Federation of Labor, has in mind to prevent Purcell being heard by the rank and file of labor. So far they have suceeded only in arousing additional interest but more drastic measures may be expected and then the left. wing of organized labor must arouse the workers to public demonstrations that will make clear to the ruling class and. the labor traitors that it will permit the labor movement to be dragged no deeper into the mire, A Suggestion to the S. P. The socialist party of America, to the best of its limited ability, is engaged in discrediting the Russian revolution and betraying the revolutionary movement in .the United States. This has not prevented it, however, from talking about reyolu- tion and using revolutionary phraseology to some*extent—the extent needed to fool the less discerning workers. But even revolutionary phraseology has its dangers. At eb the Milwaukee Leader, organ of the socialist party, has come. to,that conclusion. It appears that the Leader is worried over the fact. that the Communists use the word revolition in the sense of a. violent struggle between the capitalist class and the working class as. the final phase of the conflict for power. The Leader, in its issue of October 1, says: Chairman C. T. Cramp of the British labor party congress did well to point out the looseness of the way in which the word “revo- lution” is often flung around. Some good socialists use it as meaning simply the peaceful change which we are trying to bring about, ‘That is a dangerous use to make of the word—for the reason that it is more often misunderstood than understood. The average person thinks the word means only violent revolution. And, since that is , the sense in which the Communists use it, IT 1S THE SENSIBLE THING FOR SOCIALISTS TO DROP THE WORD OUT OF THEIR VOCABULARY. In one sense we agree with the Lead Seeing ‘that the socialists are for everything in ‘the world but a working class revolution, that in every European country they are the most ious foes of the working class, that in Germany, Bul- garia, Italy, Poland, Esthonia, Finland, Georgia and Russia, their hands are red with the blood of revolutionary workers, that, socialist ministers hold position in more than one murderous capitalist gov- ernment, we suggest that for the word “revolution” the socialists substitute “counter-fevolution.” In this way their vocabulary will suffer no loss and as the word neeurately describes their purposes it will do much to clarify work- ing class thought. I Working for War in in Atlantic City The convention of the American Federation of Labor follows in ; the footsteps of William Randolph Hearst and cries out about the i “yellow peril.” It scents, so its officials say, a plot to flood America with Japanese. n ay ' This is gne of the most éffeetive ways of making war propaganda for American imperialism.’ War with Japan is one of the pet-hopes } of the militarists and its necessity one of the cardinal beliefs of | their Wall Street masters. The officialdom of labor joins in the chorus and with the hypo- critical pretense of protecting American labor prepares the ground for the slaughter of both American and Japanese workers. This is one way in which the tools of imperialism in the labor movement earn their share of imperialism’s super-profits. More bituminous mines open up as the anthracite strike con- tinies. This relieves.the strain in the fuel market and helps to defeat both ‘soft and hard coat miners. A strike jn the whole industry is the answer, . sdet a member for the Workers Party and @ uew su i for the DAILY WORKER. /!:, Nig t THRO cm MERRIE 2 NA The Martyred Colone By MANUEL GOMEZ. HE aircraft investigation at Wash- ington was a two-days’ wonder. . . which means that of all the sessions of the investigating board, those two days when Col. Billy Mitchell was on the witness stand, boasting and snarl- ing and spitting out sarcastic epi- grams at the expense of his pot-bel- lied superiors of the army and navy, were the only ones that counted, And they were a mercorable two days! In- stinctively, newspaper editors realiz- ed that something significant was tak- ing place, not merely because: the scandal of it and the fact that Col. Billey is a “typical matinee idol of the army,” made it “good copy,” nor yet because it has become policy now to play up all things military—but be- cause the testtmony of the flashy, vulgar colonel was true talk which implies a new stage in modern war- fare, so terrible as to take one’s breath away. ~ OL, MITCHELL says to the gen- erals: “Take your spurs off and get into a motor car. Get the most powerful missle-throwing weapons that can be devised, both for rapidity, penetration, and for range.” He fore- tells the use of yet more murderous explosives and poison gases, with the all-seeing airplane dominating sea and land, sinking ships, destroying supply depots, railroads and canals, and forc- ing the évacuation of whole cities by the simple process of dropping tons of explosives upon the inhabitants. What especially characterizes Col- onel Michell’s testimony is a sense of the world-wide scope of contemporary military operations, and of foreign pol- icy. Having learned well Clause- witz’s familiar phrase that “war is just a continuation of politics by other means,” it is not difficult for him to locate presumptive enemies. First of all Great Britain, the foremost world competitor of American capitalism; then Japan, then a combination of Great Britain and Japan, with or without additional complicating alli- ances, EGARDING Great Britain, he says ironically: “Altho it may be un- thinkable that we have any trouble with her, it is the main reason that our defenses on the Atlantic are necessary.” Arguing for a powerful and mobile air force, he calls attention to the clash of interests in the Far Eeast THE DAILY WORKER. are, he emphasizes, tof control all in- gress and egress to the continent of Asia, half the populetiofi of the world, and to hold Asia, Asjati¢ (that is, Jap- anese).” “A perfégt Maudable am- bition!” he adds wi the cynical ur banity of the true i gene ‘Laud- able or not laudable} it brings Japan into conflict with the equally “laud- able" ambitions of American capital ism—with the result that Col, Mit- chell- calls for airplane bases in Alaska and the Hawaiian islands, and tresses the value of the air force in a joint war against Great Britain and Japan on the ground that it “can be used along the Atlantic coast and within 36 hours can be applied on the Pacific coast, or vice versa.” As if to indicate beyond the shadow of a doubt that he knows his way around in the world, the charming witness devoted an extra paragraph to the importance of the air force for uture operations ahead about the Ciribbean sea. 4, geccsiasieepe or cies the ea colonel is right in saying that “ @rplane can sink any ship that Ma over the domination of Asia. The as- pirations of Japan in the Far East| superior ‘vocate of airplane supremacy, is “the built or that can be built,” he un- doubtedly represents a new era in modern warfare, thé era when all war is world war at least in its implica- tions—because of its basis in world mperialist policy. ‘Warfare was mce largely a matter of relatively small armies—of infantry, cavalry and light artillery; this was under feudalism and during the earliest wars for the establishment of national states, when markets were extremely Iimited and local economy was the rule. With the expansion of markets the navy came more and more promi- nently to the fore, until, with the de- velopment of imperialism, Admiral Mahan was able to say that he who controls the seas controls the destin- ies» of the world. It appears as tho the day of the ajrplane will come next. Col. Billy Mitchell, the passionate ad- fair-haired boy” super-imperialism. ae course if the airplane is to. dem- inate it will be dnlyvas a technical instrument, as a weapon.) The war of 1914-18 proved, among other things, hat the machinery of industrialism is the real determining factor in’ pres- ent-day warfare. Germany held the allies at bay for three years, and de- feated them, because ofher industrial advantage, consolidated'at the very outset of the conflict; itwas only the industrial resources of the of, , contemporary The Political Crisis In Belgium By J. JACQUEMOTTE (Brussels) 'T has taken 73 days to arrive at the formation of a government which declares that it is supported by a large and reliable majority in both the chamber and the senate, in other words, the formation of a strong gov- ernment. Doubtless the new govern- ment will remain in existence as long as the social democrats, who belong to it, renounce the defense of the in- terests of the proletariat. The election of April.5, 1925, brot about signifitant changes in the rep- resentation of the political parties, and it cannot be denied that taken as a whole, the mass of the workers explicity voted for the left. The rapid collapse of the hopes which were expressed by the last bal- lot of the electors, will not be less marked. . From 1921-1923, the clerical-liberal government pursued a cle... and open reactionary policy, supported by the Catholic right and by the liberal party. HE most characteristic “factors” of this policy are participation in the criminal adventure in the Ruhr, in common with Poincare, the attempt to prohibit the legal existence of the Communist Party (the so-called Com- munist plot against the security of the state, March, 1923), the crushing of the railway strike by illegal mobiliza- dion of the strikers, and the persecu- tion of the active elements in May, 1923; the raising of the heavy taxes with which the workers are burden- ed; a general policy of “limitation of expenses” to the disadvantage of the proletariat in order to restore equili- brium in the budget—in vain by the bye! The result of the election, which re- duced the liberal representatives by more than one-third and cost the cleri- cals one seat, is a condemnation of the policy pursued by the clerical li- beral government. The social demo- cratic party was the great beneficiary of the discontent with the~policy of the Theunis ministry, which had ac- cumulated among the proletarian and petty bourgeois masses. The crushed liberal party declared that they would not take part in the formation of a new ministery, they prefer to be once more in the parlia- |, mentary opposition, doubtless, in fhe hope that they would again acquire electoral virginity. Thereupon a truly murderous game with combinations of ministries was witnessed. The social democrats: whose leader, Emile Vandervelde had, been commissioned to form a minis- try, having convinced themselves of the impossibility of splitting off some elements from the groups of the cler icals and liberals which would havi been prepared to partic! ipate in a gow ernment of the soctallst lett against |/To Save THE DAILY WORKER the consent of their Party, refused to ‘orm a united socialigt) government, as in the circumstandes this would have been a challenge to* the bour- geoisie and, as such 5 government, if it Wished to*carrf®thru its pro- gram, could only: hi done so if, in its fight against capitalism, it had actepted the support of the organ- ized forces of the proletariat. HEN followed Broqueville’s , at- temp? to patch together the brok- en fragments of the‘ clerical liberal ministry. In vain! “Thereupon the catholic party formed’a: united min- istry, thanks to the hostile attitude of the other, parties, fell on the’ first day of its existence. But the formation 6fthis ephemeral cabinet which had heen formed by the catholic minister, »Vandevyvere, had one chief object, that of proving to the.chamber itself the impossibility of constructing a wniform cabinet whether catholic or socialist, and further to demonstrate in public de- bate that the program of the Vande- vyvere cabinet and the government program advocated by the special de- mocrats are in essentials as like as two peas. After Max, the mayor of Brussels, had acted as mediator, Poullet, who had been a minister in the Theunis cabinet, undertook the mission of forming a cabinet and, after a great deal’ of bargaining, subterfuges and roufidabout ways, arrived:at the aim which had been pursued “for more than ten weeks. A” vatholic-socialist government was formed. Twelvc ministries are provided for, five cath- olics, five socialists and two personali- ties who are regarded as “liberaliz ing” or as standing outside party: Baron Rolin-Jaquemyns and General Kestens who has taken over the min- istr¥ of war, Rolin-Jaquemyns ‘was the Belgian delegate in the interaliied supreme- commission for the occupied terri- tories of Germany,;; hg the eve of the formation of the cabinet, the right elements of the catholic party had raised an objec- tion to the ghee roject. of a Poullet- Vandervelde bination in which the “non demoerate would not have had enough influente. Onited States ‘that turned the scale ‘gainst her. Today, the industrialism of the United States dominates the eapitalist world. .American industrial- ism will be able to forge whatever yeapons may be necessary for its pur- poses, Already, according to the testimony of Admiral Moffett, this country has he most powerful air force in the world. If the point of view of Col. Mitchell prevails, as it will prevail ultimately, American capitalist indus- trialism will set out to become undis- puted “mistress of the air.” And this precisely because that same indus- trialism is fighting for monopolization and control in Asia, in Latin-America and in Europe—because such a policy means inevitable war—because that is the whole method of modern imper- {alist competition on a world scale. Col. Mitchell realizes -all this, at least as much as it is necessary for a woldier to realize it. That is the dif- ference between him and the pettifog- ging bureaucrats of the army and navy departments, who still move within the narrow circle of an out- worn routine, clinging to it in des- peration because they sense that they will ‘be left behind and will not be able to ‘maintain themselves in the new world that Billy Mitchell speaks of so familiarly. ILLY MITCHELL is to be court- martialed. No doubt he will be hounded out of the army, amid the lamentations of the “liberals” and so- cialists of all shades, who are already bemoaning the unjust fate of this young “martyr of reform.” But the liberals and socialists can cease wor- rying. Billy Mitchell’s career is not at an end; it is just beginning. Billy Mitchell will be taken care of. He will be given ample opportunity to complete the revolution which he has started. Five seconds after he is out of the army his figure will loom por- tentously across the political horizon of these United States. Billy Mitchell has still more valuable services. to give to American imperialism. How Chairman Morrow (ef the air- craft investigating board—and of J. P, Morgan & Co.) must have chuck- led to read the lofty interviews given out by the delegates to the in- terparliamentary union, who began to arrive in Washington to discuss peace and disarmament—on the very day that Billy Mitchell took up his con- crete analysis of war preparations for a struggle with Japan, with England, with a combination of allied powers! As a matter of fact, in spite of the three party aspect, which was frau- dulently imparted to the Poullet cabi- net by the introduction of the “liber- alizing” members, the government is actually a catholic-socialist govern- ment. And the long comedy of the form- ation of a “democratic” government ends with the formation of a cabinet which was constructed thanks to the whole catholic right entering into a coalition with the social democrats. And vice versa. The true character of this new gov- ernment is revealed by the following simple statement; of the five catholic ministers, four were members of the previous Theunis cabinet and support- ed its external and internal policy. The fifth catholic minister, Jansen is director of the Banque Nationale de Belgique. It was he who was com- missioned by the league of nations to report on the plans for the “re- construction of Austria” which led to the enslavement of the Austrian people for the benefit of international finance. ) a dvaake is represented by Minis- ister Vandeyvere who will belong to the combination created by Poul- let. He “is well known to the Bel- gian workers. He was minister of of the interior in 1912, when, on the occasion of the general strike of the Walloon workers, shortly after the election of 1912, which had been a vie tory fox clericalism, the gendarmes fired on the workers—who had peace- ably installed themsetves in the “Pop- ulaire” of Liege—killing and wound- ing several of them. This means that the reformist lead- ers are by no means disgusted by it. But it is certain that this will soon be quite clear to the workers! Imperialist Agents Rob Soviet Courier 35 Miles from Moscow — RIGA, Latvia, Oct. 11—It is report- | from Moscow that early last Tues- “ay morning the express train from Moscow to Warsaw was held up at a point 35 miles out of Moscow and one of the passengers, a secretary ‘of Tchitcherin, carrying important docu- ments to the Soviet commissar for for- eign affairs now visiting in Germany, was robbed of these important papers. The robbers are not regarded as bandits after money, but as secret sevice agents of the imperialist pow- ers who are at present building an anti-Soviet bloc of nations in western ‘urope in evident preparation for ulti- mate war on: the workers’ republic. There were fifteen armed men in the band, which disappeared in the forests following, the robbery with red army troops in’ pursuit, heeyee¥ amato. TOKYO, Sept, 22.—(By Mail)—Jap- an is going. thru, a period of long and deep depresgigde: There are no signs of im nomic and financial improvement.” ie imports are far above the exports. The trade balance is unfavorable and the yen is fluctuat- ing. The government is trying to fix the limits to imports but the cutting down of the imports of raw material affects the industry. The slowing down of industry increases the unem- ployed army, which already reaches the 2,000,000 mark. Of course the un- favorable outlook of the rice crop and the Chinese uprisings are also contri- buting to the depression and dead- locked position of Japanese capital- ism. The prices of necessities, particul- arly on rice, are going up. Wages are being cut time and time again. There is great unrest amongst the proletariansy-yThe unemployed do not get any ass ice whatsoever and the capitalist press fears sporadic out- breaks, ‘é! ‘Phe government is scheming to export” about a million unemployed proletarians to Hokkaido, a northern agricultural island. How- ever even the capitalist spokesmen are forced to” admit that such a scheme is an impossibility. Thus all in all and making the long story short, we may say that the objective con- ditions in Japan are ripe and favor- able for Communist activities, Labor Forces Scattered. Unfortunately, the organized forces of Japanese labor are scattered to all four. winds. There are 222,000 organ- ized worktrs out of the four to four and a half million’ workers employed. But even this small foree—the 222,000 — are organized into no less than 401 unions, Yes, “dualism and inde- pendence, or as we Japanese say, neutralism is prevValing. Decentral- ization-and territorialism is being felt everywhere. Syndicalism, is _ still blossoming among the metal. and printing trades. ’ Undoubtedly: “it -will require some time before: we will be able to put our- selves on *thevoright track. For in stance, just) recently, we still had a split in the: Japanese Federation of Labor. Ina nut-shell, the case was as follows: ‘The: Japanese Federation of Labor,sembracing 25,000 workers, was the leading and the most advanc- ed section*of organize labor in Japan. But due. te the failure of the German revolution and the temporary stabil- ization of: capitalism, etc., reformism began to-manifest itself within this organization. 0 Thus gtadually the right wing and the left-wing within the Japanese Fed- eration-ef Labor came into existence, The left: wing. was growing stronger every day, The right wingers became desperate and decided to expel the left. wing. The left wingers on May 21st agsembled.in a conference and after heatedydebate decided to accept the challenge» and decision of © the right wihg:and resolved to organize a new federation—The Council of the Trade Unions: of Japan. Communists were against the accept- ance of thewhallenge, but we were too weak to:stem the tide of dualism. ‘Altho -the::Japanese Federation of Labor splitjin: 50-50, yet we the left wingers. ate’;facing isolation. The Suzukis and, Nishios are trying their damndest to detach us from the gen- eral labor. movement. It is quite pos- sible that’ owing to the favorable ob- Jective canditions and the political de- velopmentsAthat we will be able to im sectarianism and further dual- m, |JAPAN TODAY On Right Road Now. From the above you will realize that the left wing so far was not the left wing organization a la Profintern, i. e., built uponminority groups within all existing trade unions. However, we are preparing to launch a real left wing organization within a couple of months. At the present time we are engaged: in campaigns as follows: The labor party, unemployed relief, invitation of the Soviet Russian trade union de- legation to China to come over also to Japan, preparation for the left wing organization, formation of a Young Workers League and preparations for the Communist group conference. Labor Party Campaign. The labor party campaign is almost swinging» the- whole of organized labor. So far already a big majority of organized labor voted to partici- pate in the coming conference of the labor party. Here I shall explain that in»Japan the labor. party. is being called the Proletarian Party. Why? Simply because the trans: lation does not go otherwise. How ever, please don’t mix up the Japan- ese Proletarian Party with the Detroit We, the: so-called Proletarian Party of comed- ians, ete; On October 10th the first prelimin- ary conference will .take place at Osaka; There will be 45 delegates present representing 127,000 organ- ized workers, or strictly speaking, trade unionists. At this first prelim- inary conference the number of our adherents will be nine, We will insist that the constituent convention of the labor party shall be held ‘not later than September; that the new party shall be a class party, a mass party, a fighting organization aiming\for the conquest of political power, ete. Of course, we will try to force toward the left as far as possible without breaking it: We hope that we will avoid the mistakes you have made in Americe. You can be sure of that— that we Japanese Communists know all about your experiences in the United States and will profit from them, Read the Militant “Progressive Barber,” Just Off the Press The Progressive Barber, one of the livest and most brilliant of the T. U. EB. L. papers, is off the press. It isa real barbers’ paper with just enough general trade union news to connect it with the general left wing move- ment in this country. The make-up is excellent. This issue of the fighting little pa- per contains many features which are as a rule, lacking in all the other papers.- Barberities by Larry Val- lance presents the humorous side of the barbers’ activities in a very ori- ginal manner. The articles on the history of the barber trade by Joseph Giganti are tremendously interesting and are read with avidity by the bar- bers. The cartoons appearing in this issue tell the story of the Chicago expulsions. Contributions from read- ers demonstrate how wide-awake bar- bers view the situation in their umion, It leads the fight of the left wing in the barbers’ unions thruout the country, and its method of gaining in- formation uf conditions among bar- bers is well developed and efficient. The Progressive Barber is a real left wing paper, and of interest not ~ only to the barbers, but to all in the Jeft wing movement of this country. OLTT ? 16 pages with cover photograph of the speaker in action, Price: | Single copies, 5 10¢ each | 25 copies, 8e each \ } 100 ‘opies or more, 5¢ each , WORKER | | BLVD. Chicago = ILL, ct delivered in the Hote of Commons, July 9, Shapurji Sakdaiyale 1925 by keeping out the man] A made this attack. | You can bring into ul hands of every worker| this brilliant exposure of] Imperialist’ oppression.