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{ | f |The Armies of Capitalism After the War . French Imperialism Let Loose nF. J. JACOB, EVEN years have barely elapsed since the end of the great carnage which cost France 1,700,000 dead and 25,821,782,000 dollars, and now French imperialism is already engaged in a new military adventure in Morocco. This is a demonstration of the com- plete bankruptcy of the pacifist ideol- ogy of the bloc des gauches. They have promised peace to the world and are now making war in Morocco, We have always vigorously denounced the the demagogy of Herriot and social- ists who pretend they were able to present a pacifist solution for the ser- ious post-war problems. Statements and symbolic gestures in favor of peace could not solve these problems. HE outbreak of the Moroccan war is the first result of the imperialist policy that Herriot and Painleve have pursued since the 1914-18 war as faith- ful successors to the Clemenceau and Poincare governments, Could it be otherwise? No. During the 52 months’ duration of the long and terrible butchery that brot Europe into such an abominable morass, the politicians of the right, radical and socialist parties, did all they could to continue the war to the bitter end. HE conclusion of the war led to the framing of the shameful Versailles treaty which, in spite of the fact that it contained the germs of new war in every one of its articles, was approved by the left democrats and the socialist patriotic leaders. It was unable to assure world equilibrium, dictated as it was, by the victorious imperialists. Now imperialism has changed sides. Having taken part in the war and in the preparation of the Versailles treaty the radicals and socialists had inevitably to bear the consequences. By A. SVETCHIN The most gard to armed forces is that a state can only attain the maximum exer- tion of its fighting forces by expend- ing all the material resources it pos- sesses, however, considerable these may be, and not merely a part of them. Even such arch-military coun- tries as Poland who expend half of the state budget on military needs cannot Tegard themselves as being materially prepared for the develop- ment of a maximum military activity within three weeks of the commence- ment of mobilization. The modern field of battle has an unquenchable thirst for swallowing up material resources; there is no limit to satisfying it by means of the pro- duction of technique. No one state economy is sufficiently strong to sup- port all military equipment even in peace time which must be adorned from the very commencement of the war. It would be suicide for any government already to start turning plough, shares. into swords in peace time, . A_New Epoch. Under the new state of affairs the old sphorism again cropped up “war must nourish war.” This must now be understood in the sense that the main masses of fighters and the war munitions demanded must be prepar- ed and produced during the course of the war itself. It thereby follows that the epoch of the military art of a Moltke, who carried oft warfare ex- clusively on the basis of peace-time preparation and who had an army at his disposition in 20 days after mob- fligation with maximum fighting strength—such an epoch as this has ended; during the 20th century we haye entered into a new period o' military ‘art, | when “mobilization is no Tonger just one point in war opera- tions, but becomes a permanent fac- tor. Thruout the whole length of the war until it has finally subsided capitalist states will be moving for- ward echelon after echelon of newly formed troops, Two Sides to Conscription. The second fundamental conclusion important conclusion | from the world war is that conscrip- drawn from the world war with re-|tion will also remain a means of LEMENCEAU’S sinister document had hardly been signed when the most serious complications arose and the allies of yesterday were no longer in agreement as to its interpretation! The incidents which took place in connection with the Ruhr occupation have disclosed the antagonisms be- tween French and British imperialism in all their nakedness. They have reached perfect agree- ment for\the plunder and sharing out of conquered Germany. But once this had been done the struggle com- menced for the conquest of the world market. This situation often caused sharp conflicts between France and Great Britain both of which needed new outlets. None of the internal con- tradictions of capitalism and imperial- ism which made the world war inevit- able in 1914 have disappeared; the men of the bloc des gauches know this very well. Why then do they continue these pacifist statements if not to lull the working class to sleep, and to lead them towards new fields of battle where once more there will be a struggle for the capture of the world market. INCE 4918 there have been serious threats of war on several occas- ions. Now France has rushed head- long into a war in Morocco. The pa- cifists of the bloc des gauches are bringing home civilization to the Riffs by means of gun fire, rifles and aerial bombardment. The first Moroccan adventure in 1907, which was so forcibly denounced by Jaures, was the prelude to the world war. In 1911 the Algaciras af- fair almost started a war between France and Germany. At the present moment the fear of the national revo- lution becoming extended, outweighs the international complications which might arise from a Franco-Moroccan conflict, Great Britain casts an un- drawing masses having a national character, into the war in bourgeois countries. It forms an armed force not sufficiently flexible to respond to all the tasks presented by imperial- ism. Conscription creates an armed force which during the present epoch of socialist revolutions is none too serviceable a weapon in the hands of the ruling classes, and which, under certain conditions might even rise up against the capitalist states. Con- scription was able to flourish in the Prussia of the 18th century which had no fleet, no colonies, and whose en- tire military interests were connect- ed with uniting various German lands into one political whole. Great. Britain an@ France, old cradles of impertalism were always opposed to conscription and for a long time talked of the advantages of long service soldiers. It was only Sedan which compelled France to pass a law on conscription. while with Great Britain it was the experience of the world war; when these war demands had ceased to exist Great Britain re- turned to its beloved recruiting , sys- tem. The German renunciation of conscription was signed with the Ver- sailles peace; but the British army may be distinguishéd from the organ- izations of the conquered—the Reichs- wehr only by the existence of the remarkable military technique which is denied to Germany. Cannon Fodder Experts. Of course under these conditions conscription as a basis for forming armed forces in Europe still holds sway. It would be erroneous to as- sert that conscription was a brief and already completed oe te the de- bourgeoisie purveyors "a der place exceedingly great value on the masses whom they friendly glance towards France in view of Gibralter being on the Medit- erranean coast. The Morrocan war has ressuscitated Italian designs on Tunis, S a matter of fact the present con- flict which confronts French im- perialism with the Riffs fighting for their independence is a disturbing in- fluence to capitalists of all countries. The national revolution started by Abd-El-Krim has aroused the enthus- iasm of the whole of Islam; it started in Morrocco, and if it was victorious it would extend to Algeria, Tunis, Su- dan, Senegal, Indochina, Egypt and India, and all the colonial or semi- colonial countries. The loss of the colonies would be a terrible blow for France and Great Britain and would shake their entire regime. Therefore this must be prevented at all costs. Realizing this danger the entire press —including both the right and the left —is shouting for a war to a finish. Herriot and Panileve are mere play- things in the hands of the directors of the Banque de Paris at des Pay Bas, and are playing their role admirably. They continue to talk about peace and to proclaim the pacifist intentions of France in order* to pacify disturbed public opinion, while at the same time they continue the war. In any case a world war might break out. If Abd-El-Krim is beaten the various designs of the imperialist powers will become clear. French, Spanish, and British imperialists will commence quarreling over the domi- nation of Morocco, F the national revolution develops, the powers will not fail to throw the responsibility onto the Soviet Union, which they are already doing, and will declare war against the U. S. S. R. The attacks against the Soviets on the part of the entire press and of the British government for the formation ferent physiognomy as compared with that of the 19th century. It is the fund with which modern capitalist armies are built up. It still represents the main weapon of a great war on a par with the material resources gain- ed from economic mobilization, But just as there exists a certain inde- pendent military industry, independ- ent of the economic whole of the in- dustry of the state, so also independ- ent of the millions of masses who might be mobilized by conscriptions, modern imperialism strives to form a select and absolutely reliable and serviceable front line army. It is es- sential for them when finding and sub- jugating allies and also to bring vio- lence to bear during internal strug- gles with the workers, and in order to mask general mobilization in case of a great war. Spontaneous Action. In the XIX century a stubborn fight was put up against special select troops and for uniting the whole army into ‘one entity, Modern actuality compels imperialism to abandon this point of view. Spontaneous action of the toiling masses represents for im- WHAT DO munist daily. WORKER? politically or otherwise? ete., etc.? WORKER? NE of the features of the special issue of the DAILY WORKER for International Press Day, Sept. 21, will be the publication of replies to a questionnaire addressed to all the readers of our Com- This day has been especially set apart in the drive for the Bolshevization of the Communist press. Every DAILY WORKER reader must join In this effort. Here are the questions: 1. Why do you read our Communist newspaper, the DAILY 2. What shortcomings do you find in the DAILY WORKER, 3. What criticisms have you as to make-up, contents, display, 4. Can you act as a worker correspondent for the DAILY 6. Whet.ouperionses.do you sactwith ia getting othere $0 cub: scribe for and read the DAILY WORKER? Shed Sit down today and write your reply to one, two or all of these questions and then mall them In to the Editor, the DAILY WORKER, 4113 West Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ill. . of an anti-Soviet front, prove that pub- lic opinion is being prepared for this possibility, What are the socialist leaders doing in the face of this situation? As in 1914 they have entered into a union- sacree* they are deceiving the work- ers by lies and hiding the seriousness of the situation by pacifist statements, Just during the war they are also playing the role after the war of a wind screen behind which imperialism is hiding to carry out its sinister de- signs. RTUNATELY today there is a party which is rising up against rampant imperialism with all its forces: this is the Communist Party, From the very commencement of the Moroccan conflict the Communist Party has taken u pa clear and defi- nite position, issuing precise slogans capable of rallying wide masses against the Moroccan war. Every day the activity of the party is becoming more intense, and is continuing in spite of all repression; the party has already been able to rally millions of workers around its slogans. The Paris and Lille workers’ congresses are a proof of this. The French imperialists now feel that they are not only confronted with a party, but that they are faced with a mass of workers who are ready to demand peace with Morocco. They realize that if they perpetuate the folly of wanting to attack the Soviet Union they will not only be confronted with the soldiers of the Red Army, and the entire Russian people stand- ing shoulder to shoulder to defend their revolution; but within France itself they will also be faced with the working class masses mobilized by the Communist Party in order f prevent by all means at their disposal an on- slaught against the hearth of the world revolution. perialism a bill of exchange that can- not be realized at any minute while convoy armies and expeditionary corps and permament colored regi- ments are regarded as good money. There is a deep cleft in the military organizations of the imperialist states dividing the permanent forces—the favorite and technically well equipped children—from the mass of arméd people which actually in peace time has practically no ready frame work, but whose rapid formation is guaran- teed in secret mobilization plans. The secret armies are the first ech- elon always ready to commence the war in strict obedience of the com- mand of the ruling classes. But the continuation and ending of the war will not be done by the first but by the following echelons, who will be formed of varying elements consider- ably, these need both a different poli- fical approach and different methods of preparation and command. The dual nature of the complete prepara- tion of all large imperialist states is the most characteristic feature in the modern evolution of the armies of the imperialist west. Fy: YOU SAY? e+