The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 29, 1925, Page 6

THE DAILY WORKER T Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ml. Phone Monroe an2| SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per vear $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make, out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Illinois pa thon A eS J. LOUIS ENGDAHL { H Editors WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Itl., under the act of March 3, 1879. Business Manager <p 290 =, Machine Guns for Radicals Whether advocacy of violence is illegal of not, depends on those who do the advocating. Communists are haled into court and in- dicted under criminal_syndicalist laws becatise they point out the inevitability of violence in the overthrow of capitalism. But cap- italist mouthpieces are free to advocate violence against the workers with impunity. The latest capitalist prophet to raise his voiee in favor of the murder of radicals is Ralph M. Easley, chairman of the National Civic Federation. Not only does M asley propose that radical’ publications be barred from the mails, but*he urges the use of ma- « chine guns against extremist agitators.” What angers the good and patriotic Mr. Easley is the progress being made by Communist ideas among the membership of the Amer ican Federation of Labor. In a speech before the hired stoolpigeons s of the civic federation Easley praised the A. F. L. officials for their spltndid fight against Communism. But evidently Ralph believes that they need some help. He will supply the machine guns. The labor fakers will do their duty in expelling the radicals. Mr. Easley might do worse than read the story of the late ezar of Russia’s little picnic with machine guns in St. Petersburg—now Len- ingrad—in January 22, 1905. The czar won on that day without doupt. His machine guns mowed down the workers like corn stalks before a scythe. But he did not succeed in murdering all the workers. Today the czar is no more and the workers and peasants rule Russia. Easley may succeed in getting his machine guns into play against the American working class. Indeed this way of dealing with them is not an innovation: The industrial battlefields of the United States covers the bodies of many workers who fell before the gunfire of their capitalist enemies. But the issue is not settled by machine guns, Mr. Kasley will learn if he does not know it now. « The fight for the emancipation of the workers will go on until the capitalist class is defeated. There can be no other outcome. . . The Chicago Cloakmakers Reply to Sigman The rousing cheers with which the message of the Néw membership of the I. L. G. W. U. which is fighting against the Czar- istic machine of Sigman-Perlstein and company was received last Saturday in the Workers Lyceum, shows that the struggle against re- action, corruption and downright treachery in the organization is not} confined to New York City, but is reaching out into the section of the international union. Forced to secure a new hall at the elevent hour, due to the action . of Sigman’s local tools in bringing pressure to bear on the managers wwe worl, Carmens’.Hall to cancel the contract for the meeting, the re- presentatives of the New York Council of Action, can congratulate bs the local members of the I. L. G. W. U. for coming out in great num: be bers to hear thé truth in spite of threats of dismissal from their jobs. The temper of the meeting was almost unanimously against Sig- man and for the left wing. It is true, there were a few people present who did not show much enthusiasm. They were sent there to cause trouble but quailed before the overwhelming anti-Sigman sentiment among the workers. The few questions those poor tools asked showed that they have no faith in the rank and file, but that they believe the unions are the property of the officials, to do with them as they see fit. The defeat of the’unholy trinity: Sigman, Perlstein and Fein- berg is an accomplished fact in New York. It now remains for the job to be finished thruout the international. There is no doubt but the cloak and dressmakers in Chicago, who have suffered severely from the oppression of this trio will do their part in this work. Sig- man, Perlstein and Feinberg must go as a preliminary to reconstruet- ing the union for the purpose of fighting the bosses, rather than fight- ing for them as is the case under the present regime. The Line-up in China The story printed elsewhere in this issue and written by Rey. now in China, is an interesting account of the Shanghai events from | ig one who is,neither a Chinese nor a Communist—both known to be deeply interested in attaining the liberation of China from imperial- ist domination. Today’s cables report that the Amalgamated Union of Com- merce, Labor and Education, mentioned by Ward as the organ of sistance to foreign imperialism, has been raided by Chinese troo commanded by Japanese agent General Chang T'so-Lin in evident su port of the treacherous Peking government*headed by Tuan Chi-J@i, the provisional president. The DAILY WORKER points out that the ‘alignment of forcé are now more sharply and clearly differentiated than when the Re’ Ward, mailed his story. On one side we find the forces of nationa liberation represented by the Kuomintang Party and the Canton South China government as factors on the national field, with the students, labor unions’ and ‘small shopkeepers in the Amalgamated Union of Commerce, Labor and Education in the Shanghai area. On the side of capitalist imperialism’ we'find not only the foreign ‘troops and forces, but their bribed and ‘subsidized allies, chiefly ‘the _troops of Chang Tso-Lin from the north, the yenal and vacillating “Peking government plainly influenced by imperialist diplomats of the type of the American minister, MacMurry, and the Shanghai Chaim ber of Commerce, Which Ward intimated Gf tbuc h more interested in its capitalist profits than in national liberation. The sharpening of the struggle between these forces may, we point out, bring more clearly into relief the fact that Rev. Ward ab- senred—that the fight for national liberation may take the form of the struggle between labor and capital, for the reason that only the proletariat is a really révolutionary class, willing to lead the fight and sacrifice to win—the historically rising class. If the ‘Irish Republicans boycotted, ‘spiritual establishments of. their bishops as well as they did the-landlords, they would not be obliged to beg the Pope for assistance. : Now that William Jennings Bryat,’ hab given a, complete ex! position of his ignorance there should- be no difficulty in electing) him presdient. ‘ager of an, important. been. arrested for in our last tes’ name and not age Anybody sending us thi cia! of ‘the, kn kiux klan #&ho has sodomy or grand aed will be $3.50 six months | Advertising rates on application. | York | y F. Ward, chairman of the American Civil Liberties Union and | “[eept of a fixed vonkistenaeoey 4 | alliancesy bet tlearly defined workin, on the lon the one The Pres sent Situation 9 4 movement. The recent wage reduc; tions, the stagnant industrial situ tion, the, defeat. of eyery, legislativ: (Continued from page: Bh) ernment is insisting on the execution of the Washington conferen¢e treaties in order to strengthen the position of the American capitalists particularly against the Japanese and the British \ interests. In pursuing ‘this imperialist policy the American government is at- tempting to hide its aggressive plans against the Chinese people by posing as a friend of China. In this hypooriti- | cal maneuver the American imperial- | ists are trying to undermine the grow- ing influence of the Soviet Union in the Far East and especially in China. ists and against the workers in every found disappointment of large masses of workers in the effectiveness not only of the old political parties, but also of the non-partisan methods of the trade union bureancracy and the “progres- sive” policies of LaFolletteism. The closer we approach the congressional elections of 1926, the more pronounced will become the political conscious- ness and activity of the American workers. The prospect of a strike in the anthracite regions, the resistance of the textile workers’ to! wage cuts, the ferment in the gatmént industry in resistance to Goverhor Smith's award, all indicate a stiffening in the resistance of the workifig class, These struggles are creating ‘increasingly favorable conditions for ‘this move- ment. independent working Class action | IV. The Political Situation in the United States. 1 Since the late imperialist war, * fundamental and radical changes have taken place in the economic structure, class composition, and class rélations in the United States. Amer- ican capitalism has become a world power. Finance capital with its im- perialist policies is dominating the life of the country. Large sections of the farmers have been expropriated¥ng the formation of a political pry in the recent agrarian crisis rian mass party—a labor part thrown into the ranks of the pt Defoming more urgent. tarlat, The tendency toward the ling process which took place durii the war thru the Isos, to a certain ex- tent, of their privileged position by the aristocracy of labor and the im- provement of the position of the un- skilled workers, The proletarianiza- tion of, the farmers, the influx of large masses of Negroes into industry, and the great diminution of immigration from Europe, have made the American working class more homogeneous thus creating the basis for a sharper and more conscious struggle of the work- ers against the capitalists. The in- creased centralization and power of the American government and the tremendous increase of the govern- mental bureaucracy, during and fol- lowing the late imperialist war, as compared with the pre-war period, and its continual brutal tmterference in the class struggle in favor of the cap- V. The Trade Union Move- ment. The trade union movement of the * United States éontinues on the downward grade. It¥s losing member- ship. It is weakening organizational- ly. And is generally losing much of its effectiveness as an organ of econ- omic struggle. The reactionary trade union bu- * reucracy met the open shop of- fensive of the capitalists with sche- nes of class collaboration instead of class struggle tactics. This false policy is responsible for the tendency toward degeneration of the trade un- ion movement. An intensive struggle against the class coflaboration sche- mes, such as labor banking, B. and O. italists and against the workers, is|Plan, arbitration, the. abolition of: gradually instilling political conscious- | Strikes, ete., is the best, means of re- néss into the minds of the masses and|juvenating and strengthening the _|18 creating the basis for a great po-| unions. Itical mass movement of the workers against the capitalists. The period of jubilation and con- * fidence in the camps of the cap- | italists, following the election of Cool- idge to the presidency, has largely evaporated. Instead of industrial pros- Derity, the country is approaching a period of depression. Conflicts and | fiction within the capitalist class, are again coming to the surface. Witness the: internal struggle in the ranks of the republican and democratic parties and the revival of disatisfaction with present conditions among the fi ers and the city petty bourgeoisie, / 3 A characteristic indication Uf the: internal conflicts within the bour-| Beoisie is the intensifying struggle! within the protestant churches be-[: tween the so-called fundamentalists and the modernists. The Scopes triat is only a more spectacular manifesta- tion of the general political disintegra- tion of the American bourgeoisie. As a result of the changes in the ‘bourgeoisie (centralization of the government, growth of government ap- paratus, greater intervention in strikes) and changes in the working class, a movement developes for the formation of a labor party, indicating the growing political consciousness of the American workers. Even. the breaking away of several millions of workers from the two old capitalist parties to support the candidacy of LaFollette indicated an advance in the development of the class conscious- ness of the American workers, 15 In the last election campaign the ;“* movement for the formation of a labor party was diverted into sup- | Port of the LaFollette petty bour- |geois progressive movement. The fol- lowing factors are contributing, to | ward a new forward swing of’ this The left-wing in the trade unions * is growing in number ‘and- influ- ence, Such successful struggles of the left-wing against the reactionaries as took place in recent months in the unions of the miners, machinists, car- penters, and needle trades, is suffi- cient proof of the growth. of the left- wing. in the trade union. The tre- mendous success of the minority movement in England and the gener- al turn to the left of the British labor movement, ate bound to exert a re- volutionary inflieénce ‘upon the labor Unijgd States. . The Situation ‘in the Workers Party, pee present situation in the Work- ers Party of America raises the following principle problem for solu- tion: The Workers Party, faces serious dangers from its right wing, the non- Communist Lore tendency, which tends to undermine. the Communist basis of the party. Another impediment to. the growth of the party and its becoming a real Bolshevik Party is its present social- democratic and federation form of or- ganization. The sooner the,party cen- tralized its apparatus and, completely reorganizes on, the shop nuglei basis, the better for its growth and develop- ment. Organized factionalism is a third sore in the body of the party. It not only denioralizes the membership but actually endangers the integrity and nity of the party. “The failure of a large percentage o| our proletarian members to join th trade unions and to actively partic’ pate in Communist work in these measure. favorable tq the working class, the continual interference of the government on the side of the capital- industrial conflict, and lastly, the pro- | anizations is a weakness which must e overcome, ‘And last, but not least, is the low egree of theoretical knowledge and ‘aining that prevails in our party, together with an insufficiently wide political outlook. does not ‘at, ‘the present time face aj the’ only ‘Sonletatt supporter » revolutiay, situation, The problem’ fighter for a labor party; (6) od | in the United States is to break the | pate‘in all non-partisan ma | bonds which still tie the working’| having trade union affiliation and ing 3 within them for a ‘labor party; om |} Utilize the slogan, "For a united labor ticket” as a step towards a labor par- ty?" (8) Build local and state labor ~ ‘parties on ‘the basis of mass trade! union support in accure with the spe- | cial central executive committee reso- lution on the labor party that will be submitted to the couveniton; (9) In © all this work guard against the pre- mature splitting of the left wing from — trade union non-partisan committees having mass support and rank and file — representation .and..the. formation of ‘labor parties consisting only ‘of: the Workers Party and its: sympathizing organizations. The labor: party, whe- ‘| ther local, state, or national, must be a genuine mass ,organization. ui ‘upon the mass trade unions, class ey conscious struggle for these interests fs & class. Our party must’ be the medium to unify the industrial struggles of the workers and to break the bonds which hold the workers in the political parties of their exploit- ers. The policy of the party in the present situation must have this main Objective—the awakening and the arousing of class consciousness for relentless class struggle against the capitalist system. VII. The Concrete Tasks of the Workers Party. BOLSHEVIZE THE PARTY. The * specific immediate measures to bolshevize the party are the follow- ing: a. Liquidate Loreism. This tend- ency must be liquidated politically in the sense thatthe party will wage a relentless struggle against Loreism and all other forms of opportunism. Enforce absolutely loyalty and disci- pline with regard to its own decisions and those of the C. I. Eradicate the conception that the W. P. is only a propaganda organ, no federation auto- nomy, full and complete control of the party press by the C. EK. C., and no oncessions to reformist prejudices non-Communist views. Organiza- jonally the Lore tendency must ‘be liqtiidated, in the sense that no re- presentative of the Lore or Poyntz group will be permitted on the next Cc. E, C., and that no leading party organ (committee of editorship) will be led by followers of the Lore tend- ency. b. Liquidate factionalism. No or- ganized factions; that is, no organized groups within the party having a pol- itical platform of its own as distinct from the party platform and owing allegiance or discipline to its own or- ganized group as against the party discipline. . All existing groupings shall be immediately dissolved. The next C. E. C. shall be authorized to impose measures of party discipline, including in the most extreme cases expulsion from the party, the main effort of the party shall be directed gainst the most dangerous manifesta- ions of such organized factionalism. b. Build. Communist fractions in c. .Reorganize the party on the|every union, shop nuclei basis and centralize its| c. Participate actively in the wor! apparatus and leadership in accord |jof the T. U. FE, L. and build Communis with «the organization letter of the dgactions within it. C. L-and the special resolution of the : C. E. C:to be submitted to the con- vention. d. Educate the party and its lead- ership in the fundamentals of Marxism id Leninism ». Widen the political outlook of the party. Educate and train the party to the understanding that the working class must be the leader in the struggle against every form of capitalist oppression and that the party must take cognizance of and renee to every manifestation of the struggle no how. 0] perficially 3 the padres struggle of the work better conditions of labor. 1. Extend and Intensify the Application of the United (Front Tactic: i a, Propagate continually the idea of a united:front of labor against ay united front of capital. b. ‘Take! the initiative in rerghilniog united front action from below o: every. burning issue in the.class stru; le, ¢. Expose the treachery of ‘thie! cond International and of the ré’ actionary trade union bureaucrats. opularize the ideas and principles of e Comintern and Profintern and”re- it members into the Workers Party?| d. Concentrate on the campaign for world trade union unity and for the recognition of Soviet Russia. e. Work systematically for a united front of labor on the political field with the aid of such slogans as a united labor ticket in parliamentary lections and a Labor Party, : Anti-Imperialism-and Anti+ Militarism. $$ — | a. Carry on a systematic and acti agitation against American impeérial- ism particularly in Latin-America. De- mand the withdrawal of American armed forces from foreign lands, |b. Combat. the new militaristic ~ wave and strive to develop a united front against the rising military caste in the United States, the new military. and naval appropriation, against, milit- ary training in the. s¢hools, camps, ete, ¢. Carry on an active agitation against the Dawes pian. ms d. Give active support to the actic vities of the All America Anti-Im: jalist League. . Trade Union Work. “6. International Labor Defense. To stimulate and support the ystallization of a progressive opwosi- bloc in the trade tunitons against the reactionary bureucracy. a. The party must continue to par ticipate actively in the work of the International Labor Defense and assist it to become a real mass organiza’ of the proletarian class struggle, fight- ing for the defense of working clams prisoners. "7. Work Among Negroes. The party shall actively support the struggle of the Negro race against all forms of racial discrimination and for complete economic political and social equality. b. The party must extend its acti- — ities among the Negro workers atti to recruit into its ranks the most @ scious elements from them. ¢.. The party shall continue its ac) ve participation in the calling an: milding of the American Negro Lab Fei sc on the~basis: of the a Carry on a systematic campaign in every.Jabor organization for a la- bor party. is campaign shall in- variably he based upon the immediate needs and.upom the economic and pol- itical struggles, of the working masse: b. A-central point in this agitat shall be,a,review of the political ex. periences ,ef the American wotkers mis tn Iiette movement and the é 2. wing lessons: the old political par- to. the,workers; (2) The total in- effectivéness,.and bankruptcy of. the non-partisam, methods of Gompers and a. the conferenge, for progressive politic- al action; (3) The intermediate posi- tion of the petty. bourgeoisie between the capitalist, class and the working class and the contradiction of its class interests both to the class interests of the bourgeoisie as well as to the class interésts of the working class which forcesthem to vacilate between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, | between apolitical alliance with the bourgeosie- or a political alliance with the proletariat. This vacillation of the petty bouregoisie manifested itself in the opposition of the LaFollette move- ment to the old capitalist parties on the one hand, and to the labor party movement on the other hand, prior to and during the last presidential elec. tions, etc., and in the break up of the conference for progressive political ac | :lass women in a national organiza- tion over the labor party issue; () The | sion. insincerity and treachery of the social e ist party in the labor party movement: (6) The role of the Workers Party a: The Party Press, The -coming party convention shall formulate and adopt an agrarian program laying down our demand: line.of policy, and forms of organi: tion for the agricultural workers and poor farmers, b. The central executive committee shall establish a special agrarian de- partment to be in charge of the party's _ agrarian work. $$ $$ 9. Work Among Women. eS a. The coming party conventi shall adopt a special program for work among women, b. The program shall provide for an intensive campaign to organize the women in industry and to unify the existing organizations of working. a. The existing daily organs of the party must be developed into real mass organs of the American workers. b. Special measures shall be adopt- ed to insure a completely central- ized party control (editorial, owner- ship, ete.) over all party publications. c. Speeia} care shall be taken to develop theoretical and scientific pub- lications. Al efforts shall be made to speed up the jesicaia of Lenin’s works. a. The incoming central executive committee shall continue and intensi- fy systematic campaign to recruit new members from among the workers in- to the party. b. There shall be developed a real organization department to extend and strengthen the party organization, c. In the United States our party, The central executive committee hall establish a special department of ork among women, ie following resolution was coon adopted by the Parity Com- ission for submission to the National Congpation of the Sori ray (Com- pmunist) Party: The Communist International has * given a correct definition of Lore- . Loreism is opportunism, It is a geable reactionary mass on the other it is quite natural that these elements see in every manouver of our party right wing deviation from the revolu- & useless action and ‘ait indefensible tionary Leninist line of the Comintern | adventure. and must therefore be relentlessly| ¢, Failure to understand the true combatted, role of the Workers (Communist) Par- te The chief characteristics of Lore- ty as a militant revolttionary organ- * ism as they manifested themsel-| ization of the workfié class. This ves in the development of our party | feature of Loreism manifests itself in are the following: & tremendous overeniPhasis of the a. An underestimation of the fun- propaganda functions of our party as damental changes in American capital-|against and to the extlusion of its ism since the late imperialist war and fighting role, its activ participation consequently a similar underestima- | in the political life and struggles of tion of the revolutionary potentialitis |the country. Opposition to the united of the presents day class struggle in |front tactics of the Comintern that the United States. This opportunistic | were presented by Loreism in the trait of Loreism has been finding re- early days of this policy, and opposi- fuge under such false pretenses as tion to political manouvers im general, “soberness” and “realism” in the ana- | both spring from the same opportu- lysis of economic and political condi-| nistic conception of the role of our tions, party, ». Another characteristic of Lore-| d. On the surface, | a slighting and ism is its complete lack of understand. sceptical attitude, but in reality a tun- ‘ing of class relations, The. ly un- damental. opposition 4p the agrarian Marxian Lassalean maxim of the “one | and colonial policies of.the Comintern. preactionary mass of non-proletarians” | This opportunistic attitude springs is for them the very essence of Marx. | trom a non-Leninist cppception of the ism. The attitude of this tendency | role of the proletariat in the class toward the farmers is deteymined by struggle, Loreism faily,to understand that incorrect maxim, With this con-|the objective need and possibility of n the working ‘class and the oppressed farmers and the colonjal peoples on 3 AN one hand and one unified and un Resolution on the Liquidation of Loreism of a young, growing Communist. party, the point has been reached when the overwhelming majority of the Party is ready to take a definite and clear _ stand against Loreism, *This by it- | self is a sign of the growh ‘maturi and Bolshevish 4 nf a the other hand, with their revolution: ary proletariat playing the leading role. e. Opportunistic compromises and deviations on the trade union field and in other working class non-partisan organizations. These deviations. take the form of struggle for office for the sake of the office to the total neglect of our main task which is to win the working masses of these organizations for the revolutionary class struggle and for the leadership of the Commun- ist Party. f. Concealed and open opposition to centralized party control of the acti- vities of party members inside the party and particularly in non-party organizations, Considered from this angle, Loreism means a social-demo- cratic distortion of the principles of Communist organization and Com- munist discipline. & A consistent sympathetic atti- tude and support for the right wing groups in the Communist Internation- al, (support of Serrati, Levi, Brandler and Trotskyism), h, An extreme readiness to make concessions to reformist prejudices and non-Communist views of politic- ally backward workers to the extent of onset, rare principles |; necessity ‘for a Communist party of combining’ légal with illegal work: | The Workers Party is in* full '* agreement with the thesis on’ Bo! shevization adopted at the last Paid of the Comimunist International which says: “The: Bolshevization of the parties must first’ of alb and above all: be directed“in* the fututre against these right wimg distortions which threaten to foikethe historic mission of ithe inority and unification of the t: Comintern?" > | |8roups on the basis of the- poli 4 ‘The-growth and Bolshevization, of And tactics of the Comintern. ‘our Party demand the complete A i Thru an intensive ideological and «thoro, liquidation of Loreigm, | paign against. Loreism, . the This « doubly necessary | in'{fed party will sucesed : in: wi view..of the. present world situation tntindiey Gaveiopenent which tends'{! to strengthen reformist illusions among certain sections of the prole- tariat. A truly Bolshevik party, free from the taint of opportunism, is the best and most effective means of * successful “hedldption of m is the liquidation of the .al struggle between the Majority. the Party not toysurrender a ine 4 worker to the ideological influence of Loreism,. Loreism must also be liquidated 8 rganizationally. This means no organized Lore or Poynt: | Witl be permitted to exist in gerous the additional Syidion in the sharpest nee of the antiquated sratic forms of organti @ reorganization of the is ready for the come} ra and “oreaisatoa j siadenne of, the Com. oe munist Interna J. Oppositi apib to under- ground (ill id an unwil- Ungness to understand the absolute me i . i % ie