The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 23, 1925, Page 4

age Four ~ "U.S. BUREAU HEAD PUTS ROSY VIEW ON LACK OF JOBS ‘Tells itaers +t to Become Farm Hands (Special to the Dally Worker.) WASHINGTON, D. C., May 21.— Francis I. Jones, director general of the U. 8S. employment service, en- @éavors to put a rosy view on the employment situation for the month of April. However, he has to admit that in coal mining, particularly the unemployment is growing rather than lessening. His best suggestion is that the minors leave home and get sea- sonal jobs on roads or farm work. He says nothing of the necessity of gov- ernment assistance to the starving miners. He states: Advises Miners to Become Seasonal Migratories. “The only disappointing feature of the major group is the bituminous coal mining industry,” he proceeds. | “Further reductions in employment ocourred in the majority of the bitu- minous mining states. The encour- aging feature is that many of the coal By @. ZINOVIEV. Ill. The Main Points in the Present Political Situation. (Continued from last issus.) IThe Situation In England Becom- Ing More Revolutionary Ww: come now to the next point, the situation in England. Here certain changes are to be observed. First of all, I will state that the Second Inter- national is gradually transferring its attention from Germany to England. This is a fact. With the formation of |the first, so-called labor government, —the MacDonald government — the |center of gravity of the Second Inter- national was removed to England. It seems to me comrades, that we are on the threshold of a period in which the center of gravity of the future de- velopment of the world revolution will |also gradually commence to shift to | England. The opportunists will ask: do you really think that robust, full-blooded, miners will be able to obtain employ-| conservative England has to fear re- ment on the. farms and on the large road building projects now being car- Tied on thruout the country. “The iron and steel industry eased up somewhat, but not to any alarm- ing extent. The textile industry is on the upward trend. Demands are gen- eral for all classes of farm help. The building program is broadening thru- out the country and there is practical- ly no unemployment among the build- ing tradesmen.” Thirty Per Cent Jobless. A report by Felix Morley of the editorial staff of the Baltimore Sun in- dicates that 30 per cent of the organ- ized bituminots miners are now un- employed. Does your friend subscribe to the DAILY WORKER? A&k him! [Gelperereererevererevererererevererere THE No. 4 WORKER CORRESPON- DENTS WHAT? WHERE? WHEN? ow? WHY? By Wm. F. Dunne. The first American book on this subject of increasing importance —with practical suggestions— written by the editor of the DAILY WORKER. LITTLE No. 3 PRINCIPLES OF COM- MUNISM Engels’ Original Draft of the Communist Manifesto. Translation and historical notes by Max Bedacht. The first appearance in English of a great historical document. No. 2 TRADE UNIONS IN AMERICA By Wm. Z. Foster, Jas. P. Can- non and Earl R. Browder, A history of the development of the organized labor movement and the left wing within it.... with its program. No. 1 CLASS STRUGGLE vs. CLASS-COLLABORATION By Earl R. Browder. A study of all the methods of capitalism and its supporters to rt the workers from struggle thru the labor banks, insurance schemes, B, & O. plan and work- ers’ education. i * 10c Each (Twelve copies for a dollar) Daily Worker Publishing Co. 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, III, volution? Those who look upon things superficially are hypnotized by the full-bloodedness of British capitalism. But a pupil of Marx'and Engels can- not but see that the power of the Bri- tish bourgeoisie is seriously threaten- ed from three directions. The first is the dominions. The second is the re- volutionary character which the labor movement is assuming and the third is the Orient. IHE place of the conservative gov- ernment in England can no longer be taken by a liberal government. There are only two great forces in England today: The conservatives and the labor party. If the conserva- tives will have to make way for an- other party, that party will not be the liberal party, but the labor party. For that reason the position taken up by the British labor party is of enorm- ous importance. The gradual trans- formation of the labor party is ob- vious. Not less obvious is the growth of its left wing. These facts indicate that full-blooded, conservative Eng- land is standing on a volcano. The situation in England does not show symptoms of increasing stability, but on the contrary, is continuously be- coming more revolutionary. Antagonisms Between England and France HE sixth point—the relation be- tween England and France. Here too antagonisms exist. A conflict ‘is going on for the domination of Eu- rope. Both states at the present time are, in a certain degree, dependent upon American imperialism, which is striving to play off one against the other, rousing mutual conflicts be- tween them and at the same time rousing conflicts between the two and other states. The situation in France is not in the least stabilized. The Herriot government, politically, has outlived its time. In order to prolong its life, it must abandon the very sense and content of its life. The French proletariat has increased numerically. The party of the prole- tariat has grown also. Work is being commenced in the colonies and among the peasantry. | The Situation in the Balkans 'N several countries, in Roumania, Bulgaria, Yugo-Slavia, there are in my opinion three revolutionizing fac- tors: (1), the peasant movement, (2), the national movement and (3), the labor movement. The interaction of these three factors is of extreme im- portance, and this interaction is visible. Sometimes we are told that the fight is being conducted too half- heartedly; that the counter-revolu- tion in these countries has become stronger. However, the dialectics of history teach us that sometimes, Precisely at the moment when the counter-revolution appears to have reached its culminating point, it turns out that the revolution is near, preci- sely at such a moment, counter-revo- lution is substituted by revolution. That the national movement, the peas- ant movement and the labor move- ment in these countries bear a mass character there is not the slightest doubt. The Yugoslav government may annul the mandates of from 60 to 80 peasant deputies, and from the “con- stitutional” point of view, this may seem a mere bagateile. But such things cannot be done with impunity: The discontent of the masses is mere- ly driven down deeper. For that reason we Communists, in estimating the position in the Balkans, will not allow ourselves to be deceived with what we see on the surface. Super- ficially, the reaction appears to be omnipotent. At a first glance it may appear that the government in Yugo- Slavia has crushed the Raditch move- ment. If we look deeper, however, we shall be compelled to admit that the position of the Balkan government is still shaky and is not approaching stability in the least degree. 'N Germany we see the greatest changes, The tactics of our party with regard to the Dawes plan were International Prospects an correct, The international approves these tactics,—although| ‘it was clear from the beginning that, even with correct tactics we, for atime, would not be able to achieve considerable successes. We are concerned with adopting a line of tactics' which would show to the proletariat that in the perspective of historical development, our point of view is correct. At the present moment the working class of Germany is in a position in which it sees the “favorable” side of the Dawes® plan. There has been a revival of industry, an influx of cap- ital, the currency has become stabi- lized. The exploitation of Germany by the entente, however, continues. the time will come when antagonisms will become more acute on other grounds. We openly stated in the press,—and I think this created quite a sensation—that the revolutionary situation which prevailed in Germany in 1923 does not obtain in 1925. I am afraid, comrades, that this assertion may cause considerable misunder- standing. No doubt some comrades will say: So! There is no clearly ex- pressed revolutionary situation? That is exactly what we wish to establish. Consequently, the whole tactics of the Communist International and the German party are wrong? E must frankly state the facts. Harbouring illusions has never been of any benefit to the revolution. tin Germany at the present moment | there ts not a direct revolutinoary si- tuation; we recognize and analyze this fact. But this of course, does not imply the cessation of the class strug- gles in Germany. The class war in Germany has not ceased, and will not cease. Recent events confirm this. It is sufficient to recall the shooting down of the workers by the police in Halle. Read the reports in Rote Fahne of the demonstrations organ- ized in connection with the events in Halle. We see that the class war is being carried into the streets. A fresh wave of economic strikes is breaking out. Consequently the struggle in Germany is continuing. Moreover, this is not the class struggle that was fought in pre-war days, but the class struggle of the post-war periods, i. e. always and invariably bearing the seed of civil war. On the other hand, this struggle is not conducted in the spirit, of 1923, but in the spirit of 1925, which has its specific features. The changes which have taken place in Germany are most striking. Soon, the Dawes’ plan will have caused greater acuteness in the class strug- gle, which will not become blunted even if it drags on for several years. Again and again it will become acute on continually new grounds. The Situation in Poland, Italy Czecho-Slovakia and Scandinavia N Poland, the situation is the same as that in the Balkans. Strong peasant movements, strong move- m@pts among the national minorities, which represent parts of the peasant movement, and also a strong labor movement. Consequently, in Poland also the combination of these three factors is in operation. A superficial investigation may lead to the conclu- sion that an improvement has taken place in the position of the Polish bourgeoisie, but the three factors men- tioned above should not be lost sight of. A word or two more concerning Italy. We have not yet succeeded in overcoming fascism there. Several weeks ago it seemed that Mussolini was approaching his end. It turned out not to be the case. But, the posi- tion of Italy is shaky, unstable and pregnant with everytihng in the world but consolidation, OW with regard, to Czecho-Slova- kia. The position of the bourge- oisie there is such that it can find no constitutional way out of the diffi- culties in which it is immersed. The coalition is breaking-up, and this is becoming more marked as time goes on. Here, as in Poland and in the Balkans, we observe the inter-action of the same three factors. It is true that the peasant movement and the movement of the national minorities also is weaker than in the previously mentioned countries. But on the other hant, the third factor, the labor move- ment is much stronger in Czecho-Slo- vakia than in the other countries. As for Scandinavia, these “blessed” lands of the petty-bourgeoisie where the reigns of government are still in the hands of social-democrats, it is characteristic that even in these coun- tries, the class struggle is becoming more acute. The idyll has come to an end, The sharp cli struggles which we have witnessed in Scandina- via recently, particularly in Norway, and recently also in Sweden and Den- mark, testify to the growing acuten of class antagonisms in the Scandina- vian countries. he Attraction of the International Proletariat towards the U. 8. S. R. is Increasing IMULTANEOUSLY with this the power of attraction of the U. 8. 8. R. is increasing steadily. We must ad- mit that for a little while, particularly in the period of the famine, this power of attraction diminished some- what. At the present time, however, an opposite tendency is observed. The movement in favor of sending nu- merous trade union delegations to the U. 8. 8. R. is only, mmencing ¢ oe THE DAIL¥=WORKE and will no doubt grow. h. attracts representatives of social democratic and non-party worker ffom other countries to us? An\ingtinct that ge- nuine socialistic construction has com- menced in the U. S. S. R. These dele- gates reason to themselves approxim- ately as follows) We have proceeded by different paths to those followed by Russia; we follow the social demo- crats. What have we achieved? Econ- omically, our position is very bad, In Russia, the proletariat took what is, indeed, the thorny path, the path of blood and civil war. But, the Russian workers have already achieved much. The consciousness of this is awaken- ing in the minds of the social-demo- cratic workers and from now on will become more fixed. Objectively Revolutionry. O sum up, I would say: we must not separate Germany from the general picture, although we for @ long time imagined that the fevolu- tion there was imminent. We must analyze the world situation as a whole and estimate it at its real value. We are a party of the world revolution, and not of the Russian revolution, or German revolution. For that reason, our estimation of the situation must embrace the world situatin as a whole. Thus, in summing up, we must say: on certain sectors of the front the fight is no longer raging with the same heat that it raged in 1923. Al- though there is no armistice never- theless, as compared with 1923, the fight on certain sections of the front (Germany) has temporarily subsided. Nor is there an acute revolutionary situation in Western and Central Eu- rope. But, with regard to the world posi- tion as a whole, as before, it remains revolutionary. The Orient is advan- cing more determinedly than we sup- posed. The influence of the Commun- ist International is increasing and the idea of world revolution is becoming more and more popular there. Great Britain is more shaken than it seemed to us up till now. Karl Marx consider- ed that a revolution without Great Britain would be but a storm in a tea- cup. If we place the position of Great Britain in juxtaposition to the posi- tion in Germany, and also take into consideration the progressive awaken- ing of the Orient with its nine hun- dred milfion inhabitants, we will see that the factors retarding the revolu- tion and the factors stimulating the revolution, approximately balance each other. Consequently, comrades, the gener- al position is that, yas#hitherto, we must reckon upon a twofold possibili- ty; we must in.future construct our tactics on the lines indicated in the resolution of the) Fifth International congress and differentiate them ac- cording to’ the requirements of each country,—taking into + consideration the possibility of both: a prolonged and an accelerated development of the class struggle: From the point of view of our fundamental aims, there are not the slightest grounds for pessim- ism. [A Wrong Estimation of the Situa- tion Leads to Anti-Leninist Deviations HE Comrades who, from a wrong estimation of the rapprochement between England and America, draw pessimistic conclusions are directly faced with the danger of the begin- ning of a revision of the Leninist theory of imperialism. These com- rades, frequently, are prepared to vote for any resolution, and to call them- selves Leninists, but, they refuse to understand that when it is necessary to apply Leninism, they frequently commence to revise the most import- ant and fundamental parts of Lenin- ism. Those who strive to show that the rapprochement between America and England must lead to the conversion of Europe into a dominion of the United States and to the removal of the antagonigms in Europe, by this repeat what Kautsky said in 1915 on the question of ultraimperialism 1 do not wish to make extensive quota- tions and I refer you to Lenin’s article in the collection entitled “Against the Stream” and to his controversy with Kautsky in his book “imperialism, the Modern Stage of Capitalism.” Lenin, in anticipation as it were, replies to the very questions which are now being put by the representatives of the right wing. I will quote merely one passage from the above-mention- ed book. F a similarly conservative char- acter, as we have seen above, is Kautsk: notorious theory of ‘ultra-imperialism.’ Indeed, it is sufficient to compare generally known and indisputed facts to become convinced how false is the perspective with which Kauts- ky is attempting to imbue the Ger- man workers and the workers of all countries, Take India, Indo-China, and China, It is known that these three colonial and: semt-colonial countries, having a population vary- ing from five hundred to seven hun- dred millions, are exploited by the finance capital of a tew imperialist states: England, France, Japan, United States, etc. Let us assume that these imperialist countries make alliances pps each other for the purpose of protecting or ex- eek anpeenetatr R pending their possessions, interests and ‘spheres of influence’ in the Asiatic countries mentioned. These alliances would be “interimperial- ist” alliances. Let us assume that the imperialist states form an alli- ance for the “peaceful” partition of these Asiatic countries. This would be “the international combination of finance capital.” Practical examples of such alliances are to be found in the history of the 20th century, for example in the attitude of the pow- ers towards China. The question arises is it “conceivable, while pre- serving the capitalist system (and this is the assumption Kautsky makes) that such alliances can be anything but shortlived? That they could exclude friction, conflicts and struggles in a multitude of forms? iss is sufficient to present the question clearly, to make it im- possible for any other reply to be given to this question except in the negative; for under capitalism, no other basis for the partition of spheres of influence, interests, col- onies, etc. exists except the calcu- lation of forces of those taking part in the division, viz., economic, finan- cial, military, etc. and the forces of those taking part in the division, do not change equally, for an even rate of development of individual enter- } prises, trusts, branches of industry and countries under capitalism is impossible. Half a century ago, Germany was insignificant in com- parison with the capitalist power of England ‘at that time. The same comparison can be made between Japan and Russia. Is it conceivable that within the next decade or two, the present relations between the imperialist states will remain un- changed? It is absolutely inconce- ivable. “Consequently, “inter imperialistic’ or ‘ultra-imperialistic’ alliances, ir- rispective of the form in which-they may be concluded: either the form of the coalition of one group of im- perialist poWers against the coali- tion of another group, or in the form of a general alliance of all the im- perialist powers, must inevitably be only ‘respites’ between wars. “Peaceful alliances prepare for wars and in their turn grow out of wars. They mutually determine each other, give rise to changes in the peaceful and non-peaceful struggles arising out of one and the same cause of the imperialist ties and in- ter-relations of world economy and world politics.” (V. I. Lenin. Collected Works. Vol. XIII, pp. 328, 329, Russian Edition). OMRADES, we could use the same words today in reply to ur “pro- phets” who so over-estimate the im- portance of the rapprochement be- tween England and America which in their opinion shoutd almost abolish re- volution. Radek asserts that the democratic pacifist “era” has not yet passed away. It is true that MacDonald has left the stage, but, in the opinion of Radek, pacifism still remains. How does Ra- dek arrive at this conclusion? Simply by regarding every situation in which war is not being actually conducted as pacifism. But imperialism requires respites between wars during which to prepare for fresh wars. Although war is not actually being conducted at the present moment, nevertheless, We see masked preparations for future wars. We must have the greatest clarity on this question. In Decem- ber 1922, Comrade Lenin wrote: “We must take the present con- flicts, even the most insignificant, and use them as illustrations to show how war may break out, any day as a consequence of the differ- ences between England and France concerning some detail in their treaty with Turkey or between America and Japan, concerning some trifling difference, over a Pa- cific question, or between any large powers over colonial disputes, cus- toms policy, commercial policy, etc. ete.” (“Bolshevik,” a journal of the Cen- tral Committee of the Russian Gom- munist Party, No. 2, 1924, p. 18.) HIS is how Lenin estimated the situation even before the end of 1922, when the situation generally seemed perfectly clear. He assumed that fresh wars might arise. not only as a consequence of the important an- tagonisms between England and America, but even over such ques! ions as customs and commercial po- licy. This is precisely the character of “pacifist” imperialism as a whole, Fresh wars may break out over most insignificant question, That is why we must resolutely repudiate even the most cautious and masked attempt to alga the Leninist theory of imperial- ism. I repeat: The general world situa- tioh remains objectively revolution- ary, in spite of the fact that in sey- eral countries, as for example in Ger- many, an immediate revolutionary si- tuation no longer exists, The Fifth national congress, quite correctly estimated the situation. Our former tactics remain in force to this day. (To be continued) : Eat at the GLOBE CAFETERIA Best Foods at Moderate Prices. 14th STREET, COR, IRVING PLACE (Opposite New York Party Headquarters) Bolshevization ‘Hom, We lee end We ‘ditor’s Note:—This paper ho work nnd. sweat und under workers, DAILY WORKE TO US. will he as often as the will y the workers and for th the workers. of this country where labor is being exploited for private gai ‘We want the workers and farmers all over the country to read the R. In order to make it more interesting and be able better pg the life of se wide Sy vines manne WE WA: ‘tmen' nee nee epee for the workers, poor farmers and ent system of society. It is a paper ‘We want to reach 'T OUR READERS “HOW WE LIVE AND WORK” @ sufficient letters from our readers about 9 under which our masses struggle. the life and working condition: Try to make the letters Ker phar bringing out facts which may not be known to workers in other sections of the country. Ty to make them short and to the On the Trail of Job YOUNG MAN: assist In cutting room, Underwear factory; $20 start; good opportunity; bring reference. Elsenkramer, 457 Broome 8t. they arrived (three of them) they started dispersing the crowd. Some of the fellows sneaked upstairs and the rest went down. One fellow on the stairs happened to turn around which caught the cop’s eye and he was told to keep moving and not turn ‘HE above is the advertisement 1| 4round, or he'll punch him on the answered Monday morning. I ar- rived there at 7 o’clock and there were ten (10) fellows waiting already. The first question always asked by a new arival is, “has the boss come yet?” that is constlored as an introducticn and a conversation arises by counter-questions. The noise and conversstions grew as the crowd accumulated and in about 15 minutes there were about 60 fellows standing all over the steps and hall waiting for the boss. About 8 o’clock, a girl who probably took care of opening the place in the mornings, came and when the crowd saw her going towards the door, there was a general rush, and remarks such as “line forms to the right and left, don’t all rush at once; you'll all get the job, etc,” floated around the air. When they got inside, you could have seen how many were there for the job, over 100 fellows. Every time the door opened, all eyes were turned fh that direction to see who it was. Another few moments went by and an employe happened to come in, it was lucky for him that the men’s room was near the door, otherwise he would have been mobbed. Seeing such crowds near each department, he tried to get them into the hall to wait, but no one moved. ¢ » At 9 o'clock the boss came and everybody started for him but he would not speak to anyone in there. He said that he already had someone, and nobody moved even at that; they crowded all the more about him, knowing full well that he was not tell- ing the truth. As he couldn’t do any- thing he sent for the police. When teeth, backing his threat up with’a raise of his fist and shovimg half’ a dozen of us over each offer. A few of us waited downstairs and We saw the cops come down carrying a few packages which they placed in the rear of their two seated lizzie and * then waited until most of us left. There were 200 or that many when we were chased from upstairs’ and about 10 were still there when I left, —M. Mariash. Cotton Prices Drom Cotton opened unchanged to 7 points lower ‘today. May opened at 2340, unchanged; July 2350, down 5; Oct. 2215, down 3; Dec. 2228, down 7; Jan. 2228, down 2. Dr S. ZIMMERMAN DENTIST" NIA Al © ARMITA MY NEW LOCATION Special X-Ray: rices _ to Gas Workers Given ESTABLISHED 12 YEARS. + My Examination Is Free My Prices Are Reasonable My Work Is Guaranteed Extracting Specialist DELAY MEANS DECAY THEY TAKE THE SHIRT RIGHT OFF YOUR BACK— AND PICK YOUR POCKETS CLEAN! —— a Who “they” are—and how it is being done ryday —how and where and why and when the worker is’ robbed of what he produces— All this can be found only in the pages of the DAILY WORKER. Show this copy of the DAILY WORKER to your shop- mate or the mem a sub. r of your union and get (or give) him If you send a full year’s sub during the SECOND ANNUAL SUB CAMPAIGN (until June 15) You will receive WITHOUT, CHARGE a six month's sub to the Workers Monthly or a Loose-Leaf Leather binder with patent clasp, pockets for receipts and note-paper for your use (including a Aull des- criptive catalog of all Communist publications.) 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