The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 31, 1925, Page 6

THE DAILY WORKER | | Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ill. Phone Monroe 4712 | SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicacy only): | By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | /$6.00 per ‘vear $3.50 six months $2.00 three months MORITZ J. LOEB ..Business Manager Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Ch: cago, ft, under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on applicatior = An International Strike When the miners of Great Britain leave the pits on, the evening | of July 3ist to open, what promises to be the greatest industrial | \1 | the Party organization in such a way Res munist) Party: The process of Bolshevizing the * Party implies a reconstruction of as to render it adaptable to the re- quirements of Communist activity. Without a truly centralized organiza- tion, based on the workshops, thi Party cannot be mobilized for action, and the Party decisions cannot be car- ried out with unanimity and effective ness. Without a Bolshevik form 0: organization there can be no. Bolshe' Party. 6 bat : The present structure of the * Party is incompatible with Com- munist organizational principles and, | olution The following resolution was unanimously adopted by" the Parity Com- mission for submission to the National Convention of the Workers (Com- 1 The problém” of Bolshevization ‘* of our Workers Party which lat- ter “is only just’ passing thru its pre- dominantely propagandist period and ts taking only the first steps along the path of rallying the broad masses prepare the members for the reorgan-) a oung the banner of Communism” is ization and imbue them with the com) 1, problem of building a Communist viction that it is a necessary maeenre.| Party in America. for the Bolshevization of the Party. * ‘The Communist Workers Party Within two months after the Federa- | 15. tad no Veeaintionbey: Teealtinae, tion conventions, the organizational) 1. inneritance from its predecessors, measures shall commence thruout the | 11. .ociatist party and socialist labor }Party and must be completed within | party is almost completely a non-Bol- @hree or four months. som. Shevist dnd un-Communist one. There ll Reorganization shall be com) 11, never existed a real connection *menced from below, approximate-| b+ ween any of these parties with the ly as follows: 4 , | life and activities of the American (a) The larger cities: shall be di-| \orcing class. No American prole- | vided into sections and sub-sections |+,>ian party outside of the Commun- and these section and @ub-section or | i.+ party, has attempted to theorize 4 months after them, in order to thoroly ict i i 4 anv a] consequently, with the proper execu- ‘ contlict in the history of that country, the-mniners of Gel ny, Bel-| pagan Siti Nl 23 policies; tie Sng: % giumand France may also down tools. This is the prospect that lish-speaking territorial branch is a| fills the ruling classes of Britain and the continent with a fear, a | relic carried over from the Socialist great as that which overwhelmed them when the gray hosts of the} ay Asay ch pain ag a Ried kaise! jer’ y goost DDE ver e Belvgis yi ¢ with election campaigns. ie ex-kaiser of Germany goose-stepped over the Sane border in wa | Tanguage banal tende greatly: ta ete The strike of the British miners bids fair to have more bearing | late the activity of the Party members on the Dawes plan than the much discussed security pact, which wa | belonging to them into See framed by the British and American governments to. isolate Soviet | of ee ats net folds: Russia. The terrific unemployment among the British miners is| flect them away from active pattictpa- | partly due to the workings of that plan. Of course unemployment tion in the general class struggle | in general in England is due to Britain’s loss of her dominant posi-| which embraces the workers of all | tion in the world market to her rivals. But the Dawes plan con- ee dies ee rege 38 re ¢ s, .| Speakinj 5 tributed materially to the slackness in the coal industry. The Ruhr} aesien language brancl offers the miners have been producing coal out of which Germany must pay) medium for mobilizing the workers part of her reparation’s fine, and the Dawes plan forced down the | for the struggle in the places of em- living standard of the German workers so low that they can pro- pe mp ahi gee pee RR A iH ‘ederation members . ‘ duce coal cheaper than can the workers in: vi ctorious F rance and Na Language Bederatite forni of ar " Britain. And the capitalists in victorious France ‘and Britain pur-, ganization, by its very nature, mili- chase the cheapest coal no matter where it is mined. tates against the necessary ce. Not only is there a greater prospect of a united front than ever be Sein eh tt cea a mat fore between the miners of Europe but transport workers’ on sea and fertile soil for factionalism and for land promise not to move coal either from the pits or from the sid-| the sharp division of the Party mem- Dp Pp j ings. The world does move. bers according to nationality. The ‘ * . * ; | historic reasons for the present form | Four s ago the British miners had their Black Frjday. That pg ed "esalaation hare ‘bead, in: | Black Friday was due to the treachery of Frank Hodges, J. H. a large measure, outlived and the con: Thomas and others of their ilk. But those traitors are now sitting) ditions now exist for a progressiv in the bleachers. A. J. Cook, the fighting secretary of the miners, | por! i tte Fae) ila Raye says there will be no Black Friday this time. The new leadership of} ie Mite cathe daar hiv difficulties. the British labor movement has been perfecting its weapons for this! The need of adapting the struc- struggle since Black Friday four years ago. This gigantic conflict /O+ ture of the Patty to its task de- find them now in a better position than ever before, with their foes | mands a completéand speedly er fighting a losing battle. The threatened international coal Steerer eacutic tachatenun mein cede . . te ec is a significant development. 4 the many indivitiialé and ‘groups of | H ; 26D ag Tate Marae f | proletarians into ‘@ class. The Party Green as Patron Saint of Scabbery That William Green has condoned the strikebreaking policy of! the United Garment Workers in the strike of the Amalgamated} Clothing Workers against the International Tailoring Company, is very obvious. In his letter to the Chicago Federation of Labor, Green | ed the Amalgamated as a dualvunion and warned the tral body to keep its hands off the whole situation. aca ference with scabbery, so long as it sails under the banner of t! American Federation of Labor is the traditional policy of the AN. of \.. bureaucracy formulated by Gompers and faithfully followed by Green, That the open-shop International Tailoring Company is making the most of Green’s hostility to the Amalgamated Clothing Workers is Shown by the following extract from a letter written by the cloth- ing company to one of its customers, which fell into the hands of the DAILY WORKER: “The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America are not and never have been recognized by the American Federation of Labor. As a matter of fact, perhaps you read it-in the papers, William Green refused to sit on the same stand with Sidney Hillman. \Mr. Green is president of the American Federation of Labor and ate man is president of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers.” Thus William Green’s action in refusing to speak with Hillma is used by this scab clothing concern to put a trade union figleaf; over its operations. The DAILY WORKER has no reason to stic! up for Hillman as against Green. Both are following the sam policy in regard to the left wing in the unions. But there is some. thing more than the personality of leaders involved here. There i the question of trade union solidarity, of trade union decency, 0! everything that goes to make up militant trade unionism; what 1 workers have saerificed to build up for generations. Green has given his sanction to the scabbery of the United Gar- Yiient Workers. The protest of the Chicago Federation of'Labor is not'enuf. It means nothing unless it is followed up by action. Only the radicals in the unions have a program to fight trade union scab- hery. Willidm Green is not appearing in a new role. He is simply following out the policy made sacred by the deceased reactionary Gompers. In this respect he is a worthy disciple. ae The members of the unions affiliated with the Chicago Federa- ‘tion of Lalor cannot in justice to themselves—not to speak of the Workers who have been thrown out of their jobs—let the matter rest with a protest from Fitzpatrick and Nockels. Definite and ‘organized action ‘should be taken to make it clear to the seabby ‘Wficials of ‘the United Garment Workers? Union, that the sooner ‘they take their scab recruiting office out’ of town the better. French airplanes bombed a Moorish village while men, women ‘and children were marketing. Mangled bodies of women and chil- dren were scattered over the scene after the bloody work was fin- ished. But there was :nor frenzied demand for war on France in our chirstian press. No, because our’ bankers are financing the French bombers. co One evolution case is enough for the capitalists. They are put- ting the damper-on the test case made by the Washington treasury elerk who took the bull by the horns. They have learned that there are more angles than one to evolution. And the addition of one let- ter turns evolution in revolution. The Vanderbilt-Churech wedding was rehearsed before-the regu- Jar ceremony took place. One of the wedding gifts was # fifagnificent country villa, Fine. world for parasites, The most pre King prob- Jem before the newly weds is to pick out a place for their honeymoon. bas § Admiral Horthy ig a little tired of running Hungary, he says I ' 10 a reporter. Perhaps the murders are not coming along.as they must at the same ‘time-unify the ac- tivities of this class into a purposeful “and decisive strugglé ‘against capital- ism'ahd finally mhust'léad the working class in this striiggle. For this purpose the structure of * the Party iilist’ penetrate the whole structure of the working class ‘The Party~ wherever its of the Orne, lass exist. The basic unit’ of the working * class is the productive unit, or- ganized by capitalist itself: the shop or industrial establishment. ‘The great majority of the industrial workers are organized in such basic units of the economic ‘structure-‘of society. Into these basic units of the working class the shop or industtial establishment, the Party must build its basic unit, shop nucleus. >)* The organizational problem before * the Party is'tidt the modification of the existing forms, but the complete reorganization of the Party from top to bottom on the basis of shop nuclei, international branches (street nuclei) nd a centralized apparatus. The Central Executive Committee ( accepts in its entirety the speci: letter to the Party from the Organizi tion Department of the Commun: International and declares its opini that this letter, which was drawn with the cooperation of the Ameri delegation, lays down the correct Ii in regard to the reorganization of” Party structure. The experience ‘of our Party, * well as the experience of. ot! parties of the Communist Inter! tional, has amply demonstrated thi the sporadic, experimental method organizing shop nuclei is not’'the mo| successful. _The percentage of Part members organized into shop nuck after many months of effort in thi manper, is not sufficient for us to able to say that more than the bare: beginning has been made. It is ob ous that the idea of shop nuclei ha: not penetrated deeply enough into the consciousness of the Party members and they have not been won over to 4 conscious and positive acceptance of the shop nuclei and the deep impulse to form them. Passive allegiance to the idea of shop nuclei does not pro- duce the necessary results. The Party members must be inspired with a deep conviction on this question which will lead to decisive action. 9 The state of hesitation and expe- * rimentation on the question ‘of shop nuclei, international’ branches, and a centralized apparatus should be regarded as passed. The Party must now aim at complete reorganization within a given time, not to exceed six months after the Party convention, 10, The Central Executive Commit- *tee proposes the following steps toward this end: (a) The reorganization of the Party shall be made one of the leading sub- jects in the Party discussion, and in the Party Convention, (b) Conventions of the larger feder- ations shall be held soon after the Party convention, dt’ whith the ques- tion of reorganization shall be placed as the first item on the agenda, . “used to in thé good old’days. ‘The admiral might take tion in bh: Bulghricdhnd gephi stem toned up. ‘ ME # VM. - meetings shall be called in the sec- tions and sub-sections @t which exe- cutive committees for the sections are elected. Complete registration of all the Party members a ing to resi- dence and place of employment, shall be taken. (b) Wherever three,\br more mem- | bers, regardless of their nationality | or present federation membership, are | | found to be working in the same shop, | they shall be organized into a shop nucleus., The nucleus collects the |Party dues and takes oyer all th functions of a Party unit: (c) Members living on a given street or.in a given neighborhood, who are not employed in any shop or who work in shops where thére are no other | Party members, shall de attached to other nuclei ‘within the section or shall be organized into International branches. All Party members in the given neighborhood, regardless of na- tionality or present affiliation of lan- | guage branches, who are not members of shop nuclei, are. to, be organized into these branches, pay dues there and carry out all Party functions. (d) After this reorganization takes place, the present existiiig English and foreign language branches cease | to function as units of the Party. Th latter, however, should not be disrupt- ed or dissolved. Qhey shall be recon- structed as Workers Clubs admitting to membership not only party mem- bers but also non-party workers of \same nationality who accept the plat- | ‘form of the class struggle.’ (e) Membership in these elubs will not constitute membership in the Party. Only those belonging to shop nu Jei or International Branches will have Party rights. #4 ia (f) Party mem! .in these Work- ers Clubs shall tort kaiemalree into anner as in all { istricts, and on a national scale, for pore of co- ordinating and centralizing the Party work in them. . | (h) Local and Distriet conferences | of the representatives of thé fractions in these clubs shall elect tHe local and | and district fraction bureaus to lead | the work under the direction of the respective Party Committees. | (i) National Conferences'of the rep- | resentatives of the fractiofi§ elect the | National Fraction Bureau fo lead the work on a national scale under the| ional Fraction Bureaus tal of the present corresponding Feder. tion committees and bureaus, but do} not collect Party dues or have the| functions of Party committees, since ‘they will be under the direction andj control of the respective Party com. mittees in the same manner as frat tions. (k) In order to centralize and con- solidate the Party leadership of the} |work among the foreign-speaking| workers who are organized in these clubs, ané to insure close contact of the Party with the les carrying out this. work, the lo National, Fraction porated into the agit; f the respective part ither as a whole’ or. by Tepresent ves. “ (1) The funds necessary for work of the fraction us are to be paid by the party out of funds appor- tioned from the party dues for that purpose. pel we Os 1 In order to weld.the members of * the Federations,more closely to the general life of the; Party and to insure close contact.etthe Central Ex- ecutive Committee with the special work of the Party among the foreign- speaking workers, the; Central Execu- tive Committee recommends that the convention decide to enlarge the Cen- tral Executive Committee so as to in- clude a number of, gapable leading comrades of the larger Federations. 13 “Every Communist Party,” says * Com, Zinoviey, “is confronted il by two fundamental dangers; on the one hand there is the danger of becom- ing a small sect of ‘pure’ Communists with ‘good’ prthciples but unable to establish contact with the real labor movements of the period, On the other hand there is the danger of becoming an emorphous semi social democratic party, which is wnable to combine the fight for winning the broad mass- es of the Wworkers’“with remaining loyal to the principles of Communism, to be able to avoid the Scylla of nar- ganizations constructed, Membership) +, American class struggle. They all have confined themselves to the- orize about it. The question of the relation of the proletariat to the farm- fent with those parties. Up to the ime of the foundation of the Com- munist Party in America, the socialist movement was always reformist and tried to replace t#e struggle for power by a movement for immediate de- mands instead of directing the move- ments for smmediate demands toward the development of a struggle for wer. Thus the political and organ- ational inheritance of our party from its predecessors is in the main a lia- bility that must be met by increased efforts of Bolshevization. Under these conditions the task * of Bolshevization presents itself concretely to our party as the task of completely overcoming the organiza: tional and ideolgoical remnants of our social-democratic inheritance, of eradi- cating Loreism of making out of the Party a functioning organism of revo- lyfionary proletarian leadership. The Bolshevization of our party must accomplish four general jurposes: oe a) It must establish among its embers a fundamental theoretical nderstanding of the forces of social evelopment and a knowledge of the onditions and the mechanics of real- ing the dictatorship of the prole- riat. She (b) It must Gevetop wrth the’ party id its membership an ability for aneouvering and campaigning in ac- cord with the momentary needs and the possibilitfs of the class struggle. A Communist Party must’ be able to maneuver and to adapt its tactics at all times to changing nditions. Changing conditions in the proletarian struggle for emancipation ‘mast not bring confusion into the ranks of the party but must be met by a. Leninist appraisal of the new facts and if nec: e -by A speady. change of the “Wbility’ ot ecessary Ve did not even find theoritical treat- =», | methods of struggle. In order to increase the our Party to maneuver it i to.establish a closer ideological tion between the Party lead- ing committees. The Party must not only be required to campaign and Maneuver but it must also ‘be made acquainted with the character and the bY) ses of all maneuvers. Ma It must adapt the stricture of he Party to its task of penetrating and dominating all manifestations: of life of the working class and Of lead- ancipation. a) It must establish a harmonizing unity of theory, action and structure of the party which will secure a full use of all available energies of the arty and also ipsure the Party ainst fundamental mistakes. National and local Party leaders ust regularly lecture in the Party ‘hool and before the membership in eneral about current events ‘and the arty’s judgment of them. The politi- committee of the Party must fur- ish the Party press and all educa- ional institutions at elast twice a onth with an official analysis of po- itical events and the official Party action to them. 8 “Without a correct theory there ‘* can be no correct practice— eory is concentrate@ practice,” de- ing the workers in-their struggle for _jpclared our greatest leader, Lenin, The slighting of the value of theory too often noticed in our Party leads neces- sarily to a complete lack of unified concept for Party activities. Without a*unified concept the Party activities becomes sporadic, disconnected, plan- less and purposeless. Waste of energy and fruitless efforts are the result. The Party must therefore apply itself to the task of systematic theoretical education of its members. The theoretical weakness of our Party and the traditional indifference to theory which has characterized the American movement render the prob- lem of Party education especially se- rious and difficult. This problem is two-sided. It involves the necessity of multiplying the educational work many times over and of simultaneous- ly convincing the party of its absolute importance and necessity. We. must resolutely strive to acdomplish these tasks in the coming year. The whole Party must be stimulated to interest in educational work, the entire mem- bership must be gauipped with the indispensible minimum of knowledge of Marxian-Leninist fundamentals and cares of theoretically trained com- rades, capable of leading the educa- tional work must be developed. In all educational’ work conducted by the Party it 18 hecessary to Jirmly establish the céfrect Communist con: ception of this’ ’adtivity, Static, and onesided conceptions of education, the (c) A systematie™ad ical cay row sectarian! @ Charybdis | separation of m practice and paign shall be cot tug i the rac of emorphous vangiteness | theories of “Workers Ed- and the Federation") the means to jor | ucation” must cted. The teach- eration conventions g§jd for twa| of tlie Party.” ‘ng personnel, the curriculae and the : smite ayy if i K a ah fs 4 i method of” fngtruction’ in &ll Party schools and classes must conform to the Leninist ‘conéeption of education as*an instrupietit for the Bolsheviza- tion of the: Party.» Our educational worx will not be successful if it is conducted in a sporadic manner. Educatfonal work must be established as a permanent part of party routine, developed ac- cording to a worked-out plan and the necessary apparatus constructed in the Party. While the Party is able to record considerable progress in this field dur- ing the past. year, the work. so far accomplished should be regarded as a mere beginning. Educational work must be established in all sections of the Party as an indispensablé depart- ment’ of Party activity to be car¥ied on in a systematic manner thruout all periods of the year. sure the permanence and continuity ; and Communist, character of the Part; educafional work thruout the Pa all phases of the work must fall der the central direction of, the Cen; .tral Executive Committee and must be developed from year to year “ac- cording to a national coordinated scheme, « The Agitprop Department of the ; Central Executive Committee shall es- ‘tablish an educational section which shall“have full direction and supervi- ston of the Party educational work in all its aspects. The direct administra- tive responsibility of the national Party educational work shall be in the | hands of the national educational di- rector, who shall be a member of the Agitprop Department of the Central “xecutive Committee and shall be re- sponsible for the carrying out of its decisions. The Agitprop Department andthe national educational director shall be directly responsible to the Central Executive Committee for the In order. to. in- on Bolshevization of the Party whole educational program of the Party. 1 ‘ Every district and city central * committee. must establish an Agitprop department with an educa- tional sectional director. Each dis- trict and local educational director shall develop the work according to ‘the general plan laid down by the Agi- prop department of the central exe- cutive committee, (a) Continue the circuit system of educational lectures and classes in the Party districts. (b) Arrange for systematic routing of Party lecturers on subjects: dealing with the fundamentals of Communist principles. Y. , {c) Publish periodically books and pamphlets of a theoretical nature and continue such publication according to a worked-out plan: pile his ({d) Conduct a section in the*Party ‘press on educational work in order to popularize this Party activity and keep it constantly before the attention of the Party members. \<(e) Give full and united support to the New York Workers School and €ndeavor to develop similar institu- tions in other large Party centers. (f) Organize a national Party school in Chicago for the purpose of giving intensive instruction to a selected group of Party leaders from the vari- ous districts. (g) Make arrangements for the rolding of special lectures by the most sualified Party leaders on questions of Communist theory and arrange spe- cial debates with other political bodies on these subjects. (h) Insofar as practical and possi- ble, the Agitprop Department of the Central Executive Committee should endeayor to develop educational work in the various language sections ac- cording to the same general plan outlined above. / (Serial ts The FORT SHAFTER GUARD HOUSE, PABLO MANLAPIT, IMPRISONED FOR LEADING SUGAR WORKERS’ STRIKE, MADE BOSSES QUAKE, SAYS CROUCH By PAUL CROUCH. Drily Worker) Honolulu, Hawati.—Pablo Maniapit is the Sun Yat Sen of Hawaii, To the enslaved colonials he is a symbol of justice and freedom—and of the’ struggle against imperialism. His unselfish devotion and efforts for his racé dnd class have resulted in a class-conscious- ness in Hawaii among the plantation workers that can not be killed, even by the brutal imprisonment of its leader. “Manlapit could have received one hundred thousand dollars from the sugar kings if he would have called ‘off the strike,” said a man familiar with the situation. Instead of bejraying his class and becoming a labéf faker, Pablo Manlapit remained true to the workers, For that devotion and cour- age, he” territorial Sugar Czars Use White Terror When the plantation czars, dis- covered that Manlapit would not, fol- low the example of American traitors to labor they employed the white terror to retain their power over their colonial slaves. The imperialists hated Manlapit and his brave associatés. But even greater than hatred was fear. ’ The stabilization of capitalism’ is only surface deep. The masses ate waking from their long sleep and the coming of a new social order is as inevitable as the down of a'new day. The struggle of the plantation slaves led by Manlapit is proof that. capital- ist imperialism is not secure, even when backed by a rubber stamp: ter- ritorial government and the armed forces of the American autocracy. Workers Must Protest During the “stabilization” period, we must fight for partial demands. Every victory of the working class hastens the'day of complete emanci- pation. The Hawaiian worker must fight for a living wage for himself and family and for the largest possible re- turns for his labor until the day comes when he is master of his own land and tools and when imperialists can no longer drown his hopes of Proper living conditions in a sea of blood. Pablo Manlapit, the leader of colo- nial slaves against imperialism, must not be forgotten by the working class. The American proletariat should nake a protest that will halt the slow murder of a martyr for oppressed races, 9 7 Cc and Decorators has just. brought chairman, and one member of the Executive Committee of his: will all read the Report of* None of them are ity members) | Fred Macy, an old war horse of many years practice, sends all members of the Bricklayers’ Union, is, paying/ the penalty in. the | prison. ~~ BUILDERS AT WORK IN NEW YORK MRADE Louis Steinberg of the Brotherhood of Painters, Paperhangers Comrades Urged. Hither a good book or the price of a good book; that is the slogan of the Bronx library committee, Come across, comrades, A thousand comrades in the Bronx means a fair seized library. A Book a Comrade Don’t forget comrades, that this is not a private affair;every book donat- ed will be read by dozens of comrad-s anxious for knowledge which only good books can give; and every good book which you place in the hands of another thinking individual means a new convert gained. That is. the most effective means of spreading Communist — propaganda—literature, and libraries. Do your bit now. A book or the price of a good book. Bring it to the Bronx headquarters, 1347 Boston Road, and leave it with the library commit- tee in charge. Minneapolis, Minn., Left Wing Unionists to Meet August 3 MINNEAPOLIS, Minn., July 29.— On next Monday evening August 3, at 8 p. m., the left wing group of the trade unions will hold their, meeting at the A. O. U. W. hall, second floor, 47 South 7th, street, 2 ‘All members are urged to attend. Also see to it that you bring with you, at least two progressive members of your union. in three subs from the. organizer, the | Local, who the British’ Trade Union Delegation on Russia. The secretary of Women's Circle No. 160, Comrade M, Lurie, remits for eight of his members who want to hear what British trade unionists have to say about Russia, Fred Cramer, the old dependable, who is always onthe job for the West Side English Branch, brings in five bucks for a bundle of five for the two months of the British trade union report. He is the first to comply with the resolution adopted unanimously by the representatives of thirty New York branches at the last two DAILY WORKER meetings that EVERY DAILY WORKER agent must bring at least one order for a bundle of five for these two months. y Comrade M.S. Schneider paid for a:bundle of chapter of the report on Russia for her own ‘pel experience ‘with ‘Comrade Schneider we Goodly list of SUBS will result in due time. There's | rade A, di into the office x Fash al “Saturday with an must | fifty of the summer campaign Sranch inte fea for chart n Worker Club, \ is exoursion to Stony Island on the H nething doing in the Young Workers L. ‘ cen, a iets fifty containing the opening rsonal work, From: know that from’ these samples