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?'bnt would never win another, “sert ‘her and the end of the struggle would mark the beginning of “from the Ruhr. “eapitalist powers, This is, the length and depth of their opposition 3 to war. Page six acuandbhags THE DAILY’WORKER THE THE DAILY ILY WORKER’ Po eanllakea uy the by the DAILY WORK DAILY WORKER ER PUBLISHING CO. co, 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. Phone Monroe ana] a ————— 8 SUBSCRIPTION RATES 5, By mall (in Chicage only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $8.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 threé ‘months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd,, Chicago, Illinois SE thc ea Laas Ae SES SRS ‘S ENGDAHL } J, LOU WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB........ » Editors Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the postoffice at Chi- cago, IL, under the act of March 8, 1879. ‘Advertising rates on application. a <a 290 ee SS Hearst and Kaiserism William Randolph Hearst is using his yellow newspaper syn- dicate to boost the faded fortunes of the former crown prince of Germany. and his good-for-nothing family. An aristocratic sob sister has been employed to interview this “clown” prince without a king- dom. Even tho he has not a kingdom, he has plenty to eat and drink and nothing to do. The social democrats were very good to the kaiser’s family and saw to it that the vulgar proletariat did not in- terfere with the extensive domains which those parasites enjoyed at the expense of the workers. he crown prince wants unity between England and Germany. He is only echoing the sentiments of a large section of the German bourgeoisie which favors an alliance with England against Russia While this parasite is living in luxury the standard of living of the German workers has been forced down. The German workers were supposed to have dethroned the Hohenzollerns, but while they live in miserable shacks, the living quarters of the dethroned prince is thus described: “We were sitting in the cozy flat of the former crown prince overlooking the gay Unter den Linden which he uses as a town residence. It is in the hnge building of the ministry of the imperial household, where the ex-crown prince also has his offices and transacts the business connected with his country estates.” Not so bad for a defeated aristocrat! Had this useless individual been one of the Romanoffs instead of a Hohenzollern, he would now be pushing up the daisies or perhaps juggling dishes in a hash honse. The crown prince never prodnced anything of value in his life. He ha slived the life of a waster and profligate. This is the man who is featured in the yellow rags of the sham republican William Ran- dolph Hearst. Investigations Without End The textile workers whose wages were slashed ten per cent by their employers may take comfort from the decision of the executive council of the American Federation of Labor, that an investigation be made of the textile industry with a view to learning whether or not the manufacturers were justified in handing the workers another installment on what was coming to them for their patriotism in vot- ‘ing for Coolidge and prosperity in the_last elections. This is the traditional dodge of the reactionary bureaucrats. Instead of organizing a strike, the tried and true method to make the employer sit up and take notice, they propose to spend a few Years going thru a sham investigation. There is no, necessity for looking for any more information to prove that the bloated mill barons are only taking advantage of the weakness of their employes’ ‘ganization and the failure of their leaders to fight for their in- terests. The bosses have no objection to an investigation as an alternative to a strike. Anything to stave off a real*struggle. The British coal operators were willing to have another investigation even tho previous ones had proven that they were a collection of pirates. But ‘the British workers said they had all the investigations they wanted. They knew they were being robbed and they were not going to be skinned any closer at this time. The result of the militant stand of ‘the workers was the surrender of the government. : The leaders of the British miners did not demand an investiga- They meant business and their determination resulted in a But the comfortable gentlemen who sit on the executive tion. vietory. council of the A. F. of L. are so much concerned over skeletons rather than disturb the capitalist system by a strike. It’s Symbolical London’s old Waterloo Bridge is sinking into the Thames. The engineers of the London County Council are watching it closely. Jt is one of London’s old landmarks and as the name signifies, records one of those victories which have made the blood of British slaves throb to the union jack and the glories of the empire. The masonry of the old parliament building is falling down. ‘It is no longer considered safe to take afternoon tea on the veranda “without protection from pieces of stone and mortar that are break- ing away from their moorings. The historic edifice is rotting. This is symbolical of what is happening to the empire. When the war was on, a French banker, who happened also to be frank banker predicted that Britian would win the war with Germany He said that the colonies would de- Britain’s decline as a world empire. This is just what is taking PIRES One good feature of French war on the Riffians, the Nation points out, is that it compels the French to withdraw their troops “peace in in-| dnetry” that they would see the workers of this country turn into | What the pacifists like least, is a war between the | ‘Building (Continued from Page 1) able ‘results. of our efforts has been lost, Our press must be a mass press | —not:published merely for the delight of those»comrades who like to see their contributions in print. - Our press must be popular—but > not in the social democratic sense, It must never cater to the perverted love of sensationalism that the working class has absorbed from | its decadent rulers but it must not neglect those popular issues around which can be aroused and organized mass interest and the Communist viewpoint and program given to great numbers of workers while their minds are receptive. There must be no confusion be- tween “popularity” and a clear Communist. character. The reyolu- tionary political character of our press the press, so far as possible, should be selected with the view of mobiliz- ing and coordinating ,itg efforts for reaching the widest circles of workers and farmers. ang In gampaigns designed to reach spe- clally selected groups, the same plan must be followed by al} the Party edi tors. There is among the language press, with a few exceptions, a deplorable lack of cooperation with the Party at present in this respect. 1O deal effectively with the above problems of policy and organiza- tion, our Party must immediately: 1 Set up a permanent subcommittee * (section of Agitpr », of the Cen- tral Executive Commit! thee which shall be charged with: (a) Bringing all Part foray under the complete control _o the central must never be sacrificed for the hol- low reward of a large non-proletarian following..At,all times the daily strug- gles of the workers must be linked first with the partial demands of our Party and then broadened to stimulate interest, understanding and sympathy in and action for the full Communist program. Every Party campaign must be * carried on with the fullest support of the Party press and during the pe- riod of the campaign all material in munist) Party to held August 21: With the continued existence of * capitalism, the problems of the young workers become more difficult and more manifold. Capitalism while it uses the youth of the worker as an excuse to underpay him still more than the older wérker, also concen- trates its attention to the educational task of moulding the young worker into the most possible perfect robot. Thus, while the struggle of the * young workers is indissolubly bound up and is part of the struggle of the proletariat‘as a whole, yet the young workers are faced with various and serious immediate problem, which can besolyed only if they organize for that purpose and if they ally them- selves closely in their struggles with the revolutionary movement of their respective countries, The revolutionary young workers * have realized this and have or- ganized themselves in all countries into Young Communist seagues, part of the Communist movement of their country, united internationally in the Young. Communist International, which latter works in fraternal al- yliance with the Communist Internag tional. The young workers, who have| * been drawn more and more into public life since the last imperialist war, will, form the best detachment of the proletarian revolution. A large section: of. the working class, past middle-age, employed in the highly skilled trades, will not be won for the revolution. until after the conquest of power.. The young workers, mainly thrown into the ranks of unskilled | labor, and exploited to a greater ex- tent than the adult workers, must be drawn into the revolutionary move- ment and must form a reservoir of strength for the Communist Party. f. The Young Workers League of * America is devoted to the task of leading the young workers in their jdaily struggles and in the develop- ment of these struggles for their final emancipation, For the United States, the development of the Young Work- ers League is of special exceptional importance, more than for other coun- tries, since the growing generation of the workers will bring both for the working class and into our party more homogeneity and greater freedom from social-democratic traditions and also lead to the greater Americaniza- tion of the working class and of our party. 6. The success of the struggles and * the campaigns of the, Young Workers League depend on unity of purpose and on inner unity of politic- | al orientation with the struggles and | campaigns of the Workers Party. On the other hand, the success of the campaigns and struggies of the Work- ers.Party also depends upun the close {coordination of their activities with those of the League. 7 While up to the fourth congress of the Young Communist Interna- committee. (b) Establishing maghiuery for cen- tralizing collection and distribution to all the Party press of Party material and for editorial con’ of all publi- cations. This control to be actual and not nominal. The present corps of approximate- + ly 75 worker corresppndents must be enlarged within the next year to at least 250. The proletarianization of our official organ whieh has taken place in the last nine ri since The following resolution was unanimously adopted by the Parity Com- mission for submission to the National Convention of the Workers (Com- organization which will aid the growth and clarity of the Workers Party. But the relations between the party and the league is still far from being per- fect. The next tasks of the Young + Workers League, those of extend- ing its trade union work, anti-militar- ist work, and so on, can only be achieved thru the very, closest of co- operation on the part, of the party. The national convention declares that it is the duty of every init o! the party to give its utmost cooperation to the youth and children’s move- ment. The party will not have ful- Med its elementary duty if it does not devote far greater attention to the Young Workers League than here- tofore. No unit of the party should exist which has not a ‘Corresponding Young Workers League unit. “One of the tasks connected With Bolshevi- zation is to win over the'whole of the working class vont iijjall countries— that generati working class which grew itd the conditions By JAY LOVESTONE Edges writer recals a debate he hag with Mr. James O'Neal’before the Italian section of the Socialist Party in 1919. It was the occasion on which I sought to secure the with- drawal of the Italian socialist federa- tion from the socialist’ party and its affiliation to the Communist, Party of America. The main argument ‘then presented by the writer in his appeal to the rep- resentatives of the Italian class con- scious workers was that the Com- munist International was openly and militantly serving as the champion of the revolutionary proletariat, the working class the world over. I ar- gued that the Italian workers inthe |United States had been occupying |places in the front ranks of the class conscious workers in this country. It was my contention that it was the duty of the revolutionary elements in the Italian federation of the socialist party to take their rightful place in the Communist ranks in order to be able to lead the Italian working jmasses and pecure. ir active par- ticipation in the cl: ruggle in the United States. “if R. O'NEAL'S argument was. two- fold. First, he appealed to the delegates that they,ghould shun the Communist Party, use it was too revolutionary. This, the delegation except for a few trad union officials, ThengMr. O’Neal mad a plea for neutrality, gor “disintereste ist federation in withdrawal from and its affiliation, Party. question of its socialist party the Communist An Opport Trick. these correspondents have been organ» ized and special offorts (articles, pamphlets, ‘special personal , corre- spondence and instruction) been made to acquaint them with their important role, 1s suffictent justification for an, immense extention of this vitally im- portant section of work in connection with the Bolshevization of our press. These worker correspondents are making our official paper a reat mass organ and altho the work is just be- ginning it can be said that already they have contributed something new and virile to American working class journalism, Almost all the news of the daily strugglés of the American workers carried by our official organ is furnished now by these worker correspondents. With greater num- bers of them and better training our press will be able to record the class struggle in America with but little dependence upon the capitalist press services, (a) The connection of the daily struggles of the workers with the par- tial demands and united front cam- paigns of the party can be made very directly thru the worker correspon- dents, The distribution of our press in the industries and to the worker about which the worker correspondents write is the most effective method of broad- ening the contact of our press and Resolution on the Youriz Workers League of world imperialist wars, and the be- ginning of world revolution. While social-democracy relies mainly upon the more bourgeois sections of the labor aristocracy, which arose in the peaceful epoch, the Communist part- ies of all countries, on the contrary, among their other tasks, must strive to organize the whole of the proletar- ian youth of the new epoch under our banner,” says the thesis on Bolshevi- zation of the parties. The national convention, therefore, urges that the units of the party, far more than up till now, give their utmost cooperation and aid to the league in all of its act- ivities, thus aiding in the building of a Young Leninist, League of a mass character. The party convention calls the at- * tention of the Young Workers League to the decisions of the. Com- munist International and the Young Communist International and expres- ses the belief that only with the ces- sation of the factional struggle can these decisions serve as the basis for the unification of the league. The achievement of this goal should be the aim of the convention of the Young Workers League. b the right Communist principles and vigorous opposition to the opportun- istic deviations. But in instances where such atti- tudes of so-called “neutrality” and “dis- interestedness” towards fundamental questions of Communist principleand policy are manifested by experienced comrades holding leading positions, we face very dangerous manifesta> tions of unhealthy tendencies menac- ing the Communist foundation of our party. An instance of the latter type is to be found in the attitude of “impar- tiality,” “neutrality,” “disinterested- ness” on the question of Trotskyism displayed in an article in the Il Lav- oratore of May 16, 1925. This article entitled “The Return of Trotsky” is signed by G, C., G. Cannata. Com- rade Cannata is one of the members of the bureau of the Italian section of the Workers (Communist) Party of America. Comrade Cannata is one of the responsible leading comrades of the Italian section of the Workers Party. Consequently such “neutral- ity” by a comrade occupying the posi- tion that Comrade Cannata does is, to say the least, a strong manifestation of highly dangerous “disinterested- ness”—an attitude undermining the Gotiminist foundation of our party. Trotzkyism and Our Party. HIS is neither the time nor the place to enter into a discussion of the merits of the position of the “Old Guard” of the Russian Communist Party and of the demerits of the posi- ‘tion of Comrade Trotsky in the recent controversy. This controversy was one involving basic Communist tenets. The questions involved affected not only the Russian Communist Party but every section of the Communist Inte: building its circulation. Thfs ‘method ig.the Communist one ari’ its’ posst- Dilities are inexhaustible #f the work is, properly conducted. 70 (b) The work of popularizing, cir- culating and maintaining ie* Com- munist press must undér*no icircum- stances be considered the work only of those comrades who’ aré: employed by our press. Such an attitude to- wards our most effective weapon is a relic of social democracy and its bu- reaucratic conception of party func- tioning that must be rooted out. Wherever it exists, it must be re- Placed by a belief in and a\loyalty to our press, arising as°a result of the understanding of its mighty, place in the struggle that will) cause, every. comrade to never think of going to a gathering of workers without Com- munist papers for distribution. 1O accomplish this, special lectures on the following stibjeccts: should be given in all Party units: 1 The role of the Communist press. *(a) In the Party. (b) Among the masses. ~ In every Party unit those comrades who are in charge of the distribution. of the press should ‘be looked upon not as more or less “necessary evils, as is sometimes now the ‘case, but as comrades charged with some of the most responsible Party work. The coordination of -all Party. 2. campaigns with the work of our press can be secured by abolishing all tendencies towards departmentaliza- tion and bureaucracy on the part of both the responsible editors gnd heads of departments and auxiliary organ- izations, The tendency of various de- partments to measure achievement by the amount of space secured in the Party press, regardless of whether the publicity matter is really connected with the lives of the workers or the campaigns of the Party, should be ruthelessly eliminated. One of the weaknesses of our press among the masses is the excessive amount of for- mal publicity matter carried. The cor- rection of this condition will give our press much more space for live news of the workers and their struggles, (a) Weekly conferences of editors and department heads should be held. (b) Conflict between the business and editorial offices can be eliminated by the same method. These confer- ences should not be formal but in a comradely spirit so that at all times the effect of special campaigns, special articles, the general make up of the paper and the influence of worker cor- respondent stories on the masses can be estimated with some degree of ac- curacy and the ‘necessary improve- ments and corrections made. 3 The adherents of our press to the line of Leninism cannot be, guar- Dangerous “Disinterestedness’ below that of our European sister parties, the manifestations of Trotsky- ism did not assume the crust of a theoretical apology. These manifesta- tions veered from an avowed sym- pathy for Trotskyism to camouflaged or insufficiently courageous endorse- ment of the fundamentals of the Trot- skyist concept of the development of the world proletarian revolution, Two Parts to Trotskyism. OMRADE LORE was the oustand- ing representation of those hold- ing an avowedly sympathetic attitude towards or actual indorsement of Trotskyism. The last Lenin memorial number of the Volkszeitung, edited by Comrade Lore, was a veritable apoth- eosis of Trotsky and Trotskyism. At the same time there were’a number of leading comrades in the upper strata of our directing party group who, at |the very moment that Trotskyism was a most burning question for the van- guard of the Communist International, the Russian Communist Party, did not think it necessary for the American section of, the Comintern to take a stand on the struggle against Trotsky- ism led by the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party. These leading comrades were guilty of “neu- trality.” ..Undoubtedly it was only the swift and decisive defeat administered Trotskyism that prevented these com- rades holding an-“impartial,” a “neu- tral position on Trotskyism, from from becoming open, ‘tenscious) sup- porters of this right wing of the Com- munist International. Here we have a very dangerous expression of “disin- taking their next ‘and ‘logical step, | g the Communist Press’in the United States anteed by any mechanical methods of control. Centralization cam strengthen but cannot secure the Bolshevist char-‘ acter of our press. It is therefore not permissible: for editors of our Party press to be di- vorced from ‘the Party work among the masses or from extensive contact. with them. Neither is it permissible for the Party to regard them and editors to regard themselves as specialists who simply carry out instructions.~ Still more non-Communist is a tendency of some editors to regard themselves as framers of Party policy rather than'as interpretors and teachers. These mistakes can be avoided only by bringing the workers on the Party press into all branches of Party work and by means of extensive conferences: with the. leading committees of the Party.,at, which all phases of the Party work among the masses, its‘re lation .with the Communist Intetna- tional, the line of the Communist ‘In ternational, and the political prcolane. of the day are discussed. Centralization, . An army of worker correspondents. Leninist» education of editors. and contributors, Close connection with the struggles of the workers. Close connection with the leading committees of our Party. Close connection of the press ‘with the inner life of our Party. Understanding by the Party of the role of the Communist Press. Thus will our press become a shevik press, be able to aid in ing a mass Communist Party, lead the American working class, and pave the way for the dictatorskip of the prole- tarit. Theoretical Magazines and Research Work There shall be formed a special * section of the Agitprop to super- vise, stimulate and develop Commun- ist research work and theoretical mag- azines and publications by the Party. 2 The Workers Monthly which has '* already succeeded in establishing itself among wide sections of workers shall be enlarged in size and enriched with more theoretical material on: (a) Marxism and Leninism. , (b) Original scientific investigation of the structure and functioning of American capitalism and of the sur- rent phases of the class struggle. A program of theoretical publica- '* tions (books and pamphlets) for the current year shall be prepared by the propaganda section of the Agit- prop which shall be carried out in co- operation with the DAILY WORKER Publishing Co, personal character. It is useless claim a monopoly of an serenity, which does not exist human beings for the leaders of the Russian Communist Party. There were mistakes and excesses commit- ted on both sides; it is human to feel, as/it is human to err.” The above attitude would be danger- ous even if it were oply wrong insofar as its conclusion is concerned. What makes this concsption doubly danger- ous is its basic _non-Communist method, Here we have a method which is deeply impregnated with so- cial-democratic ecelecticism. Here we have a personal perspective, a use of personal intentions and motives. as the basic factors in dealing with social movements. Here we have a flagrant attempt to play a so-called fair, a pseudo-impartial, a “neutral” role, in ° treating the most dangerous deviation in the history of the Comintern... The comrades cannot fail to note the cov- ert endorsement of Trotskyism in this statement by Comrade Cannata. In this instance we really have an overt endorsement of Trotskyism, by a dangerous “disinterest- edness,” It is too bad that our C. E. C. has to date failed to correct this serious deviation from the position of the Communist International | by Com rade Cannata. ““Neutralism"—A Phase of bio cag tunism. 18, attitude of neutralism; this manifestation of Loreism, which in the opinion of the Comintern is syn- F American and British capitalists are gobbling up the dismem- ae are eat vein yen segelle re tied pees pip the entire Communist Inte: vets ape a - ie campaigns o! ie emp! al- | national, ago, ie ‘ai jor many ‘ bered parts of the Stinnes interests in Germany. ‘Yet we are told | Young Workers League with the pol-| democrats and oj unists in the| It is not our objective to criticize|of our comrades fn ‘the March, 1924 ‘ the United States does not want to get involved in European en- | jtical campaigns of the party, there| ranks of the worl whenever the | Trotsky personally. It is not our task| sessions of our C. EH.) @ao the above f tanglements. But we know. that where the dollars go, there also hase been a decided improvement, workers are co! ited with mo-|to criticize his position at length on} mentioned article by, Comrade Gan- @ goes the sword. | since. We must say that despite the | ments of decision ving important | this occasion. The model methods ré-} nata is the sharpest. expression of 4 a PCA EER ES CeO OSE | many difficulties, the Young Workers | questions affecting the most vital in-|sorted to and the splendid » results} Commumist “neutralism,/\of “neutral” j. 4 a i ) ‘ol hs - i Only 30 per cent of ‘the coal mined in dha Cottnd Mtatan comes | League has shown its ability to de-| terests of the working class. achieved by the old guard of the Rus-] Communism in our party.| This “neu- Such positions of neutrality on seri- ous questions of ciple are invar- | velop towards a mass young Bolshevik ont of union pits. This fact does not seem to worry John L. Lewis.| organization thru its active participa- / There are still enough miners paying dues into the union ot enable) tion in fae everyday struggles of the t him to, draw his pay. | young workers and thru the initiation t . | of movements which vitally affect the interests of the youth, The growth of the youth organization has been brought about by its drive, to reorgan- ize, the league of the basis of shop | nuclei, campaigns in the trade unton: factories and industries, antt-milita ist activity, the transformation of its press into a mass organ, the building of a strong children’s move- ment. In many fields of work the ‘Workers League has e ot sian Communist Party in dealing with tralism” means in’ practice, no Com- the Trotskyist deviations have settled; munism, since the Communist move-| wrong position in the iably the entering wedge to attitudes | this controversy very effectively to| ment is a movement of revolutionary! those very ones leading “disinterest. and positions of hostility to revolu-|the advantage of the Communist In-| action and not of stagnant “neutral-| edness” and “impartiality,” tionary theory, to revolutionary prac-" ternational. Unfortunately this can be| ity.” We quote the following from the tice. | sald only insofar as the Russian Com-| article of Comrade Cannata as a shin- ¢ | munist Party is concerned, ing example of hothouse Loreism in bial our own ranks some comrad The manifestations of Trotskyismj our ranks: now and then, for want of sufficient | on an international scale were clear! ‘Concerning the polemics about experience, tend neutral on ques- | evident in the Czecho-Slovakian Com-| Trotskyism we havé’not® spoken; we tions of paramount {mportance not|munist Party, the Italian Communist] have occupied ourselves in investigat- only for our own of the Com-| Party and jn other Communist Parti ing to form an opinidn fmpartially con- munist Interna’ ut for the en-| Of course, in each instance the sec-| cerning the matter Whder discussion. tire Communist tional, In| tional expression of this right wing, have our own opinion on the mat- cases of this sort where we deal with et ik and file proletarian elements it necedent for the Workers Party| | primarily a q of educat to follow. The political activity of} or 1 ing, of directing the tendency’in. the Communist Interna-|ter. An opinion which does not tie. us dam errors were obvious, “In o} the league has shown that it Js rapid- tomparaaly mistaken conta to the ; correct p The British bnsinestmen who are howling because they must i , Shoulder the subsidy to the British coal industry-may have never | * ~ heard of the discussion, “Who pays-the taxes?” but they have a hazy idea that they are going to pay. When Mussolini was doing his worst against the working. class the capitalist papers were praising him. Now. that he is nearing! the end of his rope, the filthy rags are scoring. the cutthroat. The Dangers of “Neutrality.” Communist always fight for tions, In. subsequent article: their New . Zealand labor is opposed to any dfs to the American fleet, Thé workers know that Morgan's steélcastles come not to ‘ bdbrsjrsum into a. tional had its own additional specific} to one or the other cainp of the oppos- feature, But in every instance the fun- own can party where the a ng theretioatssavst is c ee