The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 21, 1925, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill, Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blivd., Chicago, Illinois J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNN® MORITZ J. LOEB... Entered as second-cluss mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, It, under the act of March 3, 1879. ..Business Manager Advertising rates on application. The Zeigler Raid rs, members of the United Mine Workers ed as this article is being written or about to be arrested on a charge of conspiracy in connection with the riot which took place at recent meeting of the local union when the sub-district officials attempted to fo: the miners surrender to the operators in the dispute over check weighmen. Twenty-five Zeigler mine of Ameri are either arr Lon Fox, the sub-district president, deposed the officers of the local at the behest of the coal company officials, because they in- sisted on the men’s right to have their coal properly weighed on the scales. The state law calls for exact weighing and the weighman is held responsible. The company was rushing the coal over the scales so f. The miners refused to hoist any more coal until they were guaranteed that the boss would not rob them at the top in addition to robbing them at the bottom. Fox, who is Farrington’s tool, came in backed up by a posse of armed kluxers and ordered the union officials deposed. Over ninety per cent of the union is with the old officers who have been tested and proved true. At the end of the meeting a disturbance took place during which a miner was shot by a member of the ku klux klan. The assassin is under arrest. Now comes the raid on the active members of the union. Accord- ing to our present information, those for whom warrants have been issued are supporters of Henry Corbishly, president of the local and the other progressive officials who have been deposed by Farrington’s tool, Lon Fox. The main reason for the arrests is: The miners have refused to return to work until the deposed officials of the local are rein- stated. Only members of the K. K. K. who are in alliance with Far- rington have signified their willingness to dig coal. Farrington with the aid of Len Small’s officials, hopes to break the strike by putting the active members in jail. He also hopes in this way to get rid.of the progressive leadership which has been a thorn in his side for a Tong time. If the authorities were anxious to punish those who were responsible for the riot, they wonld’arrest Lon Fox and his K. K. K. supporters. The miners thruout southern Illinois are rallying.to the support of their Zeigler comrades. Farrington and his hench- men will have another defeat chalked up against them before this in- cident is disposed of. st that the weighman could not perform his duty, so he quit.; THE DAILY WORKER Are There Opportunists in the Workers Party? The Workers Party is going thru an extraordinarily interesting and sig- nificant and important perfod of its existence. The old factional crisis is clearly nearing its end. The remains of fac- tionalism are still very strong. In connection with the convention we have seen a sharpening of the faction- al fight, but there is no doubt but that this is the last flare-up of the dying fire. The fact that all the political vesolutions were unanimously adopt- ed by the Parity Commission, that there is an agreement in many organ- izational matters that had divided the factions, proves that in general the old factional crisis is approaching complete liquidation, But the old crisis has not yet fully disappeared when we see a new and more serious crisis ripening. This time it is a question of a struggle of the Bolshevik wing of the party (or more properly speaking, the wing which is sincerely and earnestly mov- ing toward Bolshevization) and the opportunistic wing which is going to make a very bitter resistance against the reorganization of the party. The old factional walls are broken down, but there are new factional walls be- ing built up between the Bolshevist and the non-Bolshevist or anti-Bolshe- vist sections of the party. Nevertheless we hear some com- rades say, “There is no opportunism in our party.” Comrade Lore him self has declared that he does not know what Loreism is. Comrade Poyntz, (see her resolution introduc: ed in the recent New York member- ship meeting of our party) is decided- ly against Loreism. Comrade Jam- polsky and others (see their resolu- tions introduced at the same meet- ing) are also against Loreism. The Finnish branch in Superior has pro- claimed a crusade against Loreism. Comrade Askeli is going side by side with the Finnish branch in Superior. If all these comrades are opposed to Loreism, the question arises: Where are the Loreites against whom they are going to fight? If we are to be- lieve all these comrades the result is that there is no Loreism in the party. But we have good grounds for not believing them. More than that, we are completely able to prove that pre- j cisely they are Loreites. No Loreite has ever declared that he is an opportunist. The usual trick of all.opportunists is to deny the exist- ance of opportunism. Opportunism is but a malignant invention of slander- ers, fabricated only to silence free Craft Disunity The workers of the whole world were given a splendid example of the efficacy of industrial solidarity in the recent action of the British trade unions when the miners won a victory over the oper- ators and the government combined. They won because the entire labor movement was behind them. It is true that it required many bitter defeats to drive the lesson home to the British workers. But it has finally sunk in and is there to stay. When will the American wrokers take this lesson to heart? The lockout of the pressmen and feeders in the Cuneo printing plant is a case in point. While the pressmen and feeders are on the streets, other sections of the allied printing trades are working in the shops. Union teamsters are hauling material to the plant and hauling away the finished product. This is not unionism. Aside from the scabbery of George L. Berry, the international president of the union, the usual practices of reactionary trade union jeaders are scabbing in principle. It is not often, of course, that international officers hire strikebreakers to scab on their own mem- bers. But there is no reason why any union man should handle seab goods or assist in any way in getting it to its final destination. Why should typographical workers, binders, compositors or any other category of workers in the printing trades, stay at work in Cuneo’s while the pressmen and feeders are locked out? Why should the electricians and machinists stay at work? The only reason is that trade unionism is sick and feeble. Craft division is taking the guts out of it. There is no cure for this disease except industrial unionism thru amalgamation. The American trade union movement has a big task ahead of it. It faces a powerful enemy in its capitalist class, the strongest in the world. It is handicapped by an antiquated system of labor organization, that has long ago outlived its usefulness. Before the workers can hope to successfully cope with the exploiting classes it must scrap its ontworn trade union machinery and transform the craft unions into industrial unions. The Empire Is Cracking Premier Borden of Canada in a speech at the Institute of Politics at Williamstown, Mass., declared that each unit of the British empire or what is euphoniously called the “British Commonwealth of Na- tions,” should develop its department of external relations. This means that Canada is about to send an ambassador to Washington to represent the dominion in matters affecting Canada and the United States; and not leave such matters under the jurisdiction of Great Britain as is now the case. Premier Borden is smooth enough to represent this development as being dictated by the altruistic desire to help the British empire. The rulers of the emprie are not so sanguine. What is taking place before our eyes is the disintegration of the mightiest empire in history. Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Canada find the leading strings of the “motherland” anything but comfortable, They are shifting for themselves. On the other hand the Britsih colonies largely peopled by sub- ject races are in the throes of revolt. India and Egypt are only held down by force of arms. In addition'to those troubles abroad, Britain is straddled with a tremendous army of unemployed, numbering over 1,500,000 and a working class movement that is gradually being forced to a point of revolution, thrt’ the failure of capitalism to provide it with the means of living. i Among the latest exploits of the Mouse of Morgan is the organ- ization of an international diamond trust to control the world output and world vor} . ietrust prosecutions are feared under the world court of nations, * Taal wa San bina, ‘ criticism. Thus speak the opportun- ists of all countries. Examine the history of the French, German and Russian parties and you will find there hundreds of examples of this tactic on the part of opportunists. Clumsy Opportunism. But the opportunists are not con- tent with this trick—they are going much further. They declare that pre- cisely they are the most genuine rep- resentatives of Marxism and Lenin- ism, that they are in full agreement with the C. L, that they are merely in disagreement with their own party. In ‘some parties such a substitution of opporiunism for Leninism is made very skillfully (Trotsky in the Rus- sian Communist Party); in other par- ties not so skillfully (Brandler and Radek in the German Party; Smeral and Neurath in the Czecho-Slovakian Party; Simon Markovich in the South Slavic Party) and in the Work- ers Party this substitution is made in a ridiculously clumsy fashion. In any event, it marks a great step forward for the Workers Party that the opportunists find it necessary to assume a Leninist disguise to keep their place within the party. But before entering into an ana- lysis of the substitution of opportun- ism for Leninism in the. Workers Party, it is necessary to formulate an answer to the question: What is op- rtunism? Such a question has been sked and answered by the Finnish ranch in Superior. This is what they vrite: “The essential distinctive feature of opportunism is blind patriotism to- ward an organization, the setting of the organization even above the lead- ing principles, currying favor with he- terogeneously colored elements and the avoidance of self-criticism.” This definition is incorrect. More than that, it is dragged in by the hair for polemic purposes. This is not a definition of opportunism but a collection of illusions and hints, a concealed polemic (which is the worst and most cowardly kind of a polemic), a polemic against whom directed we do not know—against the majority or against the minority or against both together. “Blind patriotism toward an organ- ization.” The whole question is only: With respect to which organization? Blind patriotism toward a good Com- munist organization is no opportun- ism. But patriotism toward an oppor- tunistic organization is undoubtedly opportunism, The Russian Party, Try to adapt the formula of the Superior Finnish comrades, for in- stance, to the Russian Party. There is no other Communist Party which has such a great quantity of “hetero- geneously colored” elements. It is enough to note that the Russian Com- munist Party has a great number of peasant Communists, some tens of thousands of worker’ and peasant Communists who are working at mili- tary w in the Red army. There is no st sitution in other parties. Do the Stperiof Finnish comrades be- lieve” the Party, or its C, EB. ©, voit seca abtas t o BF must not “curry fayor” with all these “heterogeneously colored, elements?” Would it have been;pgssible to realize the unity of the workers and peasants if the party had had some other pol- icy with regard tothe, peasants? It follows from the formula of the Superior Finnish comrades that the policy of the Russian Communist Party is an opportunist policy. After such a conclusion it is not remark- able that the comrades of the Super- ior Finnish branch twice call them- selves in their statement “the most mature party members.” Let us go on with the question of “self-criticism.” The comrades of the Superior Finnish branch affirm that opportunists avoid self-criticism. Quite the contrary. Nobody. talks so much about freedom of ,criticism as the opportunists. We have only to re- member the’ starting point of the in- itiator of opportunism in the German Party, Bernstein. He began with the demand for freedom of criticism. This demand was in fact_a demand for freedom for an opportunistic criticism of Marxism. ‘The whole question is only a question of what criticism we are talking about, whether we are talking of an opportunistic criticism or a Communist criticism. A party or a section of a party whch carries on an opportunistic criticism and resists a Communist criticism is an oppor- tunistic party. Vice versa, a party which carries a struggle against op- portunistic criticism’ and criticises it- self from the point of view of Marx- -sm and Leninism is a Bolshevik, a cruly Communist Party. Self-criticism is necessary for every Bolshevik party. Thus it is only a.question of what kind of criticism is necessary for the party, opportunistic or Com- munist criticisnt. We see then that the definition of opportunism giyen by the Superior Finnish comrades is good-for-nothing. Social Democratic Baggage. Opportunism within tne Commun- ist Parties in the present,period is a tendency to substitute spcial-democ- racy for Communism. Thg,overwhelm- ing majority of the preseat Commun- ist Parties were organized from the lett wing of the old social-democratic parties, and included in.their ranks tens of thousands of former social- democrats. These comrades brought with them a great deal of social-demo- cratic ideological baggage, and could not within a couple of years complete- ly regenerate themselves.into genuine Bolsheviks. These remnants of so- cial-democratic. viewpoints are the basis for the opportunistic tendencies with the Communist Parties. Trot- sky in Russia, Brandler in Germany, Smeral and _Neurath in Czecho-Slo- vakia, Rosmer in France, Simon Mark- ovich in the South Slayic, Lore in the United States,’ etc., these are the rep- resentatives, of modern opportunism within the. Communist Parties. A misunderstanding of the basic idea of Leninism, the union of work- ers and peasants in the proletarian revolution, social-democratic perver- sion of the tactics of the, united front, a tendency to reorganize the Com- munist Parties on a menshevist so- cial-democratic basis (Trotsky in Rus- sia), or to resist the reorganization of the party on a Bolshevist basis in the parties which are even now or- ganized on the old social-democratic basis—such are the general features of opportunism in the., Communist Parties. In different ountries the opportunists take different stands on different questions, ,That is natural. But the main tendeney, the tendency which unites them all, is the substitu- tion of opportunism for Leninism. Let us see how the comrades from Superior make this substitution of op- Portunism for Leninism. “According to our understanding Communism is a mass movement”— they write. They mean to say that Communism can triumph only as a mass movement of the workers. But they express it with an incorrect for- mulation, because in almost all coun- tries Communist movements exist. But nowhere with the exception of Russia, do they have a mass charac- ter. g Obvious Confusion, Immediately after these words the comrades continue, “The membership is justified in continually criticising its own movement and to build it ac- cording to its own ideas.” This is obvious confusion. The comrades began with “a mass move- ment of the workers” and immediate- ly jumped to the masses of the party. (The membership.) “The membershi fied, but it is its who shall be its officials, is also justi- fied in criticising m and even to throw its officials aside when it be- comes necessary, And sometimes this becomes bsolutely . necessary. The will of the masses is the highest law.” It is obvious that here they are talk- ing about the masses. “The mifrptig have the right to act ag their common interests de- mand.” (The emphasis is mine.) The last words represent a new jump from the party masses to the mass of the workers, If they are talking of the mass of the workers, of the working class as a whole, then the words “their ¢ommon interests” have a quite definite meaning; the common class interests of the mass of the workers in #ontradiction to the class interests of the capitalists. But what meaning canosthese words have applied to the party, masses? Do the comrades mean to say that the rank and file of the have some com- mon interests in ition to the in- terests of the and that the relations betwee m are like the is not only justi- uty to determine relations between the working-class and the capitalist class? If they mean that, that is absurd. And this has nothing to do either with Marxism or. with Leninism. If they, do not mean this, then their whole train of feasoning is senseless confusion, We have not selected all these passages at random. The point is that these quotations lead to the fol- lowing conclusions: “This is the clearest of Leninism.” This is a specimen of the grossest and clumsiest substitution of the purest menshevism for Leninism. Len- in is represented by the comrades of ; Superior as the most stupid and feeble-minded of petty bourgeois dem- ocrats, who is to use an expression of, Marx, most respectfully engaged in contemplating the backside* of the proletariat. That is a slander against Lenin. He never expressed such monstrous opportunistic humbug. The Bolshevist principle of party organiza- tion ever was and remains today dem- ocratic centralism. And the Superior comrades say the “clearest of Lenin- ism” is this genuine menshevist de- mocracy. Opportunists Are Worried. The Superior comrades themselves seem to feel that all is not well. And therefore they hasten immediately after this conclusion to add: “This does not in any manner con- flict with the principles of Commun- ism, nor with the centralization o: Communism.” The comrades of Superior have giv- en themselves away. It turns out with them that ‘the clearest of Len- inism” does not “in any manner con- flict with the principles of Commun- ism.” If it is necessary to prove that “The clearest of Leninism” does not in\any manner conflict with the principles of Communism, this means that “the clearest of Leninism” of the Superior comrades is not Leninism at all, but something quite different. How do these comrades picture Communist centralization? “In decisive situations when it is a question of life or death, strict cen- tralization and discipline are neces: sary. But we are not at this time in any decisive situaton here, only an artificially created, little scrap within the party.” It is not necessary to prove that such a concept of centralization has nothing in common with Leninism. Democratic centralism is the basic principle of Bolshevik organization for the entire epoch of the proletari- an revolution for all Communist Parties, for the entire Communist International. The proportion be- tween the democracy and the central- ization can alter according to the cir- cumstances. Democracy can be per- mitted in more or less degree, in cer- tain circumstances (an illegal organ- ization, a period of armed uprising or a civil war) it is limited to its mini- mum. But not only in the period of the preparaton of the proletarian re- volution, but also a long time after the seizure of power by the proletari- at, a completely developed democ- racy cannot be realized. The party remains in all periods a centralized party with strong inner discipline, with mobilization of the membership, that is to say, that the party is to a certain degree like an army. Who- ever has not understood these funda- mentals of Communist organization is destined to wander into the swamp, of menshevism. Let us analyze fur, ther the considerations of the Su jor comrades on the question of masses. “The masses,” they write, “ and do make mistakes. But themselves can correct them; bu dividuals cannot correct their ta¥es in that manner in behalf of masses and individuals make takes more readily than the mass Contradiction to Leninism. It is a lucky thing that the ‘to! rades from Superior did not add this reflection is the “clearest of inism” or “one of the corner si of Leninism.” Because this re’ tion represents a direct contrad! to what Lenin said about the ele; tal character of mass moveme: of the consciousness of the van; Those who wish to study this que: can find it in the pamphlet “wi to be done” and in the articles were written in connection with events of January, 1905. But the perior comrades regard themsel “as the most mature Party me bers” and the greatest experts on Len inism. And therefore, it is very na- tural that they. present these 100 per cent menshevistic viewpoints as “the clearest of Leninism.” : Lenin shows in the above-mention- ed writings that the masses left to themselves, without the ‘inging in of Communist consciousness by the Communist Party, can rise only to the point of trade unionismpand that the Communists do not have to sup- port every spontaneous mass action, The comrades of Supreior may per- haps understand something of this profound Leninist expression if they tuke into account that the American Federation of Labor (a pure trade union organization) has about three million members and there are more than twenty million unorganized pro- letarians, and that the Workers Party (only 25,000 members) stands before the task of bringing a Communist consciousness into these tens of mil- lions, | " ‘ Moreover, one cannot overlook the fact that the Superior comrades con- tinue to defend their right to call themselves socialists. that Soviet Russia is call socialist Soviet R should we not also call’ oursélves so- cialists? The Ruling Party. That is an excellent speciinen of the substitution of opportunism for Leninism. Do the comrades of Superior know that there is a party in Soviet Rus- sia that rules that country and real- izes the proletarian dictatorship? Do they know that this party is called the Russian Communist (not socialist party?) Do they not know that the Russian Communist Party got this name in 1917 before the November revolution, that the principal . motive of the change of name,from socialist democratic to Communist .was that the old social-democratic parties had decomposed from workers’ parties to petty bourgeois parties? Do the com- rades know that among the Russian counter-revolutionary * parties — there are two such ‘partiés (the Russian social-democratic Workers’ Party, menshevik, * and ‘thé* social-revolu- tionary party) which bear'the name socialist and are ¢arrying on counter- revolutionary. work against Socialist Russia? Wilk the Superior comrades understand that the Russian Commun- ist Party carries‘on genuine socialist work in organizing a socialist regime in Russia (the.first step of Commun- ism) and all socialist parties of the entire world only mask themselves with the. word socialism to carry on anti-socialist, work? It is further necessary to analyze a point in the article of Askeli which is a typical specimen of the substi- tution of menshevism for Leninism (“Are Finns social-democrats?”) “Our federation,” writes Askeli, “was against the LaFollette and that kind of a farmer-labor policy and of the maneuvers of that sort. We con- sidered them as futile short cuts which in the final analysis are men- sheviki tactics pure and simple, more simple than pure.” So, according to the opinion of Comrade Askeli, the farmer-labor pol- icy is a thenshevik policy. Note that the quéstion is not that of a farmer- labor party, but of the farmer-labor poli¢y;*The farmer-labor policy is declared:‘menshevik tactics. And if you ask’! Gomrade Askeli what was Lenin's ‘opinion of the farmer-labor policy,:he: will answer you, of course, that that is “the clearest of Lenin- ism.". Comrade Askeli will not hear of the fact that from 1904 on, Lenin had ..tirelessly, advocated the neces- sity of the union of the workers and peasants in a proletarian revolution. Com! -Askeli will not hear of the | fact that principal difference between meni ism and Bolshevism is that the menishevists never understood the roléOf'the peasants in the revolution and ‘havé ‘always had a negative atti- tude to the peasants. He will not hear of the fact that less than a year ago thé‘whole discussion with Trotsky centered about this question, and that a: Amendments to Parity Commis- sion, Resolution on “The Industrial Work of. the Workers’ (Communist) Party," 5, Endorsed: by the English Branch of Detroit ata special meeting on Tues- day, Aug. (4, called for the purpose of discussing: resolutions and . election f delegates to the District Conven- tion, Se." Améndment No. 1. To section en- titled “International” and sub-section 1 at conclusion of the sub-section. “To this end the T. U. E. L. should immediately start a campaign of pop- ularizing the idea of calling an All- American Congress of labor unions and revolutionary minorities. When sufficient sentiment is aroused such congress shall be called.” Amendment No. 2. Section enti “Expulsions.” the locality” substitute the following: “by forming trade union reinstate- ment committees composed of. repre- sentatives of local unions who oppose the expulsion of delegates. These committees, shall. exist for agitational and propaganda purposes with the view of ousting the administration responsible, for ‘the expulsion policy, and for party fractions linking up ex- pulsion fight with the general left wing program. Formal appeal shall also be made to the ‘executive boards of the international unions involved, and with appeals taken to the con- ition incase of unfavorable ac- “"—D. A. GORMAN, . pe aaa e CLE a Habeas Corpus to Rescue. OKLAHOMA CITY, Aug. 19De- claring that “no military-oligarchy can be set up in this couftry so long as ey constitution is ected,” Justice Thomas H. Doyle today granted writs of habeas corp: ak ‘key, A. C. Youngblood, James Jordan and George Skeith, union miners, jailed for pray- ing for scabs against the orders of the state militia. The men, arrested by militiamen, were ordered released, Italian Aviator in Philippines, MANILA, P. I, Aug. 19.—Signor Pi- nedo, the Italian aviator who is flying from Rome to Tokio via Australia, ar- rived ‘at Zamboango, the principal Philippine southern port, this after- noon, He had flown to Zamboango from Menado, Celebes Islands. Chang-Tso-Lin Still Lives. SHANGHAI, Aug. 19.—The Chinese government today officially denied the recent reports that Chang-Tso-Lin, Manchurian war lord, had died. To follow words “of! = ‘By P. Green Trotsky had conserved his menshevist viewpoint on the peasants. Comrade Askeli does not sée the fact of this union in the Soviet Republics. He looks upon the principal basis of Len- inism as menshevism and vice versa the principal thesis of menshevism, he calls Leninism. How much farther can one go in the perversion of Len- inism, in its substitution by opportun- ism? Workers and Peasants, There can be a difference of opin- ion as to the form in which this union between workers and peasants is to be realized (the farmer-labor party, a union of a labor party with the organ- ization of the small farmers, united farmer-labor councils, etc.) This ques- tion will be discussed at various times and variously decided in the d ferent countries. But, the foundati of Leninist strategy in the proletari an reyolution always remains unalter- ably the union of workers and peas- ants, ‘We have already seen that all the groups mentioned as opportunistic in the beginning of the article (and the list is far from complete). declare their full readiness to carry on a, struggle agains? Loreism. In particu- lar the comrades of Superior declare: “We must decisively and unmerci- fully condemn opportunism and Lore- ism and shall fight against them piti- lessly and tirelessly.” This declaration is the best illustra- tion of Lenin's statement that in poli- <ies one must believe not words, but deeds and that he who in politics be- lieves in words is a thoro-going idiot. The comrades of Superior carry on a “tireless and pitiless fight against Loreism” by propagating in the Party Loreite ideas under the flag of Lenin- ism. Askeli does the same. Poynts and Jampolsky are also against Lore- ism in words but express Loreism in their daily practice. They all Promiso to carry on a fight against Loreism, but in fact they carry on a bitter fight against the C. B, C. and its component parts, And they carry on this fight with Loreite opportunistic weapons. Whatever their words are, the fact is that they are carrying on the fight against the C. BE. C. and no fight against Loreites. There is being or- ganized here a united opportunistic front against the sections of the party which are realizing, the politics of the C. 1, Precisely from .this side comes the greatest danger to the party and Precisely against ‘this great danger must be united sal the Bolshevist forces of the party, which till. now have been divided into factions, With- out a decisive destruction of Loreism the party cannot. become a Bolshevik party, And if the factions cannot unite their strength against Loreism and destroy it there is danger of the party being conquered by Loreism. Let the real followers of Leninism in our party consider this question! SOVIET HOLDS BIG SMITSKHA CELEBRATION larks Anniversary of Soviet Union By CARL BRANNIN. lOSCOW — (FP) — The United es is not the only country which . mbered as the second anniversary e constitution of the Soviet Union. Twas also International Cooperation Y, and in the many cooperative tores posters were displayed and paganda meetings held. Kalinin, sident of the Soviet Union, and ler leaders addressed a mass meet- junday the 5th witnesied a mon- Smitskha or fraternization ot ers, soldiers and peasants at the r Field near the summer camp e Moscow Red army’ ‘al affairs’ were too precarious, “is our hope and ngth. We do not intend to attack one but we must continue ready Rise ee this, groups of worker artists on six stages gave clever ‘liy- ing newspaper” productions emphasiz- ing cooperation. On another stage hitrara ape & mass play dealing e event the revolut i ft reen ) ition down At times there was the audience and a care eat shes arranged for the players to pass through the crowd, Pictures of lead- ers in the revolution and framed slo- gans were ingeniously maneuvered on wires above the stage. One of the slo- gans read, The Union of Socialist So- viet Republics is the Banner of In- Surrection of the Toile; World.’ rp " __ Chicago Registers Quakes. » Severe earthquake: shocks, estimat: ed to be 4,525 miles from Chicago, were registered at the United States weather bureau ‘seismograph in the University of Chicago, a 6:18 o'clock yesterday morning. The maximum intensity of the shock was recorded at 6:42 a.m. and were a continuing at TMB a, ™m, x