The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 10, 1925, Page 10

The British Trade Union Congress at Scarborough By CARL 'BRANNIN, HE British labor movement is de- finitely swinging to the left. In- dications of this were seen when the miners, railwaymen and transport workers joined hands on a_ certain Friday last July to protect the miners from a wage cut and forced the Bald- win government to subsidize the min- | ing industry for nine months rather | than make the workers suffer for the | greed of the operators.. This “Red | Friday” demonstration of working class solidarity.» announced to the world that the limit had been, reach- ed—that British labor was of a single mind to stand together and fight. The recent (Sept. 7-12) Trade Union Con- gress at Scarborough, gave definite confirmation of this new orientation. The 726 delegates representing nearly 4% million organized workers, met in an atmosphere of high morale over the setback given the employing in- terests. HE opening speech of Pres. A. B. Swales seemed to set the pace for the congress, but what is really true, is that he was only voicing the sen- timents ‘of the rank and file, when he hit.straight from the shoulder at the whole capitalist: system: “There: are surely signs over the whole field of industry which indicate that vast and revolutionary changes must take place in industrial struc- ture to meet the changed conditions. Men and women are not going to re- main content with a condition of so- ciety which condemns millions of hu- man beings to want the necessaries of life, while as a result of educa- tion and knowledge they know too well and see quite clearly that nature in its bounteousness can supply all their legitimate needs by the proper organization of society upon a basis of collective ownérship. “TNDUSTRIES are in an appalling condition and the employing class stand aghast at their own handiwork. For, almost a century and a half theirs hasi beemothe itaskvto’applythe eco- nomic policy, .of ; industry, Deny it as they may the present chaos is of their making, for they consistently and persistently denied the workers the slightest measure of control. Hav- ing produced these conditions, the possessing class are afraid of their own production ari now they cry to the unions: ‘Let us come together; sit down with us, and examine the present condition of trade and com- merce. See if we cannot to- gether save our system from totter- ing to its last fall.’ Many of our good comrades who in the days gone by, taught us to believe there was no remedy other than the abolition of capitalism seem afraid, now that the system is collapsing, and appeal for a united effort to patch up the sys- tem with the aid of the present pos- pc ap class. OSE who believe that a new ;order of society is inevitable be- fore we can remedy the existing evils and to which in this address I have directed attention—cannot do other than rejoice that at last there are clear indications of a world move- ment rising in revolt and determined to shake off the shackles of wage slavery. Just as our people have pass- ed out of slavedom into serfdom, and out of serfdom into wagedbm, so will they finally pass out of wagedom into freedom. “The new phase of development, which is world wide, has entered up- on the next and probably the last stage of revolt: It is the duty of all members’ of the working’ clfss to so solidify their movement that,-come ' when theotime may for the last final struggle, we shall be wanting in neither machinery, nor men, to move forward to the destruction of wage slavery and the construction of a sys- tem of society based upon co-ordinat- ed effort and world wide mutual good will and understanding.” INCE the memorable “Black Fri- day” of 1921, when the Triple Alli- ance of Railwaymen, Miners and Transport Workers fell to pieces be- fore the attack of the employers, Bri- tish labor has been learning some things in the hard school of experi- ence. They have : seen their purchasing power diminish by millions of pounds. ‘They have felt the sharp pangs of hunger as unemployment has mount- ed bodies to the T. U. C., the action of the congress was unsatisfactory. (The formation of workers’ defense corps was not covered by a resolu- tion.) But on international trade union unity, the Dawes’ plan, imper ialism, shop committees and trade union aims and broader trade rela- tions with Russia, the delegates took a stand identical with that of their comrades of the N. M. M. The first three items might be taken as the most important on the agenda, EN M. Tomski, chairman of the All-Russian Council of * Trade Unions, rose to address the congress as a fraternal delegate, he was given an ovation more pronounced than that accorded to any other speaker. He expressed his gratification that the faith reposed by the Russian workers in their British comrades had. been fully justified and that events were moving toward the formation of one international of all the workers of th world. In no other way could the workers protect their standard of liv- ing and prevent a recurrence of world wars. “International working class unity,” said Tomski, “is a development which will go forward in spite of the bitter attacks of the capitalist press and the reactionary attitude of a group of “the leaders in the Amsterdam Interna- tional.” ‘HEN the speaker had finished and the Internationale had been sung by the delegates (the first time in the Mrs. Tomsky and Mrs. Swalés at Scarborough. ed to near the twe million figure. They have witnessed the insufficiency of the “dole” to provide even an ex- istence standard of living, They have seen the development, of industries in Indian and the colonies and the con- sequent closing down of similar fac- toriég in England. They have felt the effects of the Dawes’ plan as German coal has gone to markets that were formerly British. They have. seen the threat of coolie labor at from 8 to 16 cents per day in the Far Bast. They have been smashed between the eyes by the refusal of the British govern- ment and the banks to finance large machinery orders from the. Russian textile trust and frém other Russian industries. Now they are beginning to recog- nize the point of the propaganda of the Communist and left wing mili- tants and to register their response by definite action. What they have heretofore considered as being pure- ly in the realm of theory has been living reality. The decisions of the congress upon the various resolutions bear out this principle. gga the decisions of the Nationa] Minority Movement convention (Aug. 29-30) had been refused: ¢on- sideration by the general» council’ of the T, U. C.. because the N. M.. M, } was not an affiliated body, with only a few exceptions every position en- dorsed by the latter was ratified by the congress. On ‘the granting. of Ave i A RRNA Ra translated by everyday events into more power to the general council, history of a B. T. U. Congress) S. Ellsbury (Garment Workers) a mem- ber of the Minority Movement, moved the resolution endorsing the action of the general council in its efforts toward “an all-inclusive internatiohal federation of trade unions” and de- claring for a continuance of the work. Fred Bramley, secretary of the congress, and one of the B. T. U. dele- gates to Russia, made an eloquen! plea for loyal support of the Russian ‘workers. Thergcould be no real in ternational unless they were included. consider it our duty to stand | by the working classes of Rus- sia. The Russian revolution is the first revolution in all history that has faimed at and secured the*déverthrow of .exploitation-—-the world’s. first ex- periment iff working class control of public affairs. There they have put into practice the resolutions’ we have been passing in these congresses for many years. hast “There is one great lesson the Rus- sian revolution has taught us. It is possible to make changes in govern- ments; to put people in prison; to cut off the heads even of kings; to re- move . whole, ruling . dynasties; to launch deyas' upon the world ard’ freer a workers by the millions and yet to maintain your postion of respectability in society. have had some experience with these matters in our own country. Dut tf you dicta the Minded inter- tracised and attacked by the whole capitalist world. You watt be com- pelled to face what Russia faces now.” Even J. H. Thomas who hates Sov- fet Russia as much as he likes Lord Inchcape (and that’s saying a good deal) did not dare raise his voice against it. The resolution was ‘car- ried with only two dissenting votes. \For the first time since: its enact- ment, the official British labor move- ment had an opportunity to register its opposition to the Dawes’ plan: This scheme for sweating German labor was denounced by an-overwhelming vote, Even J. H, Thomas, J. R. Clynes and Margaret Bondfield, members of the labor government. that, put this over, did not dare raise their: voices in its favor, A. J. Cook, secretary of the Miners’ Federation, speaking for the resolution, said that there had been a time when the British workers had not been opposed to the Dawes’ plan. It was because they had not understood it. But now with British mines shut down, 200,000 miners un- employed and German coal going to Italy and other former British ‘mar- kets, their eyes had ,been opened to its effects. é “puis Trade Union Congress be: . lieves that the domination of non- British people by the British govern- ment is a form >of capitalist exploit- ation having for its object the secur- ing for British capitalists (1) of cheap sources of raw materials; (2) the right to exploit cheap and unor- ganized labor and to use the compe- tition of that labor to degrade the workers’ standards in Great Britain. “It declares its complete opposition to imperialism and resolves: (1) to support the workers in all parts of the British Empire to organize the trade unions and political parties in order to further their interests, and (2) to support the right of all peoples in the British empire to self determination, including the right to choose complete separation from the Empire.” ; . A. PURCELL, vice-chairman of the congress, moved the forego- ing resolution, with definite emphas- is upon the menace of the coolie stan- dard to British workers. John Brom- ley, secretary of the Locomotive En- gineers and Firemen, whose appear- ance denoted a prosperous business man, but whose remarks were along the lines of the class conscious work- er, followed in the same vein. Harry Pollitt (Boilermakers) clear-headed secretary of the N. M. M. expressed the Communist position. Then J. H. Thomas, secretary National Union of Railwaymen and colonial secretary of the late labor government, arose to offer a weak opposition. There was no question as to how the vote. would [ go but Chairman Swales decided to - make a demonstration by a card The count showed 3,082,000-f 79,000 against. © ee Thus begins the “passing of” one. of the hoary traditions of Great tain—the sanctity of the British em- pire. HE general council was instructed by a later resolution to consider — sending a delegation to India and the Far East to help in the organization of the workers there.. The convention expressed solidarity with the striking Chinese workers and - condemned British diplomacy there. An account of the Scarborough con- vention for American ders would be incomplete without mention of the fraternal delegates from the Ameri- can Federation of Labor. Messrs. Adamski (United Garment Workers) and Evans (Electrical workers) were (Continued on page.5) gitivregite Rites eee Rasen ust