The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 16, 1925, Page 3

STATEMENT OF THE C. E. C. OF THE WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY ON TROTSKY’S DECLARATION. HE) latest book of Max Hastman, “Since Lenin Died,” is the product of an enemy of the Russian revolution and of the Comintern. The Central Executive Committee of the Workers (Communist) Party of Amercia, there- fore, did not hestitate to expel Hast- man publicly from its ranks and to hold him up to the contempt of the workers of the whole world. It is clear that Hastman sought member- ship in our party merely so that the door of Soviet Russia may be opened to him so that he may find better chances to betray it, Eastman’s book is becoming the gos- gel of all antagonists of the Soviet Union. All sycophants of capitalism marshal arguments from this book to sustain their feigned “moral” indigna- tion which is a real class hatred, at the proletarian rule in Russia by the Communist Party. Bastman’s book has thus become a factor in the: polit-| | ical struggle of the world bourgeoisie | against the Soviet Union, The Central Executive Committee of the Workers (Communist) Party of America is surprised to find that Com- rade Trotsky in his statement on the book has published in the Inprecorr No. — (German series), declares that the book is bare of all political value. Tho the author of “Since Lenin Died” cks political understanding, yet he fre for political reasons, and, surely, creates political effects. Com- ‘rade Trotsky complains of EHastman’s ‘unpolitical approach to the questions he deals with in his book. But Trot- sky himself repeats the error and ap- proaches Hastman’s book in an unpo- litical manner. As a result he comes to the conclusion that Eastman is an innocent ‘child who needs a little spanking for a temporary naughtiness. The attitude of Comrade Trotsky to- ward Hastman is entirely too friendly. It was the duty of Comrade to meet the political attacks of Has man with a political repudiation. Hast- man is not a naughty child but a po- litical enemy and must be treated as such, HE Central Executive Committee of the Workers Party is surprised to find that Comrade Trotsky declared himself sufficiently convinced by East- that the Americans cannot be terested in Communism but may be terested in Communists, so that he lent Eastman even limited help in his literary endeavors on that line. Surely Comrade Trotsky could never entertain even for a moment the idea that the American proletariat will be revolutionized by sentimental biog- raphies of revolutionists, while they cannot learn the necessity of a decis- ive struggle against capitalism from the hard and bitter experiences of the class struggle. These very argu- ments of Eastman should have been sufficient to convince Comrade Trot- eky that Eastman is not a Commun- ist. Central Executive Committee of the Workers (Communist) Party subscribes unhestitatingly and without reservation to the statement of the Communist Party of France and ther with that of the Communist ‘Party of France and its own state- ment on the matter be printed , with in the Party press. |The. Central Executive Committe | of the Workers jommunist) P% | further pledges itself to the Comm \\ ist International to guard more care- _ fully in the future against the enter- fing of our ranks of elements who have neither socially nor ideologically, any roots in the working class and who generally end with the , of the cause of the proletariat. fretner” that Trotsky’s statement to-}. EE, Workers Party of America, “WM. Z. FOSTER, Chairman; RUTHENBERG, Executive Secretary. Comrade Trotsky’s Declaration with regard to Eastman’s Book: “Since Lenin’s Death.” pD™=s my sojourn in Sukhum I received from one of my friends, a publisher of my books, the manu- script of a book by an American jour- nalist, M. Eastman, entitled: “Leo tsky, a youthful portrait.” My informed me in his accompany- letter that the manuscript, which been sent to the state publishing by the writer, for the purpose of being printed in the Russian language, had made a strange and unusual im- Pression among us on account of the sentimentality permeating it. I replied’ as follows in my letter of April 3, 1928: that the publication of the book is inopportune. Altho you have been kind enough to send me this manu- soript, I cannot read it. I have abso- lutely no inolination to do so, 1 read- ily believe that it does not suit our taste, especially our Russian and Com- chas been endeavoring for long time to convince me that it is aificun in ‘Communism, but possible to terest them in the Communists, His arguments have been fairly convine- certain help, of a limited nature; the letter which I sent him, shows these limits*). I did not know that he had the intention of publishing this book in Russia, or I should probably have advised him at that time not to do so. I cannot prevent Eastman from publishing this work abroad; he is a “free writer;” he has lived in Russia, | « collected material; at present he is in France, if not in America. Shall I beg him ao to speak as a private favor not to publish this book? I am not sufficiently intimate with him to do this. And it would be out of place.” I repeat that this letter consisted of a biographical sketch, the story of my youth up to about 1902. At that time there was no thot of Hastman’s second work: “Since Lenin’s Death.” At least I had not heard it spoken of. I first heard of its existence after my return to Moscow, thru the agency of a telegraphic inquiry from Comrade Jackson, editor of the “Sunday Worker,” London. Altho my reply to Jackson was published by the press, it will™Se perhaps suitable to repeat the first part of it here: HH} book by Hastman which you mention, is unknown to me. The bourgeois newspapers quoting the book have not reached me, It need not be said that I categorically reject in advance any commentary directed against the Communist Party of Rus- sia.” I afterwards received the pamphlet. in question (“Since Lenin’s Death”) from Comrade Inkpin, secretary of the Communist Party of Great Britain. After looking thru this little book for half an hour, I came to the conclusion that the work is of no importance, either theoretically or politically. I had no intention of reading it, and less intention still of reacting upon it, as I assumed that my telegram to Comrade Jackson was entirely suffici- ent. But comrades in the party with a knowledge of the book expressed the Vopinion that my silence might be the ‘Mindirect means of supporting the ok. This forced me to read it. My first impression was strengthened in ‘principle. Eastman’s book is bare of any po- litical value. The writer approaches the events of the inner life of our party without a serious political~cri- terion, im a purely psychological m: ner, and thus effects a subjective arbi- trariness in the estimates, substantia- tions, and conclusions. shall first deal with a question which is certainly of historical importance, and at the same time a most vital actuality: The Red Army. Eastman maintains that since changes. have taken place among its leaders, the Red Army is divided, that it has lost its fighting capabilities, ete. Ido not know where Hastman has learned this. But its absurdity is obvious. He does not see that in thus charac- terizing the Red Army, he is nourish- ing the menshevist legend on the Bonapartist character, the Pretorian guard character of our Army, ete. For it is clear that an army which is cap- able of “dividing” because its com- thander is changed is neither Com- thunist nor proletraian, * During the course of the whole work the author qnotes a large number of documents, and a certain number of ‘mcidents which took place long ago. Thus this little book contains a goodly quantity of erroneous and un- truthfol general assertions. In several places Eastman states that the central committee of the Party has “secreted” a large number of documents of extraordinary import- ance, written by Lenin during the last period of his life. (These are letters on the national question, the famous “will,” etc.) This implies Lenin wrote these letters, referr:! the inner organizations of viets, with the intention of their publication, | Thi case. CENTRAL EXECUTIVE commiT.| "= ‘8 Zot the The letters were intended for the if “differences of opinion” can here be spoken of at all, were of very sec- ondary sinificance, referring solely to =e EA LY WORKER Peasants’ Inspection, may be esti mated by the fact that the whole o! members of the political and organ- ization bureaus of the Central Com mittee decided unanimously, at thi same meeting, to send a letter to the party organizations, This letter con- tained the following passage: ITHOUT dealing, in this purely informative letter, with the critt- cism of the historidally possible dan- }/ gers so opportunely dealt with by Lenin in his article, the members of the political and organization bu- redus consider it necessary, in order to avoid possible misunderstandings, to declare unanimsusly that there is nothing in the inner activity of the Central Committee which gives oc- casion to fear the dangers of a split.” Not only does my signature figure among the ten footing this document, but the wording itself was edited by me. (January 27, 1923.) { In view of the fact that this letter, expressing the unanimous opinion of the Central Committee on Lenin’s pro- posal to introduce the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection, also bears the signature of Comrade Kuybyshev, we have here at the same time the con- futation of Hastman’s assertion that Comrade Kuybyshev was placed at the head of the Workers’ Peasants’ In- spection” as “opponent” of Lenin’s. plan of organization, Eastman’s quotation from the word- ing of the “will” is equally wrong. This was published in the “Socialist Messenger” (Berlin menshevist paper. Hid.) and was stolen from the party archives, so to speak by counter revo- lutionists. In reality the wording as published in the “Socialist Messen- ger” passed thru many hands before its appearance in this paper. It was “freshened” up again and again, and distorted to such an extent that it is absolutely impossible to restore its orinigal import. It is possible that the alterations were made by the edi- torial staff of this paper. Hastman’s assertions that the Cen- tral Committee confiscated pamphlets or articles of mine in 1923 or 1924, or at any time, are untrue, and are based on imaginative rumors. Another false assertion is that Len- in offered me the post of chairman to the council of people’s commissaries. An attentive perusal of Eastman’ pamphlet would doubtless afford me further opportunity of pointing out other errors and inaccuracies. It seems to me, however, that thi attentive and thotful reader will n require an accumulation of doc ments—which in any case does not aj peal to everyone’s understanding—to arrive at the conclusion that Wast- man’s literary structure is built’ up on very inadequate and shaky founda- tions. It will therefore suffice if the conclusions drawn by the author are subjected to examination, conclusions placing our party and its leaders in such a ligh that the same attentive and thotful reader is inevitably forced to the question: What bonds can unite Eastman and this party, or Eastman and the revolution led by this party? What has Eastman to op- pose to this party? F we were to assume for even one moment that the views formulated by Eastman on the leading personali- ties in our party are correct, we should ask: How could this party emerge from long years of secret struggle? How could it accomplish the greatest of revolutions? millions of human beings along with it, and contribute to the formation of revolutionary parties in other coun- tries? Eastman shatters and crushes the elementary political relations, be- cause he employs an arbitrary and psychological criterion, and not a po- litical Marxist one, In this case a revolutionary would only have the right to write politic- ally, as Eastman does, if he were to oppose another party to ours. LHast- man does not think for a moment of this side of the political question. The book teaches nothing. It may be ex- plotted by the enemies of Communism which is not such a serious matter— or it may sow the seed of scepticism in the minds of young and still un- conscious friends of Communism, which is very much more serious. For this reason it deserves energetic con- demnation. Resolution of the C. C. of the C. *- of France regarding Comrade Trot- sky’s Declaration. (HE Central Committee of the Com- munist Party of France takes cog- nizance of the book “Since Lenin's Death” by Eastman, also of Comrade Trotsky’s reply to it, and adopts the following standpoint with regard to this question: Eastman’s book, “Since Lenin's Death,” is nothing more nor less than a vulgar counter revolutionary work, an accumulation of crass lies, slan- ders and base calumnies, written with the obvious intention of discrediting the leaders of the Communist Party of Russia and the Soviet government. Eastman, in represenitng the lead- ers of the proletarian revolution as “a handful of irresponsibles, usurpat- ors, and falsifiers,” has attained the aim which he pursues: The supply- ing of the bourgeois press and all the enemies of Communism, who quote lavishly from this book, and employ it against the Communist International and proletarian Russia, with the ma- terial they The Central How could it carry]. Labor every Unions, Ws the investiga: The Workers Party, Trotsky's Declaration and Eastman's Lies that Comrad atotaky's reply to this} Soviet government, and 0 indefinite, so little cate-§ Communist International. vile book is gorical, 80 almost ambiguous. It is the more surprised at this that Hast- eter the whole Up to the present the French party has received no reply from Comrade man, in an attempt to impart more} Trotsky, to that Souvarine, Rosmer, weight and prestige to his dirty work | Monatte and Co, are still enabled to refers, like the people of the “Prole- rian Revolution,” to his friendship, ith Trotsky and a number of his ad erents, and to conversations which @ has held with them. And more ‘than this: He, represents Comrad@ Trotsky as the victim of a band of deayor to crush him to the earth. * Comrade Trotsky ascribes no politi- eal value to the work. He says ex- pressly: “EHastmanh’s book is bare of any po- litical value. The writer approaches the events’ of the inner life of our party without a serious political cri- terion, in a purely psychological man- ner, and thus effects a subjective arbi- trariness in the estimates, substantia- tions, and conclusions.” The Central Committee of the Com- munist Party of France is however of the contraty opinion, and considers this book, written by a man profess- ing to be a member of the Communist Party of America, whilst in reality he left the ranks of the Communist In- ternational long ago, at a time when all that is counter-revolutinoray in the world has been striving to form an alliance against the Union of So- viet Republics, to be a political work of the first water. The bourgeois prews has for its part well comprehended the far-reaching utility of this book for its purposes. JHE tone adopted by Trotsky in ad- dressing Hastman is not the tone suitable with reference to a counter- revolutionary enemy of the type of the author of the book: “Since Len- in’s Death.” It is the tone customar- ily employed in a discussion between friends. Comrade Trotsky states further: “An atttentive perusal of Hastman’s pamphlet would doubtless afford me further opportunity of pointing out other inaccuracies, other errors and nisrepresentations.” This leads to the assupmtion that any other things in the book are ac- urate and true, In another place Trotsky says: “In this case a revolutionary would only have the right to write politically as Eastman does, if he were to op- slandereds, who persecute him and = \pose another party to ours,” | Thus Comrade Trotsky admits that @ revolutionary might write as Hast- man has written. Consequently he re- garda him as a revolutionary. He only denies him to write as he does, because he does not supplement the representations of his book by a pro- posal to substitute the Communist Party of Russia by another party. It would thus seem that Comrade Trotsky indiéates that under present circumstances a revolutionary party and a revolutionary international can exist outside of the Communist Party and the Communist International. It seems as if he reproaches Eastman for having written his book, before this revolutionary party was formed. The Central Committee of the Com- | munist Party of France considers such a declaration to be extremely dangerous, for it places a tool in the hands of those anxious to aaiaie ¢ the Communist movement, A i unist Party of France considers t ambiguity of Comrade Trotsky’s reply be,even more dangerous than East- an’s book itself, HE Communist Party of France has asked Comrade Trotsky, thru its delegation to the Enlarged Execu- tive and thru its representative in the E, C. C. I, if he declares himself at one with the people of the “Pro- letarian Revolution,” who resemble Eastman in ig use of his name and his all friendship for the pur- pose of columniating and discrediting the Communist Party of Russia, the “UTI continue their utilization of his name and their combat against the Com- munist Party of France, precisely at a moment when the C, P. of France is in the midst of, its struggle against the war in Morocco and is exposed to the full force of the blows of the sup- pression policy of the government, The Central Committee of the Com- munist Party of France begs Comrade Trotsky to put an end to a situation which is exceedingly dangerous for the Communist International by rea- son of its disintegration influence up- on the young parties in course of for- mation, The Central Committee of the Com- munist Party of France is of the op- infon that Comrade Trotsky cannot remain any longer in this ambiguous position between the bitterest en- emies of Communism and the Com: munist Intrenational, and that the matter demands an immediate, defi- nite, and unequivocal reply to every point, The C T Committee of the Communist Party of France, TIENTSIN ASTIR WTH ANGER AT IMPERIAILISTS Murders of Strikers Brings Giant Protest sTIENTSIN, China, Aug. 13.—Follow- ig the massacre of mill strikers by actionary Chinese and White Rus- ysian volunteer troops, in which ten or more were killed and scores wound- ed, tens of thousands of Chinese pa- raded in a great demonstration here today. Great crowds filled the streets, marching in orderly formation and bearing banners labeled “Down With Imperialism!” and “Banish Alien Ex- ‘ploiters!” The leaders of the parade | disclaimed that the demonstration twas connected with riots of the pre- ious days. The riots came about when 10,000 strikers in demonstration before the factories were fired upon by reaction- guard refugees in China. There were 800 troops in the command, whose chief is the infamous traitor to the cause of his country’s liberation, Chang Tso-lin. Angered by the murders of their comrades, the strikers attacked the mill properties, destroying more than a million dollars’ worth of property and goods. The mills are owned by Chinese capitalists, but are managed by Americans, George E. Pashas COZY The Central Committee of the col he}, LUNCH 2426 Lincoln Avenue One-half block from Imperial Hall PHONE DIVERSEY 0791 CHICAGO GARY, IND., ATTENTION! The DAILY WORKER, Work- ers Monthly, Rabotnicza Tri- buna and Novy Mir are for sale at the Workers’ Co-operative tesa 1733 Broadway. RUSSIA * TODAY The first publication in England of this most complete report of the British Trade Union Delegation to Soviet Russia, caused a great stir in the world trade union movement. From all parts of the world came high praise for this his- torical document, from those workers in and out of the.or- ganized labor movement earnestly working for world trade union unity. By all enemies of labor, capitalists and their henchmen, the bitterest criticism was levelled. This report made by the Official Delegation of British —- in charts and maps) is an impartial study of 'e under the first world’s workers’ govern- ment. Pouttics, Finance, Army}; Religion, Education, Trade ese and other subjects are analyzed by who have travelled unhindered and free to sections of Soviet Russia. ary troops, which included a detach-| ment recfuited from the Rusian white | * LONDON, servative and a liberal, following: Mr, A. A. Purcell (Lab. Mr. W, M. Beaumont (C.) .. Mr. W. H. West (L.) .... Labor majority . ad Previous elections in 1 the contitu- ency have resulted thus: 1924—Lab., 11,047; C., 9,739—ma- jority, 1,309. 1923—Lab., 11,486; C., 7,383— majority, 4,103, 1922—Lab., 10,820; C., 5,966; L., 3,861—majority, 4,85: The labor majority is therefore increased by 1,713 compared with that of the last general election, “Why | Won.” “I take my victory as prof that elec- tors generally are in favor of the principles we advocated,” said Mr, Purcell after the result had been de- clared. “And that it is important to remem- ber that we fearlessly accepted an entire change in the present struc- ture of our social system, by which the community shall own and con- trol the means of life for the bene- fit of all as against the system whereby the few profit and the ma- jority suffer, “The victory is the more remark- able, since it has been won in face of the most audacious attempt ever made to pile filth into an election for the purpose of prejudicing the minds of electors, most of whom are of a class long oppressed.” Liberal Fall. The vote polled by Mr. West, whom ‘the liberals widely advertised as a | “working miner, straight from the coal face,” is less by 87 than the lib- eral vote of 1922. Thruout the contest both liberals and tories branded Mr. Purcell as ar “extremist,” and a “description” of the new M. P. from the pen of the Daily Chronicle special correspondent at Cinderword on July 1 is typical of the sort of attack Mr. Purcell had to | meet. It ran: “. . . Mr. Purcell, the de- voted admirer of Soviet Russia, who has taken the British trade unions be- hind the backs of the Amsterdam In- ternational to parley with the Third International at Moscow.” Mr. Purcell was identified with the old Amalgamated Society of French Polishers, now part of the National Amalgamated Furnishing Trades As- sociation. He was chairman of the Trades Union Congress last year, and sat in the last parliament as M. P. for y MM leading bodies of Labor. WM. F. DUNNE Editor of the Dally Worker says: The British Trade Union Delegation to Soviet Russia in a unanimous report PURCELL’S ELECTION TO HQUSE OF COMMONS INDICATES BOGEY OF BOLSHEVISM DIDN’T WORK (By Mail).—When Alfred A. Purcell, was elected to parWa- ment in the by-election from the Forest of Dean Division of “Gloucester- shire, the British workers showed by this test that they are getting less fearful of Bolshevist bogies than Ramsay MacDonald was when he let the Tories put him out of office on a forged “Zinoviev letter.” The tabulated vote of Purcell’s district, shows the+- Page Three where he ran against a con- | ALFRED A PURCELL Coventry, losing fe seat at the gen- eral election. Head of Amsterdam International, Purcell now oceupies the position as president of the International Federa- tion of Trade Unions (Amsterdam) and recently became an international figure as head of the Britsih Trade Union Delegation to Soviet Russia, whose comprehensive report on condi- tions of labor under Soviet rule has olectrified the world labor movement. This report is now being published by the DAILY WORKER for American workers. After returning from Soviet Russia, Purcell and the other leading officials of the British unions, set up a joint committee with the Russian unions to bring about the unification of the trade unions of all the world in one single international to include both Amsterdam and the Red International of Labor Unions. St. Louis, Mo., Attention! ‘ Phone Forest 8749. 3 Joe Kaizer Candy Co. peo HOME MADE CANDY ICE CREAM LIGHT LUNCHES PHILIP RACHEFF, Manager 4975 EASTON AVENUE St. Louis, Mo. 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